Resistence

Der 20.Juli ist in Deutschland dem Andenken des deutschen Widerstandes während der Nazi-Diktatur gewidmet. Er ist aber auch dem gewidmet, was wir das „Gewissen“ nennen, weil es beim deutschen Widerstand sich um einen extremen Konflikt von Gesellschaft und Individuum handelt. Wenn sich Individuen entscheiden, nicht nur gegen einen Teil, sondern gegen die Gesellschaft als Ganze sich zu verhalten, werden sie automatisch in einen inneren – moralischen – Konflikt getrieben. Diesen Konflikt hat Graf Stauffenberg in seinen berühmten Sätzen so ausgedrückt: „Derjenige, der etwas zu tun wagt, muss sich bewusst sein, dass er wohl als Verräter in die deutsche Geschichte eingehen wird. Unterlässt er jedoch die Tat, dann wäre er ein Verräter vor seinem Gewissen.“ In meinem Beitrag analysiere ich den Begriff des Gewissens in Hinsicht auf seine existentiellen, moralischen, und religiösen Aspekte.

state formation and race. Loveman also shows how powerful transnational scientific institutions and actors can be in shaping the landscape of the international order and calls us to give more attention to their place in international relations. This is a must read for scholars interested in Latin American history, race theory, state formation, or international relations and those that stand at the intersections of these intellectual spaces. Eurocentrism, Racism and Knowledge: Debates on History and Power in Europe and the Americas, edited by Marta Araújo and Silvia Rodriguez Maeso, both from the prestigious Centre for Social Studies, University of Coimbra, addresses key contemporary issues in the critique of Eurocentrism and racism, in relation to debates on the production and circulation of knowledge, as clearly stated in the introductory chapter. The contributors to this edited volume are internationally renowned scholars who have published widely on sociology, race, education and epistemology and have made valuable contributions to the production of knowledge in areas related to the theme of the book. A major strength of this volume is its interdisciplinary approach, bringing together scholars and political activists from diverse schools and regions, a timely reminder of the past legacies of historical events, such as colonialism, slavery, imperialism and racism. As such it remains critical in today's epistemological, cultural and economic battles as well as in social and power relations in our contemporary societies. But the book is not only a reminder. It also makes a strong call for a critical reading of the meaning of Eurocentrism and values of knowledge when insisting 'on the need to interrogate and explain the " organization/order of knowledge " and its " descriptive/prescriptive statements " ' (p. 3). It is therefore a vigorous call for urgency in exposing the persistent colo-niality present in academia (in Europe and outside) and among academics in order to decolonize westernized academia. The book's main argument is strongly weaved throughout the chapters of the book, illustrating that by negating the disastrous effects of those events on today's human beings, especially the colonized, the subaltern and the marginalized, it allows the per-petuation of racism and other forms of oppression. This book is published at a critical historical period, characterized by a monumental changing conjuncture, manifested in various 'unusual' events in Europe: threat of disu-nity; emergence of terrorism; deep economic crisis; austerities; refugees crisis and so on. The 'great and powerful' Europe today is experiencing a situation that exposes its limits, weakness and uncertainty in various aspects, which challenges us to question the very meaning and significance of what is Europe today. The exposure of high levels of corruption, fraud and financial misconduct – as was the case of the recent Panama Papers Scandal, for instance – is also confronting the belief based on the supposedly scientific rationality and ethics of Europe.

غسان نے ایک کام اور کیا کہ انہوں نے علامتی ابلاغیات ( سیمیوٹک) سے ہٹ کر مزاحمت کے وسیع تر معنیاتی نظام کو بھی تشکیل دینے کی صراحت کی ۔ مزاحمتی متون کی تثلیث کاری ’ سیاق ، تناظر و ثقافت‘ کو یک جا کرتے ہوئے اسے تجارب کی دنیا سے نکال کر ایک حقیقت کا روپ دینے کی بے مثال کوشش کی جو بعدازاں مزاحمتی محرکات کی متصور ہ صورت متعین کرنے مدومعاون ثابت ہوئی۔

This study aims to reveal the changes that societies know as a result of the fundamental change known by the capitalist system, that has been based in its production processes on information rather than energy, so that technology has become the infrastructure upon which socio economic and political activities are based. And also because today›s struggle within capitalist society is raging over the domination of information and knowledge systems. These changes, which touched
the structure of capitalist society and the institutions of society, presented a set of perceptions and theories, including the theory formulated by Emmanuel Castles throughout his project «Networking Community in the Information Age». He tried to show the total possibilities offered by the Internet on the one hand to the countries and major economic companies to network in order to control the cycles of society and paralyze the mobility of its members, and on the other hand, to individuals and social movements to network and organize quickly and smoothly in order to resist the domination of the state and freedom from the dominance of large economic companies.
Technology and Internet help individuals create relatively uncontrolled spaces from state control, which have tightened control over public spaces, and have made from traditional media ideological tools, primarily serving the interests of global elites. Through the use of modern technology, individuals have been able to transform their individual and subjective messages into public messages, received
and interacted by a wide audience. Moreover, by relying on these means, individuals have become more capable to manufacture information resources, since the few representing the state were the only group capable of monopolizing information and owning its resources, through the control of traditional media. The Internet, therefore, provided individuals with a new and suitable platform for beeing formed and organized in relatively free spaces, and opened up new horizons for social and political change, because it now allows more than any other public space, to form collective action. So it is substantial for new social movements, including traditional ones. Even the labor movement that developed within the factory walls of the industrial age, its continuation now depends on the exploitation of the spaces and means provided by its era.

Quest’articolo offre una riflessione sull’antifascismo italiano come fenomeno transnazionale prendendo lo spunto dall’esperienza umana dei volontari reduci dalla guerra civile spagnola. L’approccio biografico ci ha consentito di riflettere sulle connessioni esistenti tra i traumi vissuti dai reduci della guerra civile spagnola e la loro militanza nel campo antifascista. Subito dopo la fine della guerra civile spagnola, la maggior parte dei reduci italiani fu imprigionata nei campi francesi; tra il 1940 e il 1945 una buona parte di loro partecipò alla resistenza tanto in Italia quanto in Francia e, do- po il 1945, non pochi furono incapaci di reintegrarsi nella società italiana. Si cerca di capire in che modo influì la continua prossimità con pratiche vio- lente sperimentata nel decennio 1936 – 1945 sul complicato processo di re- integrazione. Il nostro obbiettivo è quello di offrire una riflessione generale, partendo da un approccio di storia sociale, sia sul carattere transnazionale dell’antifascismo italiano, sia sulle eredità che lasciò la militanza antifascis- ta tra i due conflitti mondiali nel secondo dopoguerra.

«Storie avventurose di libri necessari» è una traversata del Novecento italiano. Racconta, in undici saggi, le fortune e gli infortuni, i segreti e gli intrighi delle opere che hanno dato forma a un secolo di letteratura. Racconta le avventure dei libri, ma anche di chi li ha scritti: e per riuscire a farlo ricorre a carte d’archivio, a documenti inediti, a lettere private, a scritti dimenticati o nascosti dagli autori stessi.
Si salpa l’ancora ricostruendo le tracce lasciate nell’opera dei nostri scrittori dal più bel libro di avventure di tutti i tempi, «L’isola del tesoro». E si prosegue, proprio come negli agguati pirateschi di Stevenson, andando a scoprire perché il saluto «Ohi, Peppì!» equivalesse per Domenico Rea a un’offesa grave, e perché mai Corrado Alvaro dedicasse tanti pensieri all’eros di Mussolini. Vedremo quali nessi invisibili sussistano tra Beckett & Borges (e tra Fruttero & Lucentini che li hanno introdotti qui in Italia), e che cosa Fortini e Vittorini videro sbarcare a Bocca di Magra insieme con Marguerite Duras. Ma, come nella vita corsara, saremo spesso chiamati a combattere: e da Calvino, da Fenoglio, da Meneghello, impareremo ad apprezzare le differenze di stile che ci sono tra una pistola, un mortaio e un fucile mitragliatore per chi sta rischiando la vita nella guerra civile. O magari ci limiteremo a litigare pur amandoci attraverso il tempo e lo spazio, come Sciascia fece con Stendhal, o Parise con Darwin.
Eppure, la lotta senza tregue sarà sempre quella che uno scrittore combatte contro se stesso: e per raccontarla dovremo estrarre alla luce la virgola ebraica intessuta nella scrittura di Bassani, dovremo estorcere a Mario Soldati – proprio mentre si sta godendo un gelato – il suo passato di critico d’arte, dovremo interrogare Primo Levi e Giorgio Manganelli finché non confessino le vere ragioni della loro contesa sullo scrivere chiaro e lo scrivere oscuro.

In connection with shooting the movie " Anthropoid " lately this year I faced very interesting challenge. As a military advisor, I had to supervise the correctness and historical accuracy of all military aspects on the shooting. The director had his own clear vision, of course, that not always corresponded with historical realia. But, the word advisor originates from the word " to advise " , not " to push through ". Nevertheless; to be able to advise correct things, one must refresh some things, and, study others in detail. There were portrayed several key historical events in the project, that are surrounded with different deep-rooted, but with facts not confirmed legends. One of them is, of course, the assassination itself, in the memory of both professional and amateur public connected with the mirror of Valčík, with Gabčík jumping in front of the protector´s car with the submachine gun, and similar details. Many of such details originate only from postwar testimonies and evidence of different storytellers, and also from fantasy of film makers through decades. This traditional interpretation of the assassination was discussed by historian Eduard Stehlík some time ago, considering archive records of the British SOE. 1

The book of Tobit offers a theology of resistance with apocalyptic elements. It starts on the basis of a family history that then becomes a tribal and popular history expanded into a world perspective. Apocalyptic elements emerge through the fictitious frame of Nineveh. Assur stands for a type of cruel warfare (piles, mass executions, strategy of the scorched earth: Lev 19,23-25), thus one of the Israel's worst enemies in history. The same applies to the time of the Seleucids under Antiochus IV Epiphanes. Furthermore, Asarja / Rafael acts as asupernatural being in secret on earth until he discloses in chap. 12 his angelic status. The subject of light/darkness is described in chap. 14, which is close to the Qumran scrolls. A demarcation from the non-Jewish environment is expressed by means of observance of kashrut laws, endogamous marriage, various mitzvot (burial of tribesmen, etc.) and ritual ablutions. On the other hand, circumcision and Shabbat which are widely regarded as essentials of Judaism at that time are not mentioned.

The classical sociological literature on Amhara hierarchy describes a society based on open relations of domination and an obsession with top-down power. This article asks how these accounts can be reconciled with the strong ethics of love and care that ground daily life in Amhara. We argue that love and care, like power, are understood in broadly asymmetrical terms rather than as egalitarian forms of relationship. As such, they play into wider discourses of hierarchy , but also serve to blur the distinction between legitimate authority and illegitimate power.

Are we forgetting in the making of New India what the Vedic tenets spoke on Environmental Citizenship? In the assertion of ‘New India’ defined by a Western Model of Development (Videshi Vikas), we have moved away from tenets of  Swadeshi Vikas (Indian National Development Model on Environment). A case in point is the impressive concept of the Hindu Vedic idea of Environmental Citizenship.

L’ULTIMA LETTERA DI GIAIME PINTOR, SCRITTA AL FRATELLO LUIGI PRIMA DELLA MISSIONE IN CUI RESTERÀ UCCISO. UN PARTIGIANO ELEGANTE NELLA GUERRA ANTROPOLOGICA: ESISTENZE AD ALZO ZERO. «FISCHIA IL VENTO AL CALASCIONE»: LONGANESI E IL SENATORE. MERCUTIO VS. AMLETO: LA GIOVENTÙ DISPONIBILE

Responsabilità, calcolo di vantaggi e rischi, vite o morti, azioni decise e violente, leadership forti, attacchi partigiani, azioni violente, rappresaglie. Il filosofo bulgaro Cvetan Todorov si immerge nella Francia collaborazionista di Vichy e nella dialettica tra consenso e dissenso, collaborazione e resistenza, "terrorismo" e rappresaglia. Ricostruendo le dinamiche che portarono alla strage dei pozzi di Guerry, Todorov fornisce un'innovativa chiave di interpretazione della dialettica violenta tra azioni partigiane e rappresaglie.

El artículo utiliza la obra literaria y periodística de Rodolfo Walsh como fuente para escribir una historia de la ruptura con el sentimiento nacionalista en Argentina entre 1955 y 1977. Recorre la historia de producción literaria del autor entendiéndola como una que va de la mano con la transformación del contexto político y social de una
Argentina que enfrentó a mediados del siglo XX los embates de la confrontación ideológica, de la fragmentación
política de las bases sociales, y del establecimiento y radicalización de la represión gubernamental. Propone la categoría de desgarramiento identitario como una herramienta útil para historizar la sensación de desgarramiento de la identidad subjetiva con respecto a la identidad nacional. Una situación que tiene lugar en periodos previos a
la declaración de un conflicto bélico abierto, y que pone en juego la estabilidad de aquel Estado nación en el que se fraguan las identidades en disputa.

This paper addresses the question about what happened to Kino's "neat little house and church" that was built at Guevavi in 1701. Archaeological evidence from recent excavations, along with documentary data, suggest this structure was destroyed as a result of an O'odham rebellion.

Strangolati dal “teorema della flessibilità” e dalle “politiche di austerity” rischiamo di sprofondare nell’apatia corrotta del feudalesimo delle multinazionali.
Controllati e diretti dal volto di quel “fascismo profondo” che Ludovico Geymonat - filosofo e partigiano - era riuscito a vedere dietro la maschera dei mutamenti spastici di superficie.

This article investigates approximations between socio-cultural phenomenathat articulate design and political resistance, based on the concept of “subversive stitch”, by Rosziska Parker (2010). Our focus is on the actions carriedout by the São Paulo Collective Linhas de Sampa, in relation to some aspectsof the political context of Brazil, in the last seven years. From an approach to specific moments in the history of embroidery and different expressions of resistance, the work of the Collective is presented as an example of the production of dialogues between design and politics.

RESUMO Este artigo, articulando princípios estéticos e políticos, tem por objeto o estudo da forma como a literatura publicada após a Revolução dos Cravos promoveu uma releitura da sociedade molda-da pelo salazarismo em Portugal. O corpus literário será analisado a partir de estudos que privi-legiam uma base transdisciplinar, relacionando literatura, história, memória, geografia humana e política, e que darão destaque às interseções entre literatura e sociedade, aos enfrentamentos de modelos discursivos autoritários e/ou colonialistas e às interpelações intertextuais promovi-das por essa produção. ABSTRACT This article, by the articulation of aesthetic and political principles, is engaged in the study of how the published literature after the Revolução dos Cravos promoted a reinterpretation of the society shaped by the Salazar period in Portugal. The literary corpus will be analyzed from studies that favor a transdisciplinary basis, relating literature, history, memory, human geography and politics, and that will highlight the intersections between literature and society, the confrontation of authoritarian and/or colonialist discursive models and the intertextual interpellations promoted by this production.

There are significant numbers of women in China who have inadvertently married closeted gay men. Women in China who unwittingly marry closeted gay men are known as Tongqi (同妻), and these women often discover their husband’s secret only after giving birth to fulfil filial obligations. These women taken into this “marriage fraud” are initially unaware of their husbands’ sexual orientation. Because China’s divorce law favours men, even if the wife files for divorce, the husband often wins custody of children. The tendency to blame the victim extends even to the woman’s own immediate families. These women suffer heightened risk of not only physical death from AIDS and other diseases, but psychological death through the loss of physical mobility, alienation of kin, and death of their heterosexual marriage identity. This article extends necropolitics to the social death situations of 12 educated and 47 low-educated Tongqi and reveals how they resist and overcome their circumstances. Tongqi are the victims of violations involving their own marriage, but they are not simply waiting for death. Taking an ethnographical approach, this work uses the social death concept of necropolitics to provide understanding of how marriage and gender laws perpetuate these dysfunctional unions.

Krisis 2018, Issue 2. Marx from the Margins: A Collective Project, from A to Z.
In my entry "Zapatistas: Between Us and Them", I discuss Whiteness, Marxist thought, and their relation to EZLN and CNI.

About this term's Krisis issue:
On the occasion of Karl Marx’s 200th birthday this year, numerous conferences, edited volumes and special issues have celebrated his work by focusing on its main achievements – a radical critique of capitalist society and an alternative vocabulary for thinking about the social, economic and political tendencies and struggles of our age. Albeit often illuminating, this has also produced a certain amount of déjà vu. Providing an occasion to disrupt patterns of repetition and musealization, Krisis proposes a different way to pay tribute to Marx’s revolutionary theorizing. We have invited authors from around the globe to craft short entries for an alternative ABC under the title “Marx from the Margins: A Collective Project, from A to Z” – taking up, and giving a twist to, Kevin Anderson’s influential Marx At the Margins. The chief motivation of this collaborative endeavour is to probe the power—including the generative failures—of Marx's thinking by starting from marginal concepts in his work or from social realities or theoretical challenges often considered to be marginal from a Marxist perspective. Rather than reproduce historically and theoretically inadequate differentiations between an ascribed or prescribed cultural, economic, geographic, intellectual, political, social, or spatial centre and its margins, the margins we have identified and inspected are epistemic vantage points that open up new theoretical and political vistas while keeping Marx’s thought from becoming either an all-purpose intellectual token employed with little risk from left or right, or a set of formulaic certitudes that force-feed dead dogma to ever-shrinking political circles.

We have welcomed short and succinct contributions that discuss how a wide variety of concepts – from acid communism and big data via extractivism and the Haitian Revolution to whiteness and the Zapatistas – can offer an unexpected key to the significance of Marx’s thought today.

Luglio ’43. Il Professore arriva a Cotignola. Porta con sé un bagaglio speciale. Con esso, ha intenzione di isolarsi, per consacrarsi allo studio del pensiero magico di popoli lontani nello spazio e nel tempo. Ma proprio lì, nella Romagna sperduta, la Storia incombe. Un fiume si tramuta in fronte di guerra. Le cose inanimate si mettono a parlare: una bicicletta, un giornale, un fantoccio, la pianura, le armi. Per non dubitare del proprio essere al mondo, alle persone non resta che inventare un mondo nuovo: un nuovo avvenire sulle macerie della distruzione e un nuovo “popolo” su quelle della guerra civile. Ma per farlo, ci sono solo un manipolo di vecchi fascisti convertiti, sfollati meridionali, ebrei perseguitati e intellettuali persi nel mondo teorico; e un contadino canapino, un’azdora, un oste, un fornaio, un birocciaio e una massa che parla altro linguaggio. Questa è la storia romanzata di un incontro: quello tra l’antropologo Ernesto de Martino e la Resistenza romagnola. Con quel suo bagaglio speciale che ha qualcosa da dire.

O processo de globalização que integrou a produção e a economia mundial numa escala sem precedentes, não se produziu sem resistências, sem encontrar oposição de vários setores da sociedade. Simultaneamente ao processo de reprodução ampliada do capital, e as suas consequências, novas forças sociais foram se constituindo e articulações cada vez mais
amplas e diversas foram se formando até se configurarem em organizações internacionais. No plano da agricultura, a maior organização que se constituiu foi a Via Campesina, como expressão da emergência organizativa dos camponeses e indígenas de diferentes lugares do mundo. Desde então, a Via Campesina se tornou um dos principais atores no questionamento da atual ordem econômica mundial e das suas instituições mais representativas tais como o FMI, o Banco Mundial, OMC, bem como na crítica das ações grandes empresas transnacionais e outros agentes econômicos e financeiros que atuam no domínio das atividades agrícolas.

Germany is one of several countries in the world that has ever been upside-down in historical experience. A long history proved that Germany was used to be a union. But unfortunately it had split based on ideological differences. Though was originating from same ancestors, language, culture, it was fallen into an extreme internal multicultural conflict as proved by the establishment of the wall. During these period, a long history of human relations in both German were well recorded. Besides, it was taken as insprirations in many literary or artistic works, including films. One of the films telling the period between pre and post reunification is Wolfgang Becker's Good Bye Lennin! (2003). This study focuses on the internal multicultural conflict founded in a country which has the same culture split by different integral ideology-later by its reunion. Based on several concepts of multiculturalism, the result of this study indicates that figures of the film have internal multiculturalisme conflict that raise multicultural shocks and resistances in the change of Germany political situation.

Resenha do Livro "Amazônia: encruzilhada civilizatória, tensões territoriais em curso", de Carlos Walter Porto-Gonçalves, ensaio desenvolvido como parte dos seus estudos durante o estágio pós-doutoral desenvolvido, entre 2016 a 2017, no Programa Interdisciplinar em Ciências Humanas, Sociedade e Meio Ambiente da Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina (UFSC). Publicado em 2017 pela Editora Consequência, no Rio de Janeiro.

En este trabajo se presentarán y compararán el mito de los metales en la República de Platón y la teoría de los tres órdenes en el Occidente cristiano medieval, planteados como dos modelos de disuasión del derecho a la resistencia de los dominados. La propuesta es que, si bien las diferencias entre los dos modelos en cuestión son notorias y en algunos casos profundas, ambos tendrían el mismo objetivo: mantener el modelo teórico propuesto y, por lo menos en el período bajomedieval, conservar el orden social existente, para lo cual se intenta limitar al máximo la resistencia al mismo por los sectores más oprimidos de la sociedad. En el marco de ambas visiones y a partir del análisis de la fuente y del auxilio de la bibliografía secundaria, se indagará sobre diversos conceptos que consideremos pertinentes para el desarrollo y la argumentación del problema en cuestión. Se establecerán similitudes, cruces y diferencias entre ambos modelos.

Un reportage da Ventimiglia, dove per mesi il confine tra Italia e Francia è stato un mondo sospeso, ma anche un mondo possibile. Pubblicato su "WOTS? Walking on the South" il 25 novembre 2015: http://wots.eu/2015/11/25/nello-spazio-di-una-soglia-umanita-plurali-tra-ventimiglia-e-menton/

Discursos autoritários vêm ganhando força no Brasil, reforçado pelo ódio, pelo medo e pelo anti-intelectualismo. Um dos principais alvos é a arte, um dos mais ‘perigosos’ direitos humanos por permitir a formação do pensamento crítico. Mas justamente nesse contexto uma das funções primordiais da arte é intensificada: resistência.

Resumo: Este estudo tem como objeto de análise a resistência à ditadura civil-militar brasileira (1964-1985) na vida e obra de Helvécio Ratton. Para tanto, parte-se da compreensão de que o conceito de resistência se relaciona ao conjunto de atos de recusa ao poder instituído. Partindo desse pressuposto, segue-se a tessitura da vida política do cineasta desde seu ingresso em sua primeira organização, a POLOP, até a sua participação efetiva em grupos guerrilheiros, como a VAR-PALMARES, e seu posterior exílio no Chile. A partir da apresentação das vivências de Ratton, foi possível perceber que a construção do filme Batismo de Sangue ocorreu sob um lócus enunciativo próprio de seu diretor e do momento histórico em que o filme foi feitoproduzindo um discurso histórico singular e que colocou em foco a resistência dos dominicanos perante a ditadura civil-militar, bem como as violências sofridas por Frei Tito.

Resumen: Este estudio tiene como objeto de análisis la resistencia a la dictadura cívico-militar brasileña (1964-1985) en la vida y la obra de Helvécio Ratton. Así, se parte del entendimiento de que el concepto de resistencia se relaciona con el conjunto de actos de rechazo al poder instituido. A partir de este supuesto, el tejido de la vida política del cineasta se desarrolla desde su ingreso a su primera organización, POLOP, hasta su participación efectiva en grupos guerrilleros, como el VAR-PALMARES, y su posterior exilio en Chile. A partir de la presentación de las vivencias de Ratton, fue posible percibir que la construcción de la película Bautismo de Sangre ocurrió bajo un locus enunciativo de su director y del momento histórico en que se realizó la película - produciendo un discurso histórico único que puso en foco la resistencia de los dominicanos a la dictadura cívico-militar, así como las violencias sufridas por Frei Tito.

Fins de 1996. Uma pequena chamada na Folha de São Paulo, sob a rubrica "marxismo" grafada em caixa alta, anunciava o debate a acontecer, dentro de poucos dias, no Centro Universitário Maria Antônia, espaço outrora ocupado pela então Faculdade de Filosofia, Ciências e Letras da USP, lá onde um dia futuros intelectuais de renome se reuniam para estudar "O capital". A velha Maria Antônia, que assistiu a passeatas, abrigou resistências às ditaduras, acompanhou a "guerra" travada entre a esquerda da USP e a direita de Mackenzie, ali mesmo, do outro lado da rua. A velha reciclada como tudo neste fim de século, volta a abrigar atividades intelectuais, espaço reaberto ao debate sem censuras.

Le monde du travail a changé mais le conflit au travail est loin d'être absent, comme l'ont rappelé les mobilisations contre la loi Travail en 2016. Ivan Sainsaulieu analyse la diversification des oppressions vécues – de classe, de genre, de sexe et de race – comme leurs traductions politiques inédites.

Mise en concurrence, différenciation sociale, double marché du travail, migrations, tertiarisation, individualisation et flexibilité : le monde du travail a changé. Les bastions combatifs du salariat et les milieux professionnels protégés sont plus isolés et fragilisés qu'hier.

Pourtant, le conflit au travail est loin d'être absent, comme l’ont rappelé les mobilisations contre la loi Travail en 2016. Il épouse différents contextes et prend de nouvelles formes qui s’apparentent parfois plus à de la résistance qu’à un conflit classique.

C’est cette diversification des oppressions vécues – de classe, de genre, de sexe et de race – comme leurs traductions politiques qu’Ivan Sainsaulieu invite à comprendre. Il montre ainsi combien la contestation au travail conserve tout son potentiel subversif.