Contestation and political processes

La richesse des archives judiciaires échevinales dijonnaises permet d’observer et d’analyser les comportements contestataires de ses habitants et leurs évolutions. Il s’agit ici de s’intéresser à la criminalisation de propos régulièrement qualifiés de « séditieux », en procédant à l’analyse lexicale de leur contenu, pour distinguer les affaires liées à des questions sociales de celles présentant de plus importants enjeux politiques. La procédure employée par le tribunal urbain est alors centrale dans ce qu’elle révèle de la fabrication de la norme par l’autorité urbaine en matière d’encadrement de la population.

Souvent rabattue sur des stéréotypes réducteurs, la protection animale constitue une cause militante des plus anciennes et complexes. Du début du XIX e siècle jusqu'à nos jours, de multiples entrepreneurs de morale s'indignent du traitement que les hommes réservent aux bêtes et se mobilisent afin de corriger la brutalité de leurs contemporains. D'abord préoccupée par la cruauté à l'égard du bétail, ce n'est qu'à l'issue de longues péripéties que la protection animale s'étend aux animaux de compagnie et, bien plus tardivement encore, aux espèces sauvages et à leurs milieux naturels. En s'appuyant sur une comparaison franco-britannique, cet ouvrage retrace les inflexions successives à l'origine des multiples facettes qui caractérisent, aujourd'hui encore, la protection animale. Indissociables des évolutions de la philanthropie, bien antérieures à l'apparition des mots d'ordre de l'écologie, les mobilisations collectives en faveur du sort des animaux éclairent plusieurs processus cruciaux de notre histoire sociopolitique : évolution des sensibilités et des émotions socialement valorisées ; définition de la violence légitime ; constitution des normes visant à réformer les moeurs ; rivalité des élites se réclamant de diverses formes d'autorité ; influence des religions sur les engagements militants ; effets des discriminations de genre.

The article is part of the book  Brigitte Orfali (dir.), La banalisation de l'extrémisme à la veille de la présidentielle. Radicalisation ou dé-radicalisation ?, L'Harmattan, coll. « Délits de curiosité », 2012, 170 p., ISBN : 978-2-296-96514-0.
Based on my master research on French student movements it proposes a critical analysis of the process of banalisation of forms of collective action used within these movements.

The presence of protests, sometimes during violent conflict and civil war, across the globe, seems to contradict the common view that civil war and protests are mutually exclusive episodes and do not belong to a continuum. Instead, peaceful – and less peaceful – protests can coincide with civil war and other forms of armed violence like civil war. This article reflects and questions the dominant understanding that violent conflict and protests are disconnected forms of conflict and contention. To achieve this aim, the chapter discusses how both phenomena have been explained and theorized.

The document starts examining similarities and differences in the definition and understanding of civil war, on the one hand, and protests and protest campaigns (Chenoweth & Lewis, 2013) . Departing from the important work of T.R. Gurr (2011) and others (Skocpol, 1979; Tilly, 2006), on protest, rebellion and violent conflict in the process of state-building, this article research aims to reevaluate how protest campaings and civil war can relate to each other over time.

The document discusses under which conditions, processes such as protest campaigns escalate into a low intensity or high intensity civil war, and on the circumstances that define the de-escalation from civil wars protest campaigns. The article argues that in the aftermath of civil wars, protests are more likely to be observed in post-agreement scenarios. In addition, it argues that before civil wars, protests campaigns do take place, and where venues for negotiation with dissidents are closed and state capacity is weak and armed conflict is more likely.

The article proceeds to present a theoretical framework for understanding different possible ‘patterns’ of transition between protest campaigns and civil war, and from civil war to protest campaigns. The possibility that civil war and protest campaigns belong to a continuum is thus theorized through a series of trajectories. These trajectories are conditioned, by a series of factors that relate to the nature of the state where the contention is taking place.

Les désillusions politiques, la crise socio-économique ainsi que la mondialisation jouent un rôle important sur le devenir et la définition de soi des étudiants de l’Université de Ouagadougou. De ce contexte découle une tension permanente entre leurs désirs de réussite et la réalité de leurs situations. A la fois élite en devenir et jeunesse à l’abandon, où trouvent-ils leur reconnaissance sociale, que mettent-ils en place pour réussir ? Comment compensent-ils le mépris social et la blessure narcissique dont ils se sentent victimes ?  Comment s’inscrivent-ils malgré tout dans la « modernité » portée et désirée notamment via la migration urbaine et le projet scolaire ?

Pour ces jeunes, en référence au mythe de « l’école du blanc », réussite et aînesse sociale découlent du diplôme, de l’emploi, du mariage, des enfants et du retour vers les familles. Entre ouverture des imaginaires et fermeture des possibles, ces lieux se transforment. D’autres voies de réussite se dessinent. De nouveaux espaces de construction de l’identité sont investis. Les capitaux du corps et de la ruse sont mobilisés pour rendre corps au capital scolaire dévalorisé… Le projet de s’exiler s’inscrit progressivement au cœur des aspirations de ces jeunes laissés à l’abandon. Piégés par la perte de valeur matérielle de leur diplôme, ils tentent malgré tout de s’insérer dans la réussite « moderne ».

Appuyé sur une quarantaine d'entretiens avec des cotonculteurs dans trois villages de la région camerounaise de l'Extrême-Nord, et une trentaine d'autres auprès de l'encadrement de la Sodecoton, de représentants des producteurs et de fonctionnaires camerounais, ce mémoire questionne l'enchâssement des formes de la conflictualité sociale dans celles de la production économique. La conflictualité cotonnière dépend en effet largement de l'agencement original de la filière, qui organise l'articulation entre des contraintes et un mode de valorisation industriel d'une part, et des producteurs initiaux paysans, travaillant sur leur propre parcelle, d'autre part. En découlent pour la Sodecoton (l'opérateur monopoliste) des avantages économiques – extraction d'un travail gratuit, transfert du risque sur le monde paysan – mais aussi des contraintes politiques – les producteurs sont « insaisissables ». Espace politique et de négociations quotidiennes, la production cotonnière est aussi restituée dans sa participation à des tentatives hégémonique de plus grande échelle, qu'elles concernent les rapports supposés du pouvoir aux paysans (dans le cadre d'un "populisme agricole") ou l'image bâtie autour de la région où travaillent les cotonculteurs (le "Grand Nord"). L'ensemble de ces éléments permettent une relecture originale du débat classique autour de la « capture » de la paysannerie africaine. Les cotonculteurs jouissent en efet d'une indépendance relative qui leur permet d'intégrer le coton à des stratégies économiques plus larges et de contourner certaines des contraintes qu'on cherche à leur imposer ; mais la Sodecoton a construit historiquement une réponse à cet enjeu concernant le contrôle de sa force de travail par la mise en place d'un encadrement de terrain, l'utilisation de la dépendance des paysans au numéraire et aux engrais, et le développement de mécanismes de contrôle indirect par la décharge sur des autorités villageoises. En outre, la production de coton a été un moyen privilégié de placer les paysans du Nord du Cameroun sous le contrôle de l'État. Ainsi étudier la culture du coton comme espace politique revient à se dissocier aussi bien des conceptions renfermant les « sociétés paysannes » sur elles-même, que de celles qui veulent voir les cultivateurs ruraux comme une catégorie écrasée, incapable d'initiative.

Après avoir rappelé les grandes lignes de l’affaire du Temple, l’article en esquisse une réinterprétation d’ensemble. L’analyse des sources émises par les instigateurs du procès – le roi de France Philippe le Bel et ses conseillers – est privilégiée. Une logique étrangère à l’histoire de l’ordre mais propre, en revanche, à celle de la monarchie capétienne présida aux événements. La « découverte » et la répression d’une « hérésie des templiers » fut la dernière étape d’un processus, commencé lors du conflit avec Boniface VIII, au cours duquel la royauté française s’appropria les fondements mystiques de la théocratie pontificale. Dans l’affaire du Temple, les légistes royaux achevèrent de sceller une Nouvelle Alliance entre Dieu et le Capétien. Défenseur suprême de la foi catholique, le roi était désormais investi d’une fonction christique, supérieure à celle du pape. L’enjeu du procès des templiers fut la transfiguration du pouvoir royal.

Abstract
« A Heresy of State. Philip the Fair, the Trial of the ‘Perfid Templars’ and the pontificalization of French Kingship ».

Having first summed up the Temple case, this article outlines a comprehensive reinterpretation with special regard to the texts written by the instigators of the trial, namely Philip the Fair and his ministers. The logic that prevailed was peculiar to the history of the capetian monarchy ; it had nothing to do with the order’s history. The « discovery » and repression of the « templars’ heresy » was the last step of a process that had begun with the franco-papal rift at the time of Boniface VIII. In this process, the french monarchy appropriated the mystic foundations of the papal theocracy. With the Temple case, the royal legists finished to set the seal on a New Alliance between God and the king. As the ultimate defender of the catholic faith, the capetian king was now fully invested with a christical function that put him above the pope. What was at stake in the templars’ trial was the transfiguration of the royal power.

In establishing an anarchic framework for understanding public space as a vision for radical democracy, this article proceeds as a theoretical inquiry into how an agonistic public space might become the basis of emancipation. Public space is presented as an opportunity to move beyond the technocratic elitism that often characterizes both civil societies and the neoliberal approach to development, and is further recognized as the battlefield on which the conflicting interests of the world's rich and poor are set. Contributing to the growing recognition that geographies of resistance are relational, where the “global” and the “local” are understood as co-constitutive, a radical democratic ideal grounded in material public space is presented as paramount to repealing archic power in general, and neoliberalism’s exclusionary logic in particular.

Neoliberal economics have emerged in the post-Cold War era as the predominant ideological tenet applied to the development of countries in the global south. For much of the global south, however, the promise that markets will bring increased standards of living and emancipation from tyranny has been an empty one. Instead, neoliberalisation has increased the gap between rich and poor and unleashed a firestorm of social ills.

This book deals with the post-conflict geographies of violence and neoliberalisation in Cambodia. Applying a geographical analysis to contemporary Cambodian politics, the author employs notions of neoliberalism, public space, and radical democracy as the most substantive components of its theoretical edifice. He argues that the promotion of unfettered marketisation is the foremost causal factor in the country’s inability to consolidate democracy following a United Nations sponsored transition. The book demonstrates Cambodian perspectives on the role of public space in Cambodia's process of democratic development and explains the implications of violence and its relationship with neoliberalism.

Taking into account the transition from war to peace, authoritarianism to democracy, and command economy to a free market, this book offers a critical appraisal of the political economy in Cambodia.
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Reviews:

Gunn, G. C. 2013. Journal of Contemporary Asia, 43.1: 188-191.

Brickell, K. 2011. Asia Pacific Viewpoint, 52.3: 372-374.

Percival, T. 2011. Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography, 32.2: 270-272.

Christie, R. 2010. South East Asia Research, 19.2: 349-372.

Ordóñez de Pablos, P. 2010. International Journal of Asian Business and Information Management, 1.4: 65-66.

This chapter addresses the questions of how and why secondary and
tertiary Eurasian powers have refused to follow the dominant regional
power’s ambitions. What are the key motivations behind the choice of a
particular contestation strategy? The first section briefly discusses how
International Relations (IR) theory conceptualizes contestation strategies
and how this scholarship is relevant to analyze Eurasian responses to
Russia’s ambitions in the region. The second section focuses on the nature
of post-Soviet politics and its inherent conflict between interdependence
and sovereignty, which sets the framework of the relations between
Eurasian secondary powers and Russia. The third section illustrates the
contestation strategies of secondary Eurasian countries through the perspective of multi-vector foreign policy. The fourth section analyzes three
distinct types of contestation strategy utilized by one or more individual
Eurasian states. The fifth section portrays the Ukraine crisis since
2013/2014 as an expression of a shift in Russian policy and shows how
this shift challenges the established contestation strategies in Eurasia.
Finally, the conclusion develops the argument that Eurasian contestation
is likely to increase the more Russia seeks to dominate its post-Soviet
neighbors.

Compte rendu de  Hassan Rachik, Symboliser la nation par Hajar Dehhani "Un essai édifiant qui nous permet de reconsidérer les actions du mouvement national marocain et de les voir sous un nouveau jour : celui d’actions qui ont joué un rôle central dans la genèse du nationalisme. "

While security has always been political, it has for the most part been considered a special kind of politics that closes down political activity and debate. This article and special issue introduction reviews recent theoretical and empirical developments to argue that a research agenda that re-engages security through the prism of politicisation is better able to elucidate the growing range of actors, arenas and arguments visible in contemporary security governance. Based on recent literatures from Political Science and European Studies that – so far – have been largely ignored by Security Studies, it develops an analytical framework around three dimensions: controversy, mobilisation and arena-shifting. It showcases the relevance of this perspective through brief empirical illustrations on the post-Snowden controversy, public participation on security strategy-making, and the role of parliaments in security policy. The overall aim is to reopen conceptual questions on the relationship between security and politics, inspire innovative empirical work to study the diverse politics around security, and allow for more differentiated normative inquiries into the ambivalent consequences of politicisation.

In the past few years San Francisco has experienced rapid gentrification amidst what is locally referred to as " tech boom 2.0. " In turn, a diverse movement has developed to contest the processes of gentrification, privatization, enclosure and displacement that are occurring in the city. In this chapter I analyze two struggles over public space: an altercation over a soccer field and the blockade of tech shuttle buses. Through these cases, I analyze how San Francisco residents have contested processes of privatization, enclosure and exclusion in and through struggles over public space. In doing so I argue that such struggles are inherently linked to the colonizing logics of tech-capital and that the forms of resistance it engenders can be understood as a fight for the maintenance of an urban commons. In the first section I give an analysis of the political economic conditions that form the backdrop to these struggles. I then describe how tactics of interruption were used in the cases of " Google bus blockades " and the altercation at Mission Playground to protect the urban commons. I end with an analysis of these struggles through the concepts of " implicit privatization " and enclosure, and discuss how current patterns of displacement and dis-possession in San Francisco imbricate with longer histories of settler colonialism.

Cette recherche doctorale aborde le travail de sept organisations de mémoire et de droits humains de Santiago, au Chili, et les luttes dans lesquelles elles sont engagées. Le passé et sa représentation dans l'espace public sont une source de conflit depuis la fin du régime Pinochet. D'allure spectrale, ces sujets réapparaissent dans le présent sous plusieurs formes alors que les organisations de mémoire et de droits humains entrent en lutte relativement aux sens et à l'importance que doit prendre ce passé, de même qu’à la légitimité devant être accordée aux acteurs mobilisant ce passé dans l'arène publique. Or, ces luttes et conflits se produisent dans des dynamiques sociopolitiques particulières et engagent une multitude d'acteurs ayant des représentations différenciées du passé. Cet état de fait appelle à une reformulation de la conceptualisation du rôle des acteurs collectifs afin de mettre en exergue ces différences dans la manière de représenter le passé, certes, mais également dans les stratégies analogues et opposées de le faire.

Cette thèse entreprend, de manière diachronique, la reconstruction des principaux débats s'étant produits autour des questions de l'impunité, de la vérité et de la mémoire. Couvrant la période de 1998 à 2018, elle débute avec la détention d'Augusto Pinochet à Londres et se termine avec la fin du second mandat de la première femme présidente, Michelle Bachelet. Les sept organisations étudiées vont de regroupements de familles et de survivants à des sites de mémoire et de conscience. Par le biais des discours produits par ces organisations, j'examine des périodes historiques particulières en me concentrant sur des moments forts de ces conjonctures afin de mettre en évidence les luttes de sens et les conflits de légitimité relatifs à ces époques. De manière concrète, une attention particulière est portée à l'analyse des principaux sujets de contentieux, la façon dont les acteurs se mobilisent, leurs objectifs et comment le passé est évoqué dans l'espace public. L'une des fins de cette thèse est de mettre en exergue la relation conflictuelle entre les organisations et les administrations post-dictature. Cette dimension permet ainsi de comprendre le malaise des représentations politiques transparaissant en filigrane des interventions publiques des porteurs de mémoire.

À partir d'un cadre théorique original fondé à la fois dans la sociologie de la mémoire, la sociologie des mouvements sociaux et l'analyse de discours, cette thèse qualitative met à profit un corpus de documents diversifié, notamment des journaux nationaux, des déclarations publiques, de même que des textes provenant de la plate-forme web des organisations étudiées. Ces documents sont examinés et analysés  afin de mettre en évidence les représentations et les dynamiques qui les soulignent. S'inspirant de la méthode employée par Passy et Giugni (2005 : 903), ce travail étudie le corpus de documents recueillis afin de faire la lumière sur  « qui intervient (les acteurs), comment (les répertoires d'action) et dans quel but (contenu des revendications) » (Passy & Giugni, 2005: 903). Cette technique permet de retracer les acteurs, leur répertoire d'action, leurs représentations du passé, la terminologie qu'ils utilisent et les traces de leurs interactions avec les autres organisations ou représentations opposées du passé.

Summary

This doctoral research addresses the work of seven organizations of memory and human rights in Santiago, Chile, and the struggles in which they are engaged. The past and its representation in the public space have been a source of conflict since the end of the Pinochet regime. Spectral-like, these matters reappear in the present in many forms as organizations of memory and human rights struggle over the meaning and importance of the past, as well as the legitimacy that must be granted to actors mobilizing this past in the public arena. However, these struggles and conflicts occur in particular socio-political dynamics and engage a multitude of actors with different representations of the past. This state of affairs calls for a reformulation of the conceptualization of the role of collective actors in order to highlight these differences in the way of representing the past, certainly, but also in the analogous and opposite strategies of doing so.


This thesis undertakes, diachronically, the reconstruction of the main debates that have arisen around the themes of impunity, truth and memory. Covering the period from 1998 to 2018, it begins with the detention of Augusto Pinochet in London and concludes with the end of the second term of the first woman president, Michelle Bachelet. The seven organizations studied range from family groups and survivors to sites of memory and consciousness. Through the discourses produced by these organizations, I examine particular historical periods by focusing on strong moments of these conjunctures in order to highlight the struggles of meaning and the conflicts of legitimacy relating to these times. In concrete terms, particular attention is paid to the analysis of the main themes of litigation, the way in which the actors are mobilized, their objectives and how the past is evoked in the public space. One of the purposes of this thesis is to highlight the conflictual relationship between organizations and post-dictatorship administrations. This dimension thus makes it possible to understand the uneasiness of the political representations that appear in the background of the public interventions of the porteurs de mémoire.


Based on an original theoretical framework based at the same time in the sociology of memory, the sociology of social movements and the analysis of speeches, this qualitative thesis draws on a diverse body of documents, notably national newspapers, statements as well as texts from the web platforms of the organizations studied. These documents are examined and analyzed in order to highlight the representations and dynamics that underline them. Inspired by the method used by Passy and Giugni (2005: 903), this work studies the body of documents collected in order to shed light on "who intervenes (the actors), how (the repertoires of action) and in which purpose (content of the claims) "(Passy & Giugni, 2005: 903). This technique makes it possible to trace the actors, their repertoire of actions, their representations of the past, the terminology they use and the traces of their interactions with other organizations or opposing representations of the past.

Neoliberal policies explain why authoritarianism and violence remain the principal modes of governance among many ruling elites in posttransitional settings. Using Cambodia as an empirical case to illustrate the neoliberalizing process, the promotion of intense marketization is revealed as a foremost causal factor in a country's inability to consolidate democracy following political transition. Neoliberalization effectively acts to suffocate an indigenous burgeoning of democratic politics. Such asphyxiation is brought to bear under the neoliberal rhetoric of order and stability, which can be read through the (re)production of public space. The preoccupation with order and stability serves the interests of capital at the global level and political elites at the level of the nation-state. Citizens themselves may fiercely contest these particular interests in a quest for a more radical democracy, as evidenced by the burgeoning geographies of protest that have emerged in Cambodian public spaces in the posttransition era.

Conventional frameworks for understanding the Yemeni uprising that began in 2011 often fail to incorporate the role of mobilized publics and previous forms of contestations in the buildup to the uprising, and in the continued struggle for the social, political, and economic transformation of Yemen. The purpose of this chapter is to highlight the legacies and intersectionalities of various forms of contestations that developed in Yemen since 1990, represented by the activities of the Huthis in the North, al-Hirak in the South and civil society, including youth and women, and to explore their impact on the uprising and the pro-democracy movement since 2011. Political actions taken to address corruption, unemployment, and lack of basic human rights had created an oppositional identity that facilitated collective actions during the uprising in 2011.

This paper will argue that policy is a “process of contestation and struggle”, subject to a
multitude of socio-political influences from key social actors, including but not limited to,
policy interpreters, translators and critics. To supplement this idea, the Prevent programme
which was introduced by the U.K. government in 2013 to tackle a surge in extremism
(Graham, 2017), will be explored in depth. Due to their exceptionally negative impact on
students and young people, most counter-terrorism policies and in particular Prevent, have
been highly disputed in all spheres of society. However, Prevent is a policy that is particularly
relevant to this discussion, given both its controversial nature and its role in educational
establishments. It therefore serves as a significant case study for illustrating the various
struggles involved in the policy-making process

La communication traite d’un mouvement de contestation conduit par de nombreuses associations représentant les populations de montagne du Moyen-Atlas au Maroc. Ces populations vivent dans des communautés tribales (8202 de famille d’agriculteurs-éleveurs et 70.000 habitants) qui ont de tout temps exploité des terres collectives de parcours principalement (158 000 Ha) selon des coutumes séculaires. Ces familles entretiennent un cheptel de 810.000 ovins et de 90.000caprins ; c’est pour dire combien ces terres collectives sont vitales pour elles. Depuis le protectorat, la gestion de ces terres est soumise à la tutelle du ministère de l’intérieur.
Mais depuis que le Maroc s’est engagé dans un processus de la libération du foncier agricole, l’appétit de nombreux ‘’investisseurs’’ s’est ouvert pour accaparer ces terres collectives moyennant leur cession par les autorités de tutelle. Dans le même temps, ces cessions ont soulevé des mouvements de protestation des autochtones, organisés dans des associations locales, qui tentent de les empêcher. Ces associations de la société civile revendiquent justice, égalité et droit d’accès aux ressources foncières à travers des actions publiques et un dialogue de sourd avec les pouvoirs publics. Les concessions des terres sont réalisées selon des modalités opaques qui ont généré un sentiment de frustrations et d’injustice généralisé exprimé par la notion de L’hogra. Le paradoxe qui les révolte est qu’ils vivent dans une région riche (terres de parcours, terres de culture, gisement miniers, amodiation de chasse, plantes aromatique et médicinale, tourisme …)  mais dont la population reste pauvre à cause du mode de gouvernance de ces ressources. Les femmes et des hommes de cette région sont déterminés d’aller jusqu’au bout de leur lutte faute d’alternative …
L’argument principal de cette communication est que le mode de gestion étatique des terres collectives et des ressources naturelles de façon générale est de plus en plus contesté et soulève une résistance organisée de la part de la société civile qui revendique plus de justice et d’équité et remet en cause les modes de gouvernance de ces richesses communes.

The contestation literature has a norm problem. As I argue in this introductory chapter, the ‘gravitational pull’ of norms as the key unit of analysis in constructivist research creates more problems than it solves for the questions at hand. Although the concept of struggle is the theoretical starting point for contestation research, in order to function as a pragmatist point of commonality between constructivist approaches, it tends to revert back to the core concept of the norm, which has often led to a microscopic focus on single norms. This bears the danger of overemphasis in research designs that then fail to account for the larger meaning structures that norms are embedded in. In this introduction, I hence seek to problematize and re-conceptualize the concepts of norms, agency and change in relation to each other. I maintain that a re-centering on the discursive underpinnings of contestation theory can provide a more thorough understanding of normative context. This also means avoiding a fixed definition of norms as a theoretical starting point. This is the challenge this introductory chapter tackles; to develop a theoretical space for discursive agency while at the same time peeling away contestation from its intricate connection to the concept of the norm without abandoning it altogether.
This insistence on a better theoretical implementation of discourse does not run counter to contestation’s insistence on individual agency. As I point out, post-structuralist discourse theory leaves leeway for dialectically constituted agency – and connectedly, discursive change. I argue that intertext can serve as an ideal analytical entry point into both actors’ discursive strategies and normative change as incremental transformation. Intertextual chains are the crucial lines where meaning is contested, and accordingly, where both discursive transformation and stabilization occurs. In this lies actors’ agency because meaning is never entirely stable and most of the time, multiple (though not unlimited) meanings and interpretations are available. Actors leverage intertextuality, linguistic ambiguity and overdetermination to re-interpret, re-contextualize and re-connect meaning, to stabilize and to de-stabilize it. The ‘outcomes’ of such processes hence bear the intertextual traces of past contestations and serve as entry points for future ones. Building on this, I conceptualize norms as intertextual amalgams. This reconnects this dissertation’s research questions with the unavoidable concept of the norm, allowing it to engage the mainstream IR debates while being critical of key assumptions.

Research on social movements has historically focused on the traditional weapons of the working class, especially labour strikes and street demonstrations. But everyday actions, such as eating or singing, which can also be turned into a means of protest, have yet to be fully explored. An inter-disciplinary and comparative history of these modes of action, Bodies in Protest: Hunger Strikes and Angry Music reveals how hunger strikes and music ranging from gospel songs to rock anthems can efficiently convey political messages and mobilize the masses. Common to both approaches, the contributions to this volume show, is a direct appeal to the emotions and a reliance on the physical, concrete language of the human body.

Abstrak
Pemilu 1999 adalah awal dari keterbukaan politik di Indonesia. dimulai dengan diperbolehkannya pembentukan partai politik diluar tiga partai yang ditentukan oleh Orde Baru. Fasilitasi pemilu tersebut merupakan konsekuensi logis sebagai upaya re-organisasi negara setelah keberhasilan gerakan massa menggulingkan pemerintahan Orde Baru pada peristiwa reformasi 1998. Salah satu kontestan pemilu tersebut adalah PRD yang dikategorikan sebagai partai kiri.
Meskipun PRD menjadi simbol radikalisme melawan Orde Baru, partai ini tidak mendapatkan jumlah suara yang signifikan pada pemilu 1999. Fenomena tersebut diteliti menggunakan teori proses politik dan teori analisa kelas dalam perspektif Marxisme. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa kegagalan PRD pada pemilu 1999 disebabkan oleh kontradiksi antara struktur mobilisasi gerakan politik dengan struktur partai pada pemilu.
Kata kunci : Aksi, massa, mobilisasi, partai, pemilu, politik

Abstract
The election in 1999 was the beginning of political openess in Indonesia. Began with probation to build new political parties beside the three party which determinde by the New Order Goverment. The election fasilitation is the logical cosequences ti the state reorganisation after the success of people power movement overthrowing the New Order Regime on reformation event in 1998. One of the election contestant is the PRD which categorised as the left party.
Eventhough PRD became the radicalism symbil against the New Order, this party was not get enough sinificant voters in tehe 1999’s election. This research used the political process theory and the marxist class analysis to explain this phenomena. The result of this research shows that the failure of the PRD in 1999 election because of tje contradiction between the mobilisation structure of political movement to the election party structure. 
Keywords: action, mass, mobilization, election, party, politics

The chapter analyses and conceptually clarifies constitutional mobilization on the transnational level. It discusses the nature of the structural ‘constitutional deficit’ of the EU as well as the constituent roles of organized European civil society. Social movements played a prominent role in the original Convention on the Future of Europe, and have continued to do so in recent years, mobilizing for a bottom-up form of constituent politics. The chapter hence elaborates the specific notion of ‘constitutional mobilization’, conceptualizing different dimensions of civil society involvement in democratic and constitutional politics, and relating such involvement to manifestations of constituent politics. It builds on literature on constitutional mobilization and distinguishes between different constituent practices: constituent articulation, constituent activation, constituent action, and comprehensive constituent or radical constituting claims. Such distinctions help to diversify between forms of mobilization and a variety of claims, and to bring out the relative distance of transnational actors vis-à-vis formal institutions and processes (of amendment). The distinctive forms of critique, alternative visions, and constitutional propositions of civil society actors will be discussed, in part drawing on interviews conducted in the context of the research project Transnational Populism and European Democracy (TRAPpED). In the final part, the chapter briefly reflects on the experiences of constitutional politics in the EU with regard to the current Conference on the Future of Europe.

The Olympics have a greater, more profound and more pervasive impact on the urban fabric of their host cities than any other sporting or cultural event.  This paper is concerned with issues of memory and remembering in Olympic host cities.  After a contextual introduction, it employs a case study of the Queen Elizabeth Olympic Park (QEOP), the main event space for the London 2012 Summer Games, to supply insight into how to read the urban traces of Olympic memory.  Three key themes are identified when interpreting the memories associated with the Park and its built structures, namely: treatment of the area’s displaced past, memorializing the Games, and with memory legacy.  The ensuing discussion section then adopts a historiographic slant, stressing the importance of narrative and offering wider conclusions about Olympic memory and the city.

This study examines W.B. Gallie’s claim that a special group of concepts, i.e., essentially contested concepts, bring about endless and rationally irresolvable yet perfectly genuine disputes about their proper employment. The obscurity of Gallie’s original thesis has contributed to diverging interpretations and thus rendered the term ‘essentially contested concept’ ambiguous today. Moreover, attempts to make a firm enough case for the existence of essentially contested concepts have arguably failed. This work sets things straight in three main ways. First, it offers the most detailed discussion of Gallie’s thesis of essential contestedness to date. Second, it provides a comprehensive account of the critical reception of Gallie’s thesis. Third, it argues for an improved account of essential contestability.
Part one guides to the study and contextualizes the thesis of essential contestedness. Gallie was influenced by several intellectual strands of the 20h century, and his idea has inspired numerous scholars of different disciplines. Part two presents and analyzes the seven conditions of essential contestedness which are commonly understood as inhering in a particular kind of concept. Instead, they are best divided into two groups, one belonging to semantics, the other to pragmatics. Part three delves deeper into the nature of contestation, the required sense of essentiality, the rationality of having an irresolvable and endless dispute, the genuineness of disputes manifesting essential contestedness, and the presumed unity of an essentially contested concept. Part four evaluates the soundness of a concept-centered thesis that understands contestation as revolving around a single concept that has a special structure. Options found in the literature are presented and analyzed. In the end, the concept-centered thesis is discarded in favor of individuating essentially contested concepts functionally.
This study explicates for the first time virtually all elements of Gallie’s thesis,
clarifies his terminological choices, and extensively covers the secondary literature that has accumulated over the years. It is claimed that the key to essential contestability is found in the specific way concepts are employed, that is, anthropocentrically with an aim to persuade others within the parameters set by a decision-based reasonable disagreement.

В данной статье анализируются возможности и ограничения событийного анализа протестов (protest event-analysis) в изучении политической мобилизации. Событийный анализ, являясь разновидностью контент-анализа, позволяет воссоздавать динамику политической мобилизации и ее ключевые характеристики на основе разнообразных текстовых источников (отчеты полиции, дневники наблюдения, сообщения в массмедиа). История появления событийного анализа тесно связана с развитием сравнительного метода в социальных науках и конкуренцией теорий коллективного действия и социальных движений. Запрос на масштабные кросс-национальные сравнения и квантификацию социально-политических явлений вместе с пионерскими работами Чарльза Тилли создали предпосылки для систематического сбора данных о протестных событиях. Четыре поколения развития метода позволили не только сформировать ключевые понятия теории коллективных действий («структура политических возможностей», «цикл протеста», «репертуар протеста» и др.), но и значительно улучшить процедуры сбора и обработки информации о политической мобилизации, в частности, за счет триангуляции данных и полуавтоматического кодирования. В статье также анализируются источники систематических ошибок в сборе данных о протестных событиях (селективное освещение, ошибки описания и кодирования данных) и возможные варианты их корректировки. Рассматривается опыт применения событийного анализа протестов к российской реальности, указывается на особый характер вызовов, с которым сталкиваются исследователи, работающие с российским материалом (пространственная гетерогенность, низкое качество сообщений в СМИ в отсутствие значимых альтернативных источников, смещение в освещении протестов в сторону крупных городов). На примере создания базы данных «Состязательная политика в России» анализируются методики и варианты решений возникающих в ходе событийного анализа проблем.

Neoliberal urban governances are now widely recognised as contingently manifest and constantly evolving social and institutional formations. Yet, there remains comparatively little empirical work on the place-specific complexities of urban neoliberalisation, and as variegated formations within the same city. Drawing on Chicago’s Bronzeville and Pilsen neighbourhoods, we reveal the intraurban contingency character of neoliberal urban governance. Both ‘neighbourhood governances’ in Bronzeville and Pilsen, we suggest, are constituted by similar yet different ensembles of developers, local officials and politically oriented community organisations, and redevelopment strategies. Second, we illuminate one dimension of this intra-urban contingency: the mutually
constitutive and differentially unfolding relation between contestation and neoliberal governance. Finally, four inter-related variables are revealed as mediating factors within this relationship that account for why Bronzeville and Pilsen’s governance's have evolved in different ways: historical legacy, the dynamics between activist groups and pro-growth agents, economic circumstances and political orientation of contestation.

On a proceduralist account of democracy, collective decisions derive their justification—at least in part—from the qualities of the process through which they have been made. To fulfil its justificatory function, this process should ensure that citizens have an equal right to political participation as a respectful response to their equal status as agents capable of self-legislation. How should democratic participation be understood if it is to offer such a procedural justification for democratic decisions? I suggest that, in order to overcome the structural procedural disadvantages affecting the actual, effective opportunities that citizens who hold nonmainstream views have to exercise their right to political participation, the enhancement of such opportunities requires securing space for contestation. Against this background, I vindicate the (currently underestimated) role of conscientious objection as a form of political participation.

Over the last decade, there have been considerable concerns raised regarding the social and environmental impacts of large-scale land concessions for plantation development in various parts of the world, especially in the tropics, including in Laos and Cambodia. However, there is still much to learn about the various connections and interactions associated with reactions to what are often referred to as “land grabs”, and the ways they are associated or not associated with broader social movements and networks opposed to land grabbing. There is also the need to develop language for discussing these circumstances, something I aim to contribute to in this article. Here, I present four different cases of types of resistance, or what I refer to as contingent contestations, to land concessions in southern Laos and northeastern Cambodia (two from each country), focusing on the perspectives and associated strategies of smallholder farmers, but without ignoring broader issues. I consider the roles of locals in these contestations, through emphasizing the importance of histories, identities/ethnicities, politics, and geography in determining the types of responses to these land deals that emerge, and the strategies that are adopted for contesting these developments.