White Supremacy

The basic thesis of this paper is that, by assigning discipleship the same starting point as Christology, Bonhoeffer provides an account in which, on the one hand, the task of Christology is an act of discipleship, and, on the other hand, discipleship is grounded in and shaped by Christology. Thus, I will argue that by attending to Bonhoeffer’s Christology of the counter Logos a corresponding understanding of discipleship emerges in which harmful conceptions of self and group identity must be consistently challenged and broken down. As a case study, I will look at how this plays out in relation to white supremacy in the church.

White supremacism and anti-government violent groups in the United States has seen a rapid increase in the last five to ten years, with its rhetoric being brought to the front line of American politics. Despite a decrease in actual major attacks in the last two years, far-right clandestine groups with violent aspirations have proliferated since, approximately 2018 with the Pittsburgh synagogue shooting. The most recent administration shift has seen the fight against terrorism with these foundations set as a priority in the long term to avoid further anti-democratic attacks such as the January 2021 raid on the Capitol which could carry more violent consequences. Despite what seems as an un-organized, multi-focused extremist movement uncapable of carrying out terrorist acts per se, the re-interpretation of their violence or threat of its use may have the same effects or lead to larger and deadlier consequences, thus targeting the core groups and armaments with law enforcement efforts could avoid further expenses and losses for a longer term. The present paper will analyze the level of threat that the different groups pose nowadays, or could pose in the future, to American national security, the actions taken in its regard and their possibilities of success and adequacy.

Though distant in subject, structure and narrative voice, these two novels, Herman Melville‘s Moby-Dick and Toni Morrison‘s Beloved, share unexpected common ground. Both are remarkable for their breathtaking poetic treatment of suffering, brutal exploitation and killing. Both weave their narrative fabric in the rich territory where the struggle for survival overlaps with a desperate will to break barriers. And both, somehow, amidst the carnage, create an opening through which reaches the presence of the divine.

The rise of far-right parties in many parts of the world threatens the work of human rights and social justice NGOs. That far-right messaging and movements are polarizing political debates is clear; there is less clarity about the affective appeals and cognitive frames deployed to engineer this polarization. This report was commissioned to examine the ways in which varying narratives and tropes of masculinity and femininity have both shaped and been used by the far-right in its mobilization of support and polarization of debate. It follows the academic literature in identifying ethnonationalism as the unifying ideology of a heterogeneous political tendency that can be collectively referred to as the “far- right”. The use of the descriptor “far-right” also serves to designate those parties and formations which have engineered the entry of extremism into the mainstream, by rejecting both the traditional center-right establishment in politics and the violent extremism of openly anti-democratic groups and individuals. The nativism and authoritarianism of the far-right should be regarded as a “pathological normalcy” and a “radicalisation of mainstream values.” The analyses and recommendations presented in this report are based on a review of the available a​n​g​l​o​p​h​o​n​e literature on the far-right, as referred to above. This was supplemented with a review of recent documentation of Oxfam’s work on gender justice and its programming with men and boys in particular, and key informant interviews with Oxfam staff involved with gender programming to identify their concerns about the rise of the far-right, and what this might mean for Oxfam’s work on issues of masculinities.

This article presents White social justice archetypes identified applying
extended case study methods over 6 years at two Predominantly White
Institutions (PWIs) in the USA. Primary data collection was conducted
during public departmental and program meetings, supported by meeting
minutes and the documentation of counter White-hegemonic narratives
through critical incident journaling. White scholar social justice
archetypes were interpreted applying Critical Whiteness Studies (CWS)
and Critical Race Theory (CRT) lens to conversational and metaphor analysis
using Witnessing–Interpreting–Knowing protocols. This research is
in response to a growing number of White scholars, entering the field
of CRT, identifying as ‘Crit’ social justice scholars without using CRT as a
lens to interrogate their role in perpetuating White Supremacist ‘racial
ideology in the composition and culture of American Institutions
[i.e. Higher Education]’) .

Critical race theory (CRT) provides a highly generative perspective for studying racial phenomena in social, legal, and political life, but its integration with sociological theories of race has not been systematic. However, a group of sociologists has begun to show the relevance of CRT for driving empirical inquiry. This special issue (our first of two on the subject) shows the relevance of CRT for sociological theory and empirical research. In this introduction, we identify primary concerns of CRT and show their sociological utility. We argue that CRT better explains the long-standing continuity of racial inequality than theories grounded in the "progress paradigm," as CRT shows how racism and White supremacy are reproduced through multiple changing mechanisms.

Given that this article has been withdrawn by Taylor and Francis and the Editor of Third World Quarterly, I have preserved it here for reference.

I am not the author of this publication, nor do I endorse its content.

This publication is shared for educational purposes only.

June 6, 2021 The genocide in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region has been going on for seven months now. The UN is doing nothing and the slaughter continues. To understand events there one must examine the context in which they were created.
The past 500 years of colonialism and even world politics today are very easy to understand. Euro-American colonialists are inherently white supremacist to give them a unifying bond, uniformly amoral and totally capitalist. Over time they realized its easier to get the “colored savages” to fight each other rather than waste good white boys on the effort so they became masters at dividing indigenous groups within the Americas, Asia and Africa, setting them upon each other, then rolling in later on to “clean up the mess” and totally take over while congratulating themselves on their kindness.
The First Italo-Ethiopian War 1895 – 1896 in which the Italians claimed the entire country of Ethiopia as their own was bad enough, but then the Second Italo-Ethiopian War from 1935 – 1937 saw 200,000 Italian soldiers invade proving what a totally ineffectual entity the League of Nations (1920 - 1946) truly was, precisely the same as the modern so-called United Nations.
What the foreign invaders were really after was a solid base in East Afrika, and specifically the Ethiopian Highlands, the largest continuous elevated area on the continent, sometimes called the “Roof of Africa.” The highlands mountain areas extend from central and northern Ethiopia north into Eritrea. Those are deliciously cool and beautiful lands far better suited to the more delicate European constitutions than the deserts, Savannah and tropics found elsewhere in Afrika along with all manner of fearsome wildlife including those horrid malaria carrying mosquitos.
Jumping forward in time a bit we find the USA with an urgent “existential need” of some kind to rule the entire world forever that looks upon the ancient land of Ethiopia with distain. Myopically addicted to fragmenting and dominating all nations of the earth in perpetuity, the clever but not wise directors of American foreign policies have decreed Ethiopia needs a good war to break it down some more, as if the droughts and endemic poverty brought about by predatory Euro-American aggression in Afrika weren’t enough.
So, the ever-so-clever but avaricious American foreign policy makers locked the former dominant political party called the TPLN located in the northern ancient holy Tigray region into power for an overly long time while feeding their corruption, and at the same time fed anger and resentment towards them from all directions, Eritrea to the north, and the other Ethiopian political parties to the south.
- This short brutally honest satire is an alternative introduction to the much more detailed and analytic article I posted on Academia.edu yesterday titled: Made in Amerika - Genocide in Ethiopia - A four-part article series. That the UN does nothing is not surprising, however it's astonishing to me that so few people seem to even care about another genocide. Is only 20,000 innocents slaughtered too insignificant to call your Congressional representatives and demand the UN send in peacekeepers?

Confederate monuments figure prominently as epicenters of social conflict. These stone and metal constructs resonate with the tensions of modern America, giving concrete definition to the ideologies that divide us. Confederate monuments alone did not generate these feelings of aggravation, but they are far from innocent. Rather than serving as neutral objects of public remembrance, Confederate monuments articulate a narration of the past that forms the basis for a normative vision of the future. The story, told through the character of a religious mythos, carries implicit sacred convictions; thus, these spires and statues are inherently theological.

In Cut in Stone, Ryan Andrew Newson contends that we cannot fully understand or disrupt these statues without attending to the convictions that give them their power. With a careful overview of the historical contexts in which most Confederate monuments were constructed, Newson demonstrates that these "memorials" were part of a revisionary project intended to resist the social changes brought on by Reconstruction while maintaining a romanticized Southern identity. Confederate monuments thus reinforce a theology concerning the nature of sacrifice and the ultimacy of whiteness. Moreover, this underlying theology serves to conceal inherited collective wounds in the present.

If Confederate monuments are theologically weighted in their allure, then it stands to reason that they must also be contested at this level―precisely as sacred symbols. Newson responds to these inherently theological objects with suggestions for action that are sensitive to the varying contexts within which monuments reside, showing that while all Confederate monuments must come under scrutiny, some monuments should remain standing, but in redefined contexts. Cut in Stone represents the first detailed theological investigation of Confederate monuments, a resource for the larger collective task of determining how to memorialize problematic pasts and how to shape public space amidst contested memory.

Days after taking the White House, Donald Trump signed three executive orders—these authorized the Muslim Ban, the border wall, and ICE raids. These orders would define his administration’s approach toward noncitizens. An essential primer on how we got here, Bans, Walls, Raids, Sanctuary shows that such barriers to immigration are embedded in the very foundation of the United States. A. Naomi Paik reveals that the forty-fifth president’s xenophobic, racist, ableist, patriarchal ascendancy is no aberration, but the consequence of two centuries of U.S. political, economic, and social culture. She deftly demonstrates that attacks against migrants are tightly bound to assaults against women, people of color, workers, ill and disabled people, and queer and gender nonconforming people. Against this history of barriers and assaults, Bans, Walls, Raids, Sanctuary mounts a rallying cry for a broad-based, abolitionist sanctuary movement for all.

Frederick Douglass’ Narrative of his emancipation from slavery suggests the distress that agitates white men accustomed to power whenever their social authority is questioned or contested. In each episode in the narrative, there is an evident threat to the power dynamic emboldening white slaveholders and oppressing African-American slaves. These threats, as a consequence, compel the slaveholders to suppress the slaves through violent and dehumanizing means, thus protecting the historical dominance of white men in society. Antagonistic characters like Captain Anthony and Mr. Covey represent the extreme hatred of a cultural institution known as “Angry White Men,” a group that sociologist Michael Kimmel describes by referring to the theory of relative deprivation. The resentment fueling the actions of these men is rooted in their perception of themselves as the true victims of relative deprivation.

These five articles were written by late 2009.  They were my first analysis linking William S. Lind’s Fourth Generation Warfare strategy to John Tanton’s anti-immigration movement; the anti-immigration movement to the white nationalist or white supremacist movement; showing how the Christian Right took over the primary vehicle of the anti-immigration movement, namely, the Minutemen Civil Defense Corps; and, showing that William S. Lind’s role, beyond developing the Fourth Generation Warfare strategy, has during the time period of this initial study (2005-2009) written strategic assessments in the form of brief articles that, when combined with Thomas Chittum’s book, Civil War II: The Coming Breakup of America, give insight into how the Patriot militia movement may have perceived the strategic situation.  As my first analytical attempt, no doubt there are errors of judgement.  But, this analysis drove me to understand the Christian Right—thus the first book that will be published here is on the Christian Right—and the Patriot militia.  The latter is the topic of the second book, of which several draft chapters have already been posted to academia.edu.  The third book covers the Tea Party movement.

Between 1976 and 1988 organized White supremacist groups targeted the Marquette Park section of Chicago, seeking to mobilize the predominantly White residents to block integration. One local pro-integration group, the Southwest Community Congress, (SCC) successfully reframed the debate in the neighborhood and swayed public opinion against the violence encouraged by the organized racist groups. This detailed history of the conflict, by a participant-observer who advised SCC, shows how both racist and anti-racist social movement organizations mobilized resources, sought to open and close political opportunities, and framed issues and grievances to appeal to multiple audiences. Frame theory is used to identify seven different competing frames contending for allegiance in the community.

" If I lie in a lawsuit involving the fate of my neighbor's cow, I can go to jail. But if I lie to a million readers in a matter involving war and peace, I can lie my head off, and, if I choose the right series of lies, be entirely irresponsible. " Liberty and the Press, Walter Lippmann " Photographs have the kind of authority over imagination today , which the printed word had yesterday, and the spoken word before that. They seem utterly real. They come, we imagine, directly to us without human meddling, and they are the most effortless food for the mind conceivable. […] The shadowy idea becomes vivid; your hazy notion, let us say, of the Ku Klux Klan, thanks to Mr. Griffiths, takes vivid shape when you see the Birth of a Nation. […] I doubt whether anyone who has seen the film and does not know more about the Ku Klux Klan than Mr. Griffiths, will ever hear the name again without seeing those white horsemen. " Public Opinion, Walter Lippmann The three lectures cover three stages of the epistemological paradigm-change that the technical invention of the telecommunication of recorded movement ushered in at the turn of the twentieth century. The lectures present new evidence and arguments about the collaboration of Griffith and Wilson as well as about Hitchcock's authorship of the first Holocaust documentary and contain close-reading of cinematic examples from the films discussed.

Queer conspiracy theories, white supremacy, neoliberal feminism, and sick beats; Way more fun than driving a new Maserati down a dead end street. See the project here: https://mjherrup.com/2019/09/28/31-short-lectures-about-taylor-swift/ 

And a nice companion post on Tumblr here: https://somanysigns-somanytimes.tumblr.com/post/628455820923977728/the-13-queer-tropes-of-taylor-swift-ive

U.S. education is built upon a system of Whiteness, entrenched in White supremacy culture, and defended by White fragility. Within this framework, even a publicly-recognizable event intended to center Blackness, the celebration of Black History Month, reinscribes White supremacy. Through the decontextualized presentation of select Black heroes and the use of pedagogies that position White teachers as authority figures who regulate the presence of Blackness, and without drawing attention to the White supremacist cultural norms that are the foundation for U.S. society, students can walk away from Black History Month with a reinforced belief in White supremacy. In order to disrupt White supremacy, White teachers must be grounded in the principles of critical race theory. White teachers must take a knee against normative Whiteness and develop as ‘abolitionist teachers’. Those teachers who choose to persist with pedagogical approaches that devalue Blackness and support White supremacy cannot claim good intentions; choosing to center and celebrate Blackness is the path to racial justice.

My main research is titled blue blood is black blood (1100-1848)(2005) and states that Europe began as a Black, a North African civilization, but was whitened in 1848, when the Black elite gave power and citizenship, as well as human rights to the pinks or whites, immigrants of central Asia, who became a majority. These Blacks were for the meantime defined as black Caucasian, only externally degenerated, and given time to become light skinned or white, by marrying light skinned elites. Black Athena by Martin Bernal has become a important source, but he did not get at the thruth why history had to be whitened first, to make the transfer of power invisible. So, it remained a state secret till 2005, when I started writing and publishing about the brown and black faces of the European elite, royalty, nobility and bourgeoisie, of persons presented to us as whites. With my latest ouvrage titled Review of sources, I explore my scholarship and collected all pieces written from 2005, to show how my insight matured. The old pieces are amended by notes marked ; Marrakech, 2015. A researches does not simply copy sources, he mentions them and shows why there is a need for new research, where the old science fails. So, naming a source can lead to misunderstandings by the reader as often im my research a source is also a source for not giving certain information, for not asking a certain question, for not digging deeper. When Alison Macqueen wrote about; the Cult of Rembrandt in 19th century France, she forgot to mention that in order to arrive at a new esteathism, all old master portraits had to be restored, and the figures were over painted beige, pink and white: in order to give the pink majority, newly emancipated and given human rights and the right to vote: a history. As if they were always citizens of Europa, and founders of the European Civilization. They were not. Lately I realize that I am perceived as a heretic, and people try to purge science of my researches. The usb stick containing the first edition was purged at the Royal Library in The Hague, saying I tried to upload virusses. They deleted the whole publication, containing all the pieces I worked on in the same library for 10 years. A reconstruction of the lost publication by downloading of the beginnings of the articles, and when I tried to print, again raised an alarm. But I could print elsewhere whithout a hitch. Now I am banned for two years from the library on a ridiulous charge. But I can study noble culture in Morocco, and monitor the waging holocaust that will go wild in June 2015.

The Confederacy whispers across the psyche of America like a corpse that refuses to die. Its ghosts hamper our forward movement and prevent our culture from truly embracing the science and new thinking needed to address present-day complexity. The offspring of this benighted era of open white supremacy despises the idea of an American society where the longstanding divisions its power depends upon are finally and thoroughly vanquished. They resist the continuing maturation and even the survival of our democracy. I call the embodiment of these longings for a reinstallation of the sad system of domination, heartlessness, and cruelty that was the Confederacy “The Zombie Named Dixie”

The ways in which the profound prejudices of the Confederate slave system continue to pollute the American landscape are at the heart of this essay. Some personal reminiscences about being a native son of the South are combined with a reading of history that focuses on the consequences of Abraham Lincoln’s death for our current national condition. Specifically, I am concerned with how America’s untreated pathology of white primacy persists and the growing threat it poses.

Identifying the January 6 insurrection at the US Capitol as an inf lection point, this article analyzes the historical relationship between White supremacy and the US military from Reconstruction after the Civil War to the present. The article posits causes for the disproportionate number of current and former members of the military associated with White power groups and proposes steps the Department of Defense can take to combat the problems posed by the association of the US military with these groups.

An inner link has always connected the artistic avant-garde with acts of insurgency carried out by socially disenfranchised populations insofar as both embrace the possibility of an emancipated future that is radically at odds with the present (picture Gustave Courbet
helping to topple the Vendome Column in
1871), except something about such historical repetition and reenactment at this time  –a moment best described as an uncanny present: a present unfamiliar in its very presentness (Rebecca Bryant)– cries out for something like verification. The essay (published in ASAP Journal 3.2 2018) asks is such a thing as proof of authenticity even possible?

The Color of Mind is the latest installment in the History and Philosophy of Education
series from the University of Chicago Press. The book’s focus is the Black–White
achievement gap in American schools. One cannot adequately understand this persistent
gap, Darby and Rury argue, until one knows and understands the history that continues
to inflict all varieties of dignitary harm on Black people. The authors deploy the phrase,
‘color of mind’, to describe the deeply embedded attitudinal and institutional norms that
diminish the intellect, character, and conduct of Black students – norms with a long history
that continue to poison the school system. There is, of course, no dearth of American
scholarship on these themes, and the reader may be forgiven for thinking she will encounter
little that isn’t already known. Fortunately, however, the tack the authors take deviates
in several important ways from most scholarship.

Student Grievance Processes Weaponized in White Supremacist Institutions of Higher Ed

WHAT: “Neutral” Student Grievance Processes in White Supremacist Institutions of Higher Education

WHO: Farhana Loonat, Ph.D.

WHEN: May 19, 2021 TIME: 2:30 – 4 pm Pacific Standard Time 5:30 - 7pm Eastern Standard Time 11:30 pm – 1 am South African Time 3 am – 4:30 am India Time (May 20th)

WHERE: Zoom Meeting ID: 889 3445 3152 Passcode: 367703

https://skagitvalleycollege.zoom.us/j/88934453152?pwd=eVlRN3FUTWZyTU1MSGJJUDFrTWpqQT09

Websites of white supremacist institutions of higher education in the United States almost always include messaging about the institution’s commitment to diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI). Despite administrators’ declarations of their DEI commitments, Black, Indigenous and other womxn faculty of color (BIPOC) remain severely underrepresented in higher education. This underrepresentation exists within a political and historical context in which womxn BIPOC faculty experience various forms of discrimination (Ford 2011; Kelly and McCann 2014; Matias 2013; Morris, Harris and Berthoud 2012; Pittman 2010; Sterett 2002; Turner et al 2011). In this presentation I theorize the ways in which administrators’ avowed commitments to DEI stand in contradiction to their support for racially biased student grievance processes. My presentation: 1. Illustrates how BIPOC womxn faculty’s diminished political status as gendered and raced bodies in academia makes them especially vulnerable to systemic gendered racism disguised as singular events. 2. Illuminates how national patterns of discrimination against BIPOC womxn faculty are reinforced within higher education when biased white students weaponize student grievance processes. 3. Unmasks student grievance processes that masquerade as neutral and expose their role in upholding white supremacy in higher education. 4. Provides recommendations on how administrators can bring their student grievance processes in line with research on students’ racial discrimination against BIPOC womxn faculty. 5. Provide suggestions for how BIPOC womxn faculty can protect themselves against biased students. 6. Invites reflection on what white womxn’s aggression against BIPOC womxn faculty in higher education implies for cross-racial feminist solidarity.

It’s a quarter of a century – and a half of my lifetime – since the 1995 Srebrenica genocide happened. Actually, to be more accurate, this genocide (like any other genocide) did not just happen; it was a planned, intentional crime committed by an army and the police trained, equipped and sponsored by Bosnia’s neighbour, the state of Serbia. They were the perpetrators –“beyond a reasonable doubt”, as numerous judgments by the ICTY have established– but this genocide was, in many regards, allowed to happened by the important actors within the international community who had chosen to play the role of passive bystanders, even though such a role was not only morally wrong but also against the international law and the 1951 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. Moreover, while representing the first act of genocide in Europe after the Holocaust, this was also the first genocide ever to happen in a United Nations Safe Area (which sadly proved to be rather an un-safe area). At the time, the United Nations had its troops on the ground in Srebrenica with the mandate to protect people trapped in this largest refuge for Bosniaks in eastern Bosnia. However, instead of this mission becoming a triumph of the United Nations, in July 1995 Srebrenica became a triumph of the evil and the lowest point in the UN history.

If many people were shocked by Donald Trump's 2016 election, many more were stunned when, months later, white supremacists took to the streets of Charlottesville, Virginia, chanting "Blood and Soil" and "Jews will not replace us!" Like Trump, the Charlottesville marchers were dismissed as aberrations-crazed extremists who did not represent the real US. It Can Happen Here demonstrates that, rather than being exceptional, such white power extremism and the violent atrocities linked to it are a part of American history. And, alarmingly, they remain a very real threat to the US today. Alexander Hinton explains how murky politics, structural racism, the promotion of American exceptionalism, and a belief that the US has have achieved a color-blind society have diverted attention from the deep roots of white supremacist violence in the US's brutal past. Drawing on his years of research and teaching on mass violence, Hinton details the warning signs of impending genocide and atrocity crimes, the tools used by ideologues to fan the flames of hate, and the shocking ways in which "us" versus "them" violence is supported by inherently racist institutions and policies. It Can Happen Here is an essential new assessment of the dangers of contemporary white power extremism in the United States. While revealing the threat of genocide and atrocity crimes that loom over the country, Hinton offers actions we can take to prevent it from happening, illuminating a hopeful path forward for a nation in crisis.

The only difference between this paper and the earlier uploaded Part 1 is that this has the table on soft and hard ethnic cleansing rhetoric as an appendix. And it is a pdf.

The central thesis of this report is that the broad Rightwing has within it elements that collectively I call the pre-ethnic cleansing disposition (see Appendix 1 for examples of soft and hard ethnic cleansing rhetoric).  These elements are: a political-military ideology and strategy that identifies internal enemies posing a cultural and/or physical threat of genocide, and this ideology-strategy indicates that these enemies must be neutralized or destroyed.  This political-military strategy could be used (ex post facto) to justify ethnic cleansing of its enemies.  For the strategy to be credible, it must have organizations that subscribe to the strategy and a propaganda machine to communicate these ideas to the American public and its core supporters.  Lastly, it must have military organizations that could carry out ethnic cleansing.  I am not arguing that there is currently intent or planning to do ethnic cleansing, but the key elements are present and growing stronger.  It is the presence of the elements without any known or apparent intent/planning that constitute the pre-ethnic cleansing disposition.

When I began researching and writing on the American right-wing, I was heavily influenced by my experiences as a senior intelligence analyst covering the Serbian and Croatian wars of aggression against Bosnia & Herzegovina.  I believed that the elites using the mass media were priming their populations for genocide--something I called an ethnic cleansing pre-disposition.  For the American right-wing, I divided the soft versus hard ethnic cleansing pre-disposition.  The soft versus hard came from the SPLC's differentiation of hard anti-immigrant groups from white supremacists.  Or something like that.

The following report is an interim report of an ongoing study, with the current results based on 50 in-depth psychosocial interviews of white supremacists in five countries (the U.S., Canada, Germany, UK and New Zealand) collected over the time period of October 2020 to October 2021. The interviews focused on the subjects’ childhood histories, exposures to white supremacism, recruitment and joining processes, experiences in the group including ideological indoctrination and with violence and if disillusioned their disengagement and deradicalization experiences. All of the interviews were conducted over Zoom and video recorded with most participants agreeing to have their interview used to produce a short counter narrative video for use in disrupting white supremacist online and face-to-face recruitment.

The report’s important findings include:

• This particular sample of white supremacists had a much higher level of adverse childhood experiences than to be expected in the general population and were as a result more vulnerable to groups that gave out the expectation of belonging or familial relations and who conferred on new members a sense of purpose and significance. If this result bears out in larger samples, it shows that addressing childhood abuse and neglect is an important measure for preventing recruitment to white supremacism.
• Individuals in this sample who joined white supremacist groups generally were much more motivated by a need for belonging, purpose, dignity, and significance rather than from outright hate or even bad experiences with minority and ethnic groups but many over time took on the hateful ideology, supported and took part in violence as well.
• The white supremacists ideologies tend to focus on Jews as the ultimate enemy, posit white replacement/white genocide as a Jewish backed plot to replace/eliminate whites from their claimed rightful position in society and many embrace the idea of kicking off racial holy war, i.e. RAHOWA and the Day of the Rope which is when Jews, liberals and race traitors will be hung and minorities either killed or relocated.
• Ideological indoctrination and embracing antisemitism occurred by means of a process labeled Directed Hate in which new members were made to feel they belong, are significant and have a purpose based on their whiteness which they then had to maintain by isolating themselves from minorities, supporting the groups ideology and at times supporting and engaging with their violent actions as well (Speckhard, Ellenberg, & Garret, 2022). Through this process members learned to shift blame for their failures and channel their anger about any number of grievances toward minorities, and above all Jews. Most interviewees in the present sample had never met a Jewish person but learned to hate and blame them for the ills of the world.
• For some interviewees who later realized that they were members of the LGBTQ community, joining groups with internalized and violent misogyny and homophobia allowed for projection and splitting, wherein they were able to separate themselves from their closeted identity which they felt they needed to reject.  We have labeled this phenomenon Projected Hate.
• Many were only peripherally racist or had been raised in systemic versus overtly angry racism, especially those who grew up in the American South, which made it easier to buy into white supremacist ideology over time.
• Like cults, white supremacist groups demand ideological and behavioral loyalty from their members and begin to isolate them from dissenting opinions as well as from members of the hated minority groups making it hard for them to have any positive exposures. As isolation and the echo chambers of hate increase, fusion with the ideology and buy-in to conspiracy theories sets in. This underlies the usefulness of measures designed to create positive interactions and dialogue across racial, ethnic, and religious divides.
• Individuals in white supremacist groups often see themselves while active in their groups as heroic race warriors acting in self-defense of their white ingroup.
• Some white supremacist recruiters and leaders use religion and pseudo-religion, such as Christian Identity, Creativity, and Arastú/Odinism, to portray their mission as religious and morally sanctioned by God.
• As was also shown in the Capitol Hill riots, some white supremacist groups recruit from both active duty and retired members of the military and police hoping to benefit from their weaponry knowledge and skills which can be imparted to the group, possible access to weapons and for their already developed sense of discipline.
• Similarly, both active duty and retired military and police recruits serve to lend an air of prestige and legitimacy to such groups, reinforce the idea that the groups are patriotic in nature and these members are also good recruiters as a result.
• As with most violent extremists and terrorist groups, females generally played support roles, were seen as “breeders” and did not hold leadership positions, with some exceptions occurring in the NSM, and there were far fewer women reported upon than men among the ranks of all the groups studied.
• Youth are more easily recruited by white supremacist groups who actively prey upon youth from broken homes and chaotic and painful childhood experiences by offering them a sense of a substitute family, personal significance and positive identity based upon their “whiteness.”
• Recruitment occurs through leafleting and literature as well as face-to-face interactions, but also increasingly relies on Internet-based exposures and online recruitment interactions which now with the advent of social media, video chat and texting contain the possibilities of increased intimacy.
• White supremacist groups capitalize on using the mainstream media to sensationalize their demonstrations and egregious actions, which widens their recruitment exposure via the media.
• Gang and prison-based white extremist groups were the most violent and, in some cases, follow a “blood in, blood out” recruitment strategy meaning one can expect to only exit the group by dying.
• Tattooing permanent markers of white supremacy on one’s body is common and makes it more difficult to re-enter society as these marks of hatred are feared and reviled by others.  Hence tattoo removal may be an integral part of rehabilitation and reentry.
• Of those white supremacists who turned to psychotherapy for help exiting and rehabilitating from white supremacy groups, some found their therapists afraid of them and lacking relevant knowledge. Others deeply benefitted from addressing both the adverse traumatic experiences that had led them to being vulnerable to join in the first place as well as those they encountered in the group.
• Reciprocal radicalization plays an important role in further radicalizing white supremacists and keeping them involved in their groups. Many referenced violent interactions with Antifa as further radicalizing events that influenced them.
• Doxxing has a serous effect on white supremacists causing some to leave their groups for fear of losing jobs, being arrested, etc. Likewise, the effect of significant others threatening to or actually leaving their white supremacists partners caused some to reevaluate the worth of staying with their group.
• Spontaneous deradicalization occurs in some when they have positive interactions with members of groups they were taught to hate, thereby causing them cognitive dissonance that for some results in questioning what they were taught.
• Given the isolation and echo chambers that characterize white supremacist groups, disengaging from a hate group often means losing one’s entire group of friends.
• Ebbs and flows of engagement are common as individuals exit and again revert to their groups or move among various groups. Assistance for exiting is an important feature of a successful walking away from white supremacist groups and was mentioned only in some cases as being available.

Each year, millions flock to the US Lowcountry South in search of the illusory appeal of a bygone era; one that never existed outside the white imagination. The contemporary grand narrative of long defunct plantations, standing as beacons of a onceheld hope that the South would rise again, offers a cultural commentary on the state of racial politics in the United States-connecting the social and discursive practices of white supremacy to contemporary daily operations across an entire geographic region, in ways that illustrate the structural dialectic between capitalism and race-making. [Lowcountry plantation, race, Gullah/Geechee, New South, spatial dimensions of white supremacy]

For some time, researchers have discussed the relationship of the National Park Service (NPS) and other parks, parks and recreation, and outdoor recreation entities’ cultural engagement through a lens of needed and improved management that emphasizes culturally diverse outreach programming, but that also is aimed at a greater awareness of social marginality and the preponderance of racial preferences. While Santucci, Floyd, Bocarro, and Henderson (2014) particularly explored the potential influence of the organizational culture of the NPS for maintaining a traditional culture resistant to diversity-related changes as an effort on truly diversifying its staffing, programming, and outreach, there has never been a call to examine the historical influences of the culture of the NPS, the United States Forest Service (USFS), the overall environmental movement, and even our very conception of outdoor recreation within the leisure studies and recreation service provision literature. What is presented here is a discourse-historical approach of authored texts as primary sources of conservationist, preservationist, and interpretation legends, Gifford Pinchot, Madison Grant, and Charles M. Goethe (among others). The article calls into question as to how their natural history, biological anthropology, and preservationist ideological lens influenced their philosophical articulation of conservation, preservation, and interpretation. In particular, Grant worked on matters of preservation synergistically in tandem with his eugenics beliefs, as chiefly articulated in the eugenicist tome, The Passing of the Great Race (1916a). This seminal eugenics text informed Western interests in racial nativism, and highlighted the intersection of conserving “the best” in nature and among humanity. While Grant and Goethe’s relationship with eugenics has had more exposure, there has not been a reckoning of their views, as well as the views of Pinchot within leisure research and recreation practice. It is evident in taking a discourse-historical approach in examining these primary sources that the purity of race, enforced reproductive encouragement of the fit and the reproductive restriction of the unfit along racialized gender lines, were the most important factors in determining the fate of populations and the environment (The National Conservation Commission, 1909). The aim here is to highlight Pinchot, Grant, and Goethe and to focus on the social injustices that they advocated as a basis to highlight the calls of social justice through this special issue and by way of the work of others who have championed the need for social justice perspectives within leisure studies and parks and recreation service delivery against their various ideals.

According to First Amendment orthodoxy, we must protect the thought we hate in order to protect the speech we love. Defending the free speech rights of neo-Nazis, pornographers, and cross-burners – the speech of white male supremacy – supposedly secures the free speech rights of women and minorities. Free speech orthodoxy thus urges women and minorities to see themselves, quite literally, in white men. Feminist theory demonstrates, however, that protecting free speech for white men, far from protecting women and minorities, sacrifices and silences them. If free speech for all is the desired outcome, a dramatic reorientation of free speech theory and practice is required. Rather than urging women and nonwhite men to see themselves in white men, white men should be urged to see themselves in women and nonwhite men. When women’s free speech if protected, everyone’s free speech is protected.

This literature review provides definitions of religious supremacism and fundamentalism on the one hand and racial or white supremacism, the UK Far Right and the Alt Right on the other. It also contains a discussion of gendered approaches to preventing violent extremism. The review notes significant gaps in knowledge and research but identifies five cross cutting issues: purity and imperialism; particular manifestations of intimate partner and family violence; sexual violence; anti-feminism; and masculinity.

This case study of Denton, Texas, a burgeoning, two-university metropolis birthed from a small-town history of theological white supremacy serves as analytic proof of J. Kameron Carter’s claims in 𝘙𝘢𝘤𝘦: 𝘈 𝘛𝘩𝘦𝘰𝘭𝘰𝘨𝘪𝘤𝘢𝘭 𝘈𝘤𝘤𝘰𝘶𝘯𝘵, that the origins and sustaining theo-mythical structures of race and racism are best exposed when localized through the multifaceted lens of interdisciplinary scholarship that employs historical, genealogical, philosophical, and theological analysis over an “arc of time.”
By employing these localized interdisciplinary methodological approaches aimed at unveiling the theo-myth which underscores the modern American racial ontology, this study examines how theological white supremacy was homogenized into popular culture in Denton County Texas following the Civil War via a neo-Confederate Ku Klux Klan movement, (a distinct American phenomena beholden to the theo-mythology coined by Luther Rummel as “Ku Klux Konfederatism”), that continues its influence today through localized theo-political institutions, sociocultural systems and cultural ‘norms.’ Further, this study reveals how the same ancient theo-myth unveiled in Carter’s account of race underscores a popular Klanish culture which thrived in Denton County from the late-nineteenth century Reconstruction Era and well into the twentieth century with the rise of the Second-Generation Klan, just as it did throughout North Texas and the United States of America at large.