Retribution

Práce získala 2. místo v celostátní studentské vědecké konferenci Historie 2010 na univerzitě v Olomouci a vyšla tiskem jako součást sborníku Historica Olomoucensia v roce 2011. Jedná se o velmi stručný výtah později vydané knihy Provinění proti národní cti. Malá retribuce v českých zemích a Trestní nalézací komise v Benešově u Prahy (Academia 2015).

This study aims to determine How is the contribution, growth, effectivity level of parking retribution towards district own source revenue of Malang Regency in 2010-2014 and how realization of forecasting trends parking fees of Malang Regency in 2015-2019. This type of research is descriptive research with quantitative approach. The datas chosen are secondary datas which are realization and targets of parking retribution in Malang Regency as well as realization and targets district own source revenue of Malang Regency region in 2010-2014 period. The results showed (1) The contribution of parking retribution towards district own source revenue of Malang Regency experiences fluctuation. This is caused by the renewal of regional regulation about policy official announcement of parking costs. (2) The growth of parking retribution experiences fluctuation. This is pursuant to realization of parking retribution which is focused only on the targets achievement without considering the history growth of it in previous years. (3) Effectivity level of parking retribution towards district own source revenue of Malang Regency classified effective. (4) The realization trend forecasting parking fees of Malang Regency in 2015-2019 continues to increase.

Life without parole (LWOP) has displaced the death penalty as the distinctive American punishment. Although the sentence scarcely exists in Europe, roughly 40,000 inmates are serving LWOP in America today. Despite its prevalence, the sentence has received little academic scrutiny. This has begun to change, a development sparked by a pair of Supreme Court cases, Graham v. Florida (2010) and Miller v. Alabama (2012), which express European-styled reservations with America’s embrace of LWOP. Both opinions, like the nascent academic commentary, lament the irrevocability of the sentence and the expressive judgment purportedly conveyed - that a human being is so incorrigible that the community brands him with the mark of Cain and banishes him forever from our midst. In the tamer language of the Graham opinion, LWOP “forswears altogether the rehabilitative ideal.” This Article tests whether that phrase is a fair characterization of LWOP today, and concludes that the Graham Court’s treatmen...

Die Philosophie viel über Rache geschrieben und dabei wenig über den Begriff der Rache gesagt. In diesem Aufsatz versuche ich, einen Begriff der Rache zu entwickeln, der weniger täterzentriert und mehr rächerzentriert ist, um das Phänomen der Rache zu mehr zu machen als dem Musterbeispiel einer falschen Handlung.

This paper seeks to critically evaluate the retributivist theory of punishment, making use of Jean Hampton’s writing "Forgiveness and Mercy" to make sense of the idea of retribution and to explain it in a way that distinguishes it from revenge.

Jakým způsobem probíhalo po druhé světové válce v českých zemích potrestání tzv. každodenní kolaborace? Tato kniha se věnuje právě trestání provinění proti národní cti podle dekretu prezidenta republiky č. 138/1945 Sb., tedy tzv. „malému retribučnímu dekretu“. Kromě detailně rozpracované legislativní stránky retribuce a popisu retribuční praxe je zde také prostor pro komparaci s průběhem retribucí v dalších zemích. Formou lokální sondy kniha navíc popisuje činnost a výstupy konkrétní Trestní nalézací komise v Benešově u Prahy. Tato sonda nabízí jak analýzu zahájených kauz a statistiku typů obvinění, odsouzených či osvobozených případů, druhů a výše trestů, tak komparace těchto údajů s údaji v jiných okresech.

O artigo diferencia os elementos da teoria da pena, com especial destaque ao fundamento e às finalidades da pena criminal. Analisa as doutrinas absolutas e relativas e as suas respectivas capacidades de oferecer tratamento específico aos problemas do fundamento e das finalidades da pena criminal. Pretende demonstrar a imprecisão da classificação dicotômica que confunde o fundamento da pena com as suas diversas finalidades. A conclusão é que o fundamento da pena é a retribuição da culpa do autor da ofensa, independentemente de quais sejam as finalidades primordiais de cada espécie de pena.

(from the Introduction)
Intending only to research medieval conceptions of hell, author Alan Bernstein wanted to investigate postmortem retribution in the ancient world for historical context. This investigation turned into an entire book of its own. In The Formation of Hell, Bernstein seeks to explain how the idea of hell achieved a prominent place in people’s minds. He explicitly states that he intends to accomplish this without any prior concern for whether hell actually exists or any preceding judgement as to the nature or value of hell.  In the end, Bernstein provides a superb example of historical investigation and rigorous scholarship. Though there are certain theological and metaphysical implications omitted from the book, the author successfully demonstrates that the notion of hell originally arose late in Judaism out of a need to explain the injustices in the world and became a rhetorical device designed to elicit conformity to religious and cultural mores.

Unlike the Western cultural frame, within which the clear opposition good – evil is held as sound and rational, stories and plays of the Japanese culture rarely offer such a clean division of the characters and their deeds. Tōkaidō Yotsuya Kaidan, also known in the West as The Ghost Story of Yotsuya, is a perfect example of the situation. As the story unfolds, following betrayal, murder and supernatural retribution, the balance of power and powerlessness is reversed and the difference between the victim and the tormentor fades and becomes obscure. The Ghost Story of Yotsuya blurs the common Euroamerican view of good and evil, honour and disgrace, forcing the Euroamerican reader to reflect and rethink their own perspective concerning those values.

This essay contributes to the relevance and use of the enemy, revenge and curse psalms today. According to biblical hermeneutic and current attitudes, the passages of the Psalms 12 and 137 are worked out as examples. Thereafter, the use of such statements in today's context is taken into consideration, taking into account considerations of Zenger, Levenson, Volf and LeMon.

The paper will present and analyze the Amorite view of history as found in the eighteenth century BCE Mari text (ARM I 3), a letter sent by Yasmaḫ-Addu to the god Nergal, reflecting the power-struggle between two Amorite clans, the Benjaminite Addu clan pitted against the Bensim’alite Līm clan. In this text, the ruler of Mari,Yasmaḫ-Addu, recapitulates the historical events related to the protracted conflict between two reigning dynasties: the members of the Līm clan (Yagid-Līm, Yaḫdun-Līm, Sūmū-Yamam) against the Addu clan (Ilā-Kabkabū, Šamšī-Addu, Yasmaḫ-Addu). The former were the ancient rulers of Mari and belonged to the Bensimʾalite or northern Amorite tribes. The latter were part of the Benjaminite or southern tribes. The end of the power struggle between these two clans is reflected in the prophetic letter relating the message of the god Adad from Aleppo to the last ruler of Mari, Zimrī-Līm (A. 1968). The god Adad’s influence stretches beyond the city of Aleppo in northern Syria since he claims to have given the rule over Mari to the warlord who reveres him. These Mari documents represent a veritable philosophy of history with an ideology based on the operation of divine retribution. The view of history as the outworking of a retributive principle is common to all the major cultures of the Mediterranean seashore. It is found in Mesopotamia in several epochs (from the Legend of Narām Sîn to the the Poem of Erra), in the Hurrian-Hittite text concerning the fall of Ebla, in Egypt, in Greece, and in the Hebrew historiographic tradition. The Mari evidence coming from the Northwest Semitic domain to which the Hebrews also belonged could, therefore, be considered as one of the precursors of the theologico-historiographic genre, reflecting an ideology anticipating the one attributed to the redactor of the Deuteronomistic historiography. This hermeneutical principle is a common ancient Near Eastern way of interpreting history which the Hebrew tradition shares.

Central cases of moral blame suggest that blame presupposes that its target deserves to feel guilty, and that if one is blameworthy to some degree, one deserves to feel guilt to a corresponding degree. This, some think, is what explains why being blameworthy for something presupposes having had a strong kind of control over it: only given such control is the suffering involved in feeling guilt deserved. This chapter argues that all this is wrong. As evidenced by a wider range of cases, blame doesn’t presuppose that the target deserves to feel guilt and doesn’t necessarily aim at the target’s suffering in recognition of what they have done. On the constructive side, the chapter offers an explanation of why, in many cases of moral blameworthiness, the agent nevertheless does deserve to feel guilt. The explanation leans on a general account of moral and non-moral blame and blameworthiness and a version of the popular idea that moral blame targets agents’ objectionable quality of will. Given the latter idea, the morally blameworthy have harmed the standing of some person or value, giving rise to obligations to give correspondingly less relative weight to their own standing, and so, sometimes, to their own suffering.

Ted Honderich, a British philosophy professor, is the leading proponent in our time of the doctrine known as determinism (more accurately called “predeterminism”). His most elaborate treatment of this issue was in his 1988 tome, "A Theory of Determinism: The Mind, Neuroscience, and Life" (Oxford University Press). But, as he explains in the second edition (2002) of his book "How Free Are You?: The Determinism Problem," “I’ve had some second thoughts,” and this second edition “goes further than its large predecessor and also than the first edition of itself.” Accordingly, the present review focuses on this second edition of "How Free Are You?" See also the section on Honderich in Chapter 1 of my book "Free Will and Human Life" (Pittsburgh: Philosophia, 2021), 20-24 (https://www.amazon.com/Free-Will-Human-Life-Johnson/dp/0970105533/ref=tmm_pap_swatch_0?_encoding=UTF8&qid=&sr=).

This article analyzes the Amorite view of history as found in the 18th century BCE Mari text (ARM I 3), a letter sent by Yasmaḫ-Addu to the god Nergal, reflecting the power-struggle between two Amorite clans, the Benjaminite Addu clan pitted against the Bensimʾalite Līm clan. In this text, the ruler of Mari, Yasmaḫ-Addu, recapitulates the historical events related to the protracted conflict between two reigning dynasties: the members of the Līm clan (Yagid-Līm, Yaḫdun-Līm, Sūmū-Yamam) against the Addu clan (Ilā-Kabkabū, Šamšī-Addu, Yasmaḫ-Addu). The former were the ancient rulers of Mari and belonged to the Bensimʾalite or northern Amorite tribes. The latter were part of the Benjaminite or southern tribes. The end of the power struggle between these two clans is reflected in the prophetic letter relating the message of the god Adad from Aleppo to the last ruler of Mari, Zimrī-Līm (A. 1968). The god Adad’s influence stretches beyond the city of Aleppo in northern Syria since he claims to have given the rule over Mari to the warlord who reveres him. These Mari documents represent a veritable philosophy of history with an ideology based on the operation of divine retribution. The view of history as the outworking of a retributive principle is common to all the major cultures of the Mediterranean seashore. It is found in Mesopotamia in several epochs (from the Legend of Narām Sîn to the the Poem of Erra), in the Hurrian-Hittite text concerning the fall of Ebla, in Egypt, in Greece, and in the Hebrew historiographic tradition. The Mari evidence coming from the Northwest Semitic domain to which the Hebrews also belonged could, therefore, be considered as one of the precursors of the theologico-historiographic genre, reflecting an ideology anticipating the one attributed to the redactor of the Deuteronomistic historiography (HDtr). This hermeneutical principle is a common ancient Near Eastern way of interpreting history which the Hebrew tradition shares.

State punishment is an exercise of state power. Punishment is an act said to be morally wrong so how are we to jus;fy their given right to impose inten;onal suffering on law-breakers? It follows that the need to refine which type of state we are talking about is significant in order to help us jus;fy why the state is permiCed to punish, let alone why they do so. We also need to define what concept of punishment we will be using throughout the essay. Before then can we can delve into the essay ;tle by cri;cally analysing retribu;on and the other reasons for the state to punish law-breakers. These reasons are explained under the umbrella term of ‘consequen;alism’, which includes: deterrence, expressionism and rehabilita;on. Finally I will conclude the essay by disagreeing with the essay ;tle and will formulate an answer that incorporates all reasons for punishment, as well as highligh;ng how isola;ng retribu;on as the ul;mate reason for the state to punish law breakers is rather unwise.

Saint
Anselm has three theories of justice and two of the relationship between justice and mercy, each one better than the last.
The first theory of justice (in
Monologion
chapters 70
-
74) is mostly
about  divine  justice  with  respect  to  creatures,  and  it  makes  no  mention  of  mercy.  In  the Proslogion, he assumes that mercy must be an attribute of God, and then tries to advance a view of  justice  and  mercy  as  contraries,  where  justice  is  giving  people  their  due  and  mercy  is  not punishing  them  when  justice  would  require  it.  Recognizing  the  insuperable  problems  with  that conceptual  scheme,  Anselm  found  he  was  forced  to  reject  retributive  theories  of  punishment, eudaimonistic  theories  of  ethics,  and  theories  that  define  justice  as  giving  to  each  his  due,  in order to give a theoretically acceptable account of mercy.

T. M. Scanlon’s contractualism is a meta-ethical theory that explains moral motivation and also provides a conception of how to carry out moral deliberation. It supports non-consequentialism – the theory that both consequences and deontological considerations are morally significant in moral deliberation. Regarding the issue of punishment, non-consequentialism allows us to take account of the need for deterrence as well as principles of fairness, justice, and even desert. Moreover, Scanlonian contractualism accounts for permissibility in terms of justifiability: An act is permissible if and only if it can be justified to everyone affected by it. This contractualist thesis explains why it is always impermissible to frame an innocent person, why vicarious punishment is impermissible, and why there has to be a cap on sentences. Contractualism therefore allows us to take deterrence as a goal of punishment without the excess of utilitarianism. This paper further argues that the resulting view is superior to pure retributivism. Finally, it shows why legal excuses and mitigation can be justified in terms of the notion of negative desert.

This article demonstrates that the punishment eventually imposed upon Absalom was not only due to Nathan’s oracle in 2 Samuel 12, but was also the outcome of Absalom’s own deeds. Absalom’s narrative thus contributes to the structuring of the account according to the model of dual causality. On the divine level, Absalom is an instrument in God’s hands to punish David, according to the rule of ‘punishing children for the iniquity of parents’ (Exod. 20.5; 34.7; Num. 14.18; Deut. 5.9); on the earthly level, however, Absalom is unaware of divine will, and he is motivated to act erroneously by his own bad nature—his ambitiousness, his narcissism, and similar traits—when he rebels against his father

1. Metodika a ciele výskumu Retribúcia sa objavuje vo svetových dejinách v polovici 20. storočia ako nový právny fenomén. Dovtedy nebolo mysliteľné, aby boli občania štátu súdení za skutky, ktoré boli v predošlom režime právne podložené a v súlade zo zákonom. Druhá svetová vojna, jej zverstvá a utrpenie miliónov ľudí však vytvorila predpoklady pre aplikovanie retroaktivity v právnych normách povojnových štátov. Pristúpenie k povojnovému potrestaniu vojnových zločincov bolo nepochybne správnym krokom politických elít. Avšak ako to v dejinách býva, žiadna očista spoločnosti sa neprevádzala dôkladne a spravodlivo. Podobné to bolo aj s retribúciou na Slovensku. Rovnako ako vo všetkých krajinách tak aj na Slovensku bolo mnoho vojnových zločincov postavených pred retribučný súd (ale veľa ich aj uniklo). Spoločne s nimi tam však stáli aj obyčajní ľudia, radoví členovia politických organizácií, ktorí mali s kolaboráciou či vojnovými zločinmi pramálo spoločné. V predkladanej štúdii sa zameriame predovšetkým na nich. Ako vplývala retribúcia na radového člena Hlinkovej gardy (HG), Hlinkovej mládeže (HM), Hlinkovej slovenskej ľudovej strany (HSĽS), Maďarskej strany (MNP) a nemeckých organizácii (FS či DP), ktorý bol zaistený a postavený pred retribučný súd? Čo to znamenalo pre ich rodiny? Aké rôzne formy retribúcie mohli zasiahnuť vtedajšiu spoločnosť? Aké dôsledky mala retribúcia na jednotlivé národnosti? Na tieto a podobné otázky sa pokúsime nájsť odpoveď v predkladanej štúdii. Avšak nezameriame sa na celé územie Slovenska. To by bola dobrá téma na celú monografiu. Tému sme si vymedzili územím mesta Banská Bystrica v časovom horizonte rokov 1945-1947. Práve v tomto období sa odohrávala retribúcia v tej najtvrdšej forme. Pri našom výskume sme sa však nemohli oprieť o žiadnu štúdiu zo zameraním na slovenské územie, ktorá by sledovala osudy obyčajného človeka zasiahnutého retribúciou. Povojnová retribúcia je v slovenskej historiografii pomerne pertraktovaná téma (1), no svoje zastúpenie zatiaľ našla iba v jedinej monografii a to z pera armádneho prokurátora Antona Rašlu (2). Sociálne aspekty retribúcie primárne nesledovala žiadna z doposiaľ napísaných štúdií. Všetky sa viac či menej venovali politicko-právnemu rozmeru retribúcie. Je to logický vývoj, pretože je potrebné mať najprv zodpovedané dejiny retribúcie v širšom politickom a právnom kontexte, než sa hneď púšťať do sondovitého výskumu jednotlivých miestnych a okresných ľudových súdov. Preto sme si museli vytvoriť vlastnú metodiku pri vytváraní sociálneho historického obrazu retribúcie. V prvom rade je potrebné priblížiť priebeh retribúcie na Slovensku a jej právne podloženie. Právne normy, záväzné pre celé Slovensko, sa stali hlavným nástrojom výkonu retribúcie na Slovensku, preto sme komparatívnou metódou porovnávali a analyzovali ako sa jednotlivé nariadenia privádzali do praxe na území mesta Banská Bystrica. Na základe toho a dostupných prameňov banskobystrického archívu (ŠA BB), konkrétne fondov miestneho národného výboru a miestneho a okresného ľudového súdu, sme v druhej časti predkladanej štúdie postupne odkrývali, aké roviny mala retribúcia v Banskej Bystrici. V záverečnej časti štúdie porovnáme, aké mala retribúcia výsledky na Slovensku a aké v Banskej Bystrici. Na základe takto zostavenej osnovy sa pokúsime zhrnúť výsledky nášho výskumu v závere štúdie.

Recent empirical work suggests that emotions are responsible for deontological anti-consequentialist intuitions. For instance, anger places value on actions of revenge and retribution, value not derived from the consequences of these actions. As a result, it contributes to the development of retributive intuitions. I argue that if anger evolved to produce these retributive intuitions because of their biological consequences, then these intuitions are not a good indicator that punishment has value apart from its consequences. This severs the evidential connection between retributive intuitions and the retributive value of punishment. This argument may generalize to other deontological intuitions and theories.

Accounting information systems are needed in supporting the effectiveness of internal control. The purpose of this study was to determine how the influence of existing accounting information systems in the company on the implementation of internal control. Researchers used descriptive and quantitative methods by distributing questionnaires. From the research results, it turns out that PT. Pelabuhan Indonesia I (Persero) Dumai Branch has implemented an Accounting Information System of port boarding pass fees and an adequate Internal Control System. The Accounting Information System of port boarding pass fees applied to affect the Internal Control System but the effect is not strong. Then the application of the Accounting Information System of port boarding pass fees and the Internal Control System is in accordance with the Islamic perspective.

According to Nazi anti-Semites, Jehovah's Witnesses were "Jewish worms." Nonetheless, the Jehovah's Witnesses considered themselves to be Christians. ln their fervent desire to imitate Christ, they publicly preached biblical messages, did not vote in spite of Nazi threats, refused to say "Heil Hitler", and refused military service. ln 1933, the Nazis labeled the Jehovah's Witnesses a Jewish club and their activities were banned. Between 1933 and 1945, they were the only religious group other than Jews so consistently persecuted that they had their own identification marker, a purple star, in concentration camps. ln keeping with their political neutrality, the Jehovah's Witnesses in Silesia refused to subscribe to the so-called "Deutsche Volksliste" and were, in turn, persecuted for it by the Nazis. ln the years 1940-1944, there was an illegal press producing Jehovah's Witnesses ("Jewish") literature in Wisła (part of present day Poland) for Czech and Polish Jehovah's Witnesses as well as their brethren in Silesia. This literature was even smuggled into the Auschwitz prison system. ln consequence, from the spring months of 1943 onwards, the Těšín Gestapo was able to map the local structure of the movement. The post-war trial of Gestapo officer Eichler was held at the Special People's Court, which examined the roundup organized by Eichler in the Těšín and Wisła areas in 1944, in which about 40 Czech and Polish Jehovah's Witnesses had been arrested. The majority of the victims never returned. This, together with other evidence presented by the prosecution, resulted in a death sentence for Eichler and his subsequent execution. ln this study, court records were examined along with the testimony of survivors and no inconsistencies were discovered. lt was confirmed that, especially after 1938, the movement was persecuted largely on account of its "anti-German thinking." The hidden anti-Semitic meaning of the Eichler case remained in the background and the Special People's Court did not examine it.

It is impossible to imagine what Studies in Religion at the University of Sydney would have been like without the contribution of Garry Trompf (b. 27 November 1940, in Melbourne). The department (then called Religious Studies) was only two years old, having been established in 1976 by the University Senate, when he took up a lectureship in 1978. Garry had been working in Papua New Guinea since 1972, and it was not until 1986 that he committed completely to Sydney, and gave up the Chair of History at the University of Papua New Guinea. That year he was promoted to Associate Professor and made Head of Department, a position he held until 1991.

The argument between retributivists and consequentialists about what morally justifies the punishment of offenders is incoherent. If we were to discover that all of the contending justifications were mistaken, there is no realistic prospect that this would lead us to abandon legal punishment. Justification of words, beliefs and deeds can only be intelligible on the assumption that if a justification were found to be invalid and there were no alternative justification, one would be prepared to stop saying, believing or doing what one has attempted to justify. Therefore, the moral standing or basis of our practices of punishing offenders cannot rest on a justification of it.

Dans cet article, nous nous appuyons sur les thèses d’Alvaro Pires pour problématiser trois des principaux obstacles à l’évolution du droit criminel moderne, soient ceux découlant respectivement de la dénonciation, de la rétribution et de la dissuasion. L’article propose de revenir aux théories qui fondent ces objectifs punitifs et de rendre plus visible toute la contingence qui entoure historiquement les choix philosophiques ayant favorisé, pour chacun de ces cas, une conception essentiellement négative, afflictive et souvent « carcéralisante » du droit de punir. Ce retour aux « sources » a ultimement pour but de mettre en évidence des possibilités de reconstruction aujourd’hui plus positives, moins hostiles et plus sensibles à la préservation des liens sociaux. Ces déconstructions-reconstructions sont ici conçues comme relevant d’opérations fondamentales pour l’avènement d’un droit criminel plus « responsif », capable d’apprentissage et d’autocorrection dans son rapport au crime et à la peine.

This is an updated version of the previous paper. Aside from some small changes in the framing of certain parts of discussion (especially, in the 'objections' subsection), the conclusion, footnotes & blue-booking, everything is here. The conclusion is a delicate thing--and therefore needs a bit more attention (hence, its omission) which tries to contextualize the paper in terms of Jack Balkin's idea of "constitutional redemption", but there are no substantive arguments therein. Most everything of worth to the paper is included in this draft.--A.c.S

P.S. A proper abstract can be found at the beginning of the document.

P.P.S. I apologize for the completely new re-upload, but it seems that the preview mechanism for academia.edu stops working for subsequent edits. The annoying consequence is that the paper can't be read in the browser, but downloaded. Hence, this re-upload.

This paper criticizes four major approaches to criminal law – consequentialism, retributivism, abolitionism, and “mixed” pluralism – each of which, in its own fashion, affirms the celebrated emblem of the “scales of justice.” The argument is that there is a better way of dealing with the tensions that often arise between the various legal purposes than by balancing them against each other. For we should aim to genuinely reconcile them instead.

El presente articulo analiza la "doctrina Parot" establecida por la STS 197/2006 de 28 de febrero. Para ello se realiza un estudio desde el momento en que estaban vigentes los preceptos legales que la misma interpreta hasta el fallo en primera instancia en el asunto " Del Rio Prada contra Espana ". Asimismo, se procede al examen de una serie de aspectos relacionados on la cuestion a tratar que no han recibido la suficiente atencion.

A partir de una sentencia de la Corte de Apelaciones de Santiago, el artículo examina la tensión en que se encuentran nuestros tribunales de justicia, al indemnizar el daño moral en el ámbito de la responsabilidad extracontractual. Si bien rechazan que la indemnización decretada cumpla objetivos retributivos o disuasivos, ajustándose al principio de reparación integral del daño, en ciertos supuestos acuden a componentes punitivos en sus fallos, elevando el monto indemnizatorio. Se revisa esta tensión judicial, proponiendo su disolución a la luz de la pertinencia de consideraciones punitivas en el derecho privado.

From a decision of the Court of Appeals of Santiago, the article examines the tension found in our courts of justice when they seek to compensate moral damages in the context of tort law. While they deny that these awards are aimed at retributive or deterrent objectives, sticking to the principle of full compensation for damage, in some cases they take into account punitive components in their judgments, raising the amount of the award. This legal tension is reviewed, proposing its dissolution by endorsing the appropriateness of punitive considerations in private law.

This essay concerns Simone de Beauvoir's analysis of blame and punishment in "OEil pour oeil" and the irreconcilable tensions that haunt it. I study these tensions-between the desire to blame and punish and the inability to provide moral justification for these practices-and locate their source in Beauvoir's conception of ethics in Pour une morale de l'ambiguïté. According to my reading, her ethics implies that violence violates freedom, the grounding principle of ethical life. Retaliatory and retributive judgments and the punishment they uphold, regardless of whether they are exerted by individuals or by official state powers, are forms of violence and are therefore unjustifiable. The aporias of blame and punishment in "OEil pour oeil" suggest that Beauvoir's ideal of ethics necessitates an abolitionist position regarding punishment. The essay ends with a reflection on the affinity between the position constructed from Beauvoir's work and feminist abolitionist theories that seek to undermine the legal, social, and political institutions that perpetuate, rather than resolve, economic, racial, gender, sex, and class inequality.

The Protestant theological doctrine of the uses of the moral law had a striking analogue in the classic Anglo-American doctrine of the purposes of criminal law and punishment. Protestant theologians have long argued that God’s moral law was not a pathway to salvation, but it still had “uses” in this life: (1) a civil use that restrains person from sinful conduct by threat of divine punishment; (2) a theological use that condemns sinful persons in their consciences and drives them to repentance; and (3) an educational use that teaches those who have already been saved the good works that please God and induce others to come to God, too. Protestant jurists, in turn, developed an analogous theory of three purposes of why a state needs criminal law and punishment: (1) deterrence of individuals and groups through the threat of criminal punishment; (2) retribution, the necessary punishment needed to restore a convicted criminal within the community; and (3) rehabilitation, teaching a person the good works that become proper citizenship. This Article analyzes the close conceptual connections between these theological and legal doctrines and the historical evidence that each influenced the development of the other. The Article also calls for a proper balancing of the three uses of moral law and the three purposes of criminal law.

Os profissionais envolvidos com o sistema penal rotineiramente tomam decisões sobre a culpabilidade e a punibilidade de transgressores. O comportamento de punir um ofensor tem sido estudado por psicólogos e neurocientistas, que buscam compreender quais as motivações subjacentes ao ato de punir, bem como quais as estruturas cerebrais envolvidas no processamento de informações sobre a intencionalidade e gravidade de uma ofensa. Estudos recentes apontam que a decisão de punir envolve áreas cerebrais específicas, cuja origem estaria ligada à necessidade, no contexto de evolução da espécie, de estabilizar a cooperação em grupos, por intermédio do reforço das normas sociais mediante a aplicação de sanções. Neste artigo, buscamos fazer uma revisão crítica dessa literatura, apontando que, apesar da importância dos estudos da chamada Neurociência da Punição, os pressupostos por eles adotados ainda são discutíveis, do ponto de vista da biologia evolucionista e da neurociência cognitiva.

Legitimacy of criminal sanction is originated on its own purposes pursued in a state governed by the Rule of Law. That legitimacy should include the penalty as well as security measures, bearing in mind that both are imposed to someone breaking a rule of conduct, and therefore, someone capable to do it. Reviewing penal capacity or criminal liability concepts is required because if penal capacity means the capacity to understand the reality and adjust the behavior to it, and if every legitimate criminal sanction have to be imposed to someone who have the capacity of break it, then security measures also have to be imposed only to people responsible, capable to understand rules and act in accordance. With regard to people not subject to criminal liability they are standing outside Criminal Law and punish them would be illegitimate. In this line, criminal liability should be seen not only as a crime assumption but also as a basic statement for any dialogue the state shall have with the citizens: at the level of crime itself, proceedings and sentence execution.