local politics in Indonesia

A progress of an area directly influences its society. Decentralization is a form of democratization of the area for development. The formation of new autonomous regions (DOB) has created the land conversion and the politicization of society. Food security policy as an instrument of regional distributive does not provide a meaningful impact in the region, especially in building farmers' work ethic and behavior. This situation has contributed to the failure of the state to achieve food security as the constitutional rights of society, particularly farmers. Through qualitative methods to bring together all the stakeholders (farmers, local authorities) by conducting focus group discussions and in-depth interviews, it is known that the policy still is formalistic. There is no better information dissemination, attitude and commitment to the policy, limited resources, and no standard work. The regional council of food security is not optimalized and there are institutional barriers. In addition, there is no involvement of the community in accessing programming and there is high politicization on agriculture which is all managed by top down in the area.

This paper will look into the policies against human trafficking of children in Indonesia. Indonesia is a major source country for trafficked persons as well as a destination and transit country, internal trafficking does take place as well (Departement of State, 2014). This paper will focus on policies made to combat trafficking in children and on the actions taken to see if the legislation is carried out or if they are just words on a paper made to satisfy the people in Washington, D.C. who write the Trafficking in Persons Report (TIP).

Problematyka rozwoju lokalnego była wielokrotnie podejmowana w literaturze przedmiotu. Liczne prace poświęcone mu koncentrują się na jego celach, czynnikach, stymulowaniu go i na jego pomiarze. Mimo to, jak dotąd niewiele uwagi poświęcono pojęciu polityki rozwoju lokalnego prowadzonej przez władze lokalne. Kategorii polityk rozwoju lokalnego prowadzonych przez władze ponadlokalne w ogóle nie formułowano i nie omawiano. Polityki takie są jednak prowadzone w Polsce i za granicą, a ich znaczenie rośnie. Istnieje zatem potrzeba ich definiowania i charakteryzowania dla budowy aparatu pojęciowego wykorzystywanego w dyskursie naukowym, w praktyce projektowania i aplikacji tych polityk oraz w dydaktyce.
Artykuł to próba odpowiedzi na to wyzwanie. Otwiera go prezentacja genezy i istoty lokalizmu oraz koncepcji rozwoju lokalnego. Następnie sformułowano pojęcia rozwoju lokalnego postrzeganego z perspektyw lokalnej i ponadlokalnej oraz omówiono paradygmat rozwoju lokalnego, jego znaczenie i pozycje˛ wobec innych paradygmatów rozwoju. Bazując na lokalnej i ponadlokalnej perspektywach rozwoju lokalnego, sformułowano kategorie lokalnej (gminnej) praz ponadlokalnych (regionalnej, państwowej i ponadpaństwowej) polityk rozwoju lokalnego i wskazano podmioty, które je prowadzą. Omówiono także cele i cechy tych polityk, sposoby ich prowadzenia oraz ich pozycje wobec innych polityk funkcjonalnych i horyzontalnych. W dalszej kolejności przedstawiono spójności wertykalną i horyzontalną ponadlokalnych polityk rozwoju lokalnego. W artykule wykorzystano metody badawcze krytycznej analizy literatury przedmiotu, indukcji, dedukcji i analogii.

[The local development issues were repeatedly discussed in the subject literature. Numerous works devoted to it focus on its objectives, factors and its measurement. Despite this, until now, a little attention has been paid to the category of local development policy pursued by local authorities. The categories of local development policies pursued by the supra-local authorities have not been formulated or discussed at all. Nevertheless, such policies are held in Poland and abroad, and their importance is growing. Thus, there is a need for their definement and characterizing for the construction of nomenclature used in academic discourse and in the practice of design and the application of these policies and in didactics as well. The purpose of this article is to answer this challenge. It opens with the presentation of the origin and the nature of localism and the idea of local development. Then the categories of the local development perceived from the local and supra-local perspectives have been formulated, as well as local development paradigm, its meaning and position in relation to other paradigms of development have been described. Based on local and supra-local perspectives of local development, the categories of local (municipal) and supra-local (regional, national and international) policies of local development have been formulated and the entities who pursue them have been pointed. Also the purpose and features of these policies, ways of their pursuing and their positions in relation to other functional and horizontal policies have been described. Next, the vertical and horizontal cohesion of supra-local policies of local development have been presented. The article uses the research methods of critical analysis of the subject literature, induction, deduction and analogy.]

The article aims to elaborate political dynasty that developed in local politics arena.
The emergence of political dynasty is indicated by several points. First of all, the failure
of function from local political party to conducts political regeneration. Secondly,
high cost democracy which impeding public to participate in public office succession.
Third, political power from local elite was uneven, thus resulting power centralization
in few strong local elite that transforming dynasty. Patrimonialism is not always
becoming main perspective to analyzing political dynasty. There are many alternative
political perspectives to analyze this case. This paper used familism political culture
to elaborate political dynasty in local politics arena. The result of this research shows
political preference from the local leader is considered to choose his family member in
governmental succession to cover up his political sins. Familism also influenced from
political source such as tribalism, populism, and feudalism that distinguishing local
political dynasty in Indonesia.

Reforma agraria merupakan restrukturisasi (penataan ulang susunan) kepemilikan, penguasaan dan penggunaan sumber-sumber agrarian. Reforma agraria dapat tercapai maksimal apabila dilakukan dengan kesiapan unsur-unsur pembaruan agraria yang lain, seperti infrastruktur, bentuk-bentuk usaha yang akan dikembangkan oleh masyarakat, dukungan permodalan untuk usaha tani, serta teknologi dan pasar. Pelaksanaan reforma agraria merupakan sebuah upaya yang mudah diucapkan, namun sulit untuk dilakukan, hal ini dikarenakan reforma agraria berbenturan dengan tatanan masyarakat saat ini, sistem pemerintah yang desentralisasi, serta benturan kebijakan-kebijakan lain pada sektor yang berbeda. Hal tersebut memicu terjadinya konflik. Penyelesaian konflik agraria dapat dilakukan dengan berbagai hal, yaitu adanya kerlibatan masyarakat untuk menyelesaikan konflik yang mendahulukan kepentingan masyarakat, adanya koordinasi antara pemerintah daerah dengan pemerintah pusat untuk melahirkan regulasi yang berpihak kepada masyarakat dan adanya pembatasan penguasaan perusahaan-perusahaan / pemodal besar untuk menguasai tanah masyarakat dan adanya pemetaan wailayah sesuai potensinya. Penguasaan tanah bagi petani merupakan hal yang sangat penting, sehingga akan meningkatkan produktifitas hasil pangan dan kesejahteraan masyarakat. Ketersediaan lahan berbanding lurus dengan peningkatan hasil pangan. Nilai tukar petani akan meningkat apabila produktifitas hasil pertaniannya tinggi. Untuk itu ketersediaan lahan pertanian bagi petani akan berpengaruh secara nyata terhadap kesejahteraan petani.

1.1. Latar Belakang International Monetary Fund (IMF) atau dalam bahasa Indonesia " Dana Moneter Internasional " adalah salah satu badan khusus yang di bawahi oleh bank dunia atau World Bank dalam Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa (United Nation). IMF didirikan dengan tujuan membangun kesehatan perekonomian dunia dan memberikan bantuan bagi negara yang membutuhkan bantuan dana. Dengan tujuan utama membantu kesehatan perekonomian dunia, maka IMF dalam hal ini dapat membantu berbagai negara yang sedang mengalami kesulitan dalam sektor ekonomi terutama sebagai dukungan umum terhadap neraca pembayaran maupun cadangan devisa suatu negara sementara negara tersebut sedang mengambil langkah kebijakan untuk mengatasi kesulitannya. Sebagai " dokter " ekonomi negara-negara di dunia, IMF melancarkan " obat " melawan krisisnya yang mengandung neoliberalisme. Setiap negara yang terindikasi " penyakit " krisis moneter, meminta bantuan kepada IMF dan IMF selalu memberikan " resep " yang sama demi penyembuhan " penyakit " negara tersebut. Indonesia merupakan salah satu negara yang mengalami krisis ekonomi pada awal Orde Baru yang dipimpin oleh Jenderal Soeharto. Peninggalan permasalahan ekonomi Orde Lama, berupa depresiasi nilai mata uang rupiah, melemahnya daya beli masyarakat dan lemahnya sektor swasta dalam perekonomian membuat ekonomi Indonesia terpuruk pada masa itu. Salah satu tindakan pemerintah adalah dengan meminta bantuan IMF berupa pinjaman. IMF mensyaratkan adanya perubahan struktural perekonomian Indonesia untuk dapat menjalankan pinjaman IMF tersebut. Klaimnya persyaratan perubahan struktural ini merupakan bagian penting yang perlu dilakukan oleh pemerintah Indonesia demi terwujudnya negara dengan kekuatan ekonomi yang baik. Untuk itu pemerintah Indonesia perlu bekerja sama dengan IMF dengan menjalankan persyaratan tersebut, di

Post-the adoption of a new paradigm of local autonomy and decentralization, including in the political field (Devolution of power), which one of the form is the implementation of direct elections for regional head. The dynamics of local politics marred by the issue of political dynasty or political kinship that been conducted by the head of the region. In practice, the political dynasty is an attempted to "maintain" and eternally in power, by putting the family, relatives, and relatives, at strategic positions (executive, legislative, and judicial branch). This study is trying to explore and understand, how the political dynasty can be influencing the development of democratic life in Banten Province under the leadership of Ratu Atut Chosiyah. Hypothetically, the practice of political dynasties in Banten could hamper the process of consolidation, institutionalization, and the development of democracy in the region. The important democratic principles such as participation, equality, also fair and open competition could be easily negated. The study utilized a qualitative approach with method of data collection is a combination of interviews the eligible informant, phenomenological study of the facts developed in the public domain and an appraisal of the sources based on information and/or reports in the mass media. The results showed that the practice of political dynasties in Banten Province could hamper the process of consolidation and institutionalization of democracy, at the same time adversely affect the prospects of its development in the future.

The present article deals with the political debates about secularism, Islam and Pancasila in Indonesian history. It argues that Pancasila—or Pancasila secularism—constitutes, as Abdurrahman Wahid (2001) has rightly put it, a “mild secularism,” in which relative (not absolute) separation between state and religion is maintained, but allows at the same time the former’s moderate administering of some of the latter’s public affairs, on the one hand, and the latter’s moderate values and norms to inspire the former, on the other hand. If secularism contains three basic theses  (Casanova 1994: 3-6), viz., separation of state and religion, privatization of religion and differentiation between religious and non-religious spheres, they are not fully and strongly implemented, because there has always been some degree of religiousness present, and this could not easily be abandoned. As for the official political debates, they were mostly related to the separation thesis, rather than to privatization and differentiation, but there has also been an association of secularism (also in the sense of separation) with nationalist groups and of anti-secularism with Islamic groups. This study contributes to the knowledge of how secularism has been indigenized creatively as part of Indonesian political culture. This study also shows that secularism and Islam could mix in their milder sense in order to endorse a more democratic form of politics for Muslim society.

After decentralization been applied, local politics in Indonesia is marked by the emergence of new phenomena such as the strengthening of local identity. The example of strengthening the local identity is the revival of traditional institutions such as the monarchy and adat institutions. At the same time, decentralization condition to the expansion of the state apparatus especially in the outer islands. State authorities that represented by the bureaucracy dominate the political leadership in these areas.
Sumbawa District in West Nusa Tenggara Province is an example of an area in the outer island that is experiencing a massive expansion of the state apparatus and the revival of local identities at the same time. The bureaucrat apparatus dominates formal and informal leadership in the region. Meanwhile, the Sumbawa aristocrats evoke the romance of the monarchy with revitalizing Lembaga Adat Tana Samawa (LATS). In the official documents, it is noted that LATS is intended to be as intermediary actors that mediate between local governments and society. Therefore, it raises a question namely is the presence of LATS with the symbolic capital can strengthen local democracy in Sumbawa as balan- cing political leadership that monopolized by bureaucrats?
This essay will elaborate to what extent the presence of Lembaga Adat Tana Samawa (LATS) in Sumbawa can strengthen local democracy in the midst of a massive expansion of the state apparatus.

UU 23 tahun 2014 lahir dari adanya keresahan akan dampak negatif yang ditimbulkan UU no 32 tahun 2004. Ada beberapa masalah yang disorot sebagai kelamahan UU lama (UU 32/2004) yang ditulis oleh sang arsitek, yakni DIRJEN Otda Kemendagri, Djohermansyah Djohan di Kompas (25 April 2015) beberapa waktu yang lalu. Pertama dan yang paling penting adalah lemahnya fungsi gubernur dan pemerintah pusat dalam mengontrol pemerintah kabupaten dan kota. Dalam banyak kasus, gubernur sebagai kepanjangan pemerintah pusat di daerah gagal mencegah abuse of power dari pemerintah kota dan kabupaten terutama dalam masalah pertambangan, kelautan dan kehutanan. Dampak negatifnya adalah kerusakan lingkungan yang parah akibat eksploitasi pemerintah kabupaten dan kota dalam rangka meningkatakan pendapatan daerah.  Muncul raja-raja kecil di daerah yang tanpa bisa dikontrol gubernur dan pemerintah pusat ini, dalam banyak kasus tidak bisa berkoordinasi dengan gubernur yang biasannya dikarenakan perbedaan latar belakang politik.  Dan di sisi yang lain gubernur berada pada posisi menggantung tanpa bisa berpijak.

ASLIDOMINO.COM AGEN DOMINO ONLINE UANG ASLI TERPERCAYA INDONESIA ada di : http://indonesia.agenbandarpokerdomino.online/2016/05/aslidomino-com-agen-domino-online-uang-asli-terpercaya-indonesia.html dan http://www.domino.tld-id.com/2016/05/aslidomino-com-agen-domino-online-uang-asli-terpercaya-indonesia.html

serta sumber pemerintahan : http://pusbangkol.pnri.go.id/forum_pengolahan/topik-30377-httpgooglibttrz-aslidominocom-agen-domino-online-uang-asli-terpercaya-indonesia.html

Fenomena kemapanan dalam sejarah sebagai wujud integrasi tidak terjadi begitu saja, namun biasanya dimulai dari  sebuah usaha yang disebut persepadudigabung (integrated) untuk menuju penubuhan yang dimaksudkan.  Integrasi sosial tidak pernah dapat dicapai dengan sempurnah, namun secara fundamental sistem sosial selalu cenderung bergerak ke arah equilibrium yang bersifat dinamis: menanggapi perubahan-perubahan yang datang dari luar dengan kecenderungan memelihara agar perubahan-perubahan yang terjadi di dalam sistem sebagai akibatnya hanya akan tercapai derajat yang minimal. Biasanya integrasi terealisasi dalam sejarah kedalam dua perkara yang berbeda, yaitu integrasi secara positif dan integrasi secara negatif.  Artikel ini akan mendedahkan integrasi secara positif yang terlihat dalam bentuk pemikiran politik—delapan Konsepsi Pembentukan Provinsi Sulawesi Tengah—elite tempatan di Sulawesi Tengah, Indonesia dalam proses terbentuknya Provinsi Sulawesi Tengah setelah mekar dari Provinsi Sulawesi Utara Tengah pada tahun 1964.  Demikian juga integrasi secara negatif biasanya tidak diharapkan oleh masyarakat kerana kecenderungannya ke arah konflik dan terbukti pada perjuangan dalam Gerakan Pemuda Sulawesi Tengah (GPST) dalam mengusir Permesta sejak tahun 1957 dari Sulawesi Tengah. Hujah utama kertas kerja ini adalah pemekaran bukan hanya terkonsepsi dari pusat kekuasaan tetapi juga menurut pemikiran-pemikran politik tempatan daripada peringkat daerah (history of below).

This research explains how tradition can be modified for tourism and political purposes. The tradition that will
be elaborated in this essay is "Festival 1000 Tumpeng Kelud". This festival adapts tradional Javanese cultural
ceremony. The commodification of tradition is associated with the development of tourism in the area of Kelud
Mountain, East Java. Furthermore, tourims activity in Kelud Mountain is part of strategy to defend particular
territory in a disputed area. This is ethnography research with qualitative data and descriptive analysis, located
in Sugihwaras village. Key informants of this research are special figure in society whom considered as person
who can communicate with Kelud Mountain, society representative, BMKG officers, and Village officials. This
essay concludes that there are three layers purposes of convening "Festival 1000 Tumpeng" initiated by the
government of Kediri namely preservation of traditions and gratitude expression to God, tourism promotion,
and politics of territoriality related to disputed area with Blitar Regency.

Abstrak Setiap warga berhak memilih dan terlibat dalam pemilu dan negara wajib melindungi hak tersebut. Tingginya partisipasi penyandang difabel di Kota Yogyakarta dalam Pemilu presiden 2014 (66,5%) mengindikasikan berjalannya demokrasi yang inklusif. Dalam demokrasi subtansial, partisipasi masyarakat tersebut menjadi barometer bagaimana demokrasi itu bermakna. Paper ini dimaksudkan untuk mendiskusikan respon dan partisipasi masyarakat difabel di Kota Yogyakarta terhadap ruang partisipasi yang dibangun oleh KPUD Kota Yogyakarta pada pemilihan presiden (pilpres) tahun 2014. Penelitian deskriptif kualitatif dilakukan melalui wawancara dan dokumentasi yang meliputi stakeholder yaitu di KPUD, SIGAB dan penyandang difabel. Kesimpulan dari penelitian adalah pertama, bahwa kemampuan kelompok difabel dalam merespon keberadaan ruang partisipasi di Kota Yogyakarta dipengerahui tingkat kesadaran yakni kesadaran semi intransitif (semi intransitive), kesadaran naif (naïve transitivity) dan kesadaran kritis (critical consiouness). Di Yogyakarta, ketika penyandang difabel memiliki kesadaran kritis, kemampuan mereka cukup kuat dalam mengupayakan atau mendorong perbaikan pelaksanaan pemilu. Kedua, partisipasi kelompok difabel yang kritis tidak hanya menjadi penyumbang suara (voters) atau 'obyek' dalam rutinitas proses elektoral tetapi lebih bermakna daripada itu yaitu menjadi 'subyek' dengan berpartisipasi dalam penyelanggaraan pemilu seperti menjadi anggota tim relawan demokrasi (relasi) dan petugas TPS. Selain itu, kelompok difable juga melakukan 'lobby' atau 'kontrak politik' untuk memastikan hasil pemilu nantinya berpihak pada difabel.

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The decentralization of political and fiscal authority in Indonesia in 1999 triggered a series of studies that predicted the rise of subnational strongmen who would subjugate the local state to their personal interests. However, almost 20 years after the devolution of power, Indonesian local politics are a lot more dynamic than earlier studies had assumed. While there are undoubtedly oligarchic and dynastic tendencies in Indonesian local politics, recent scholarship has emphasized the ephemeral nature of such power constellations. This chapter argues that a unique combination of institutional and structural conditions explains why local dynasties struggle to survive multiple election cycles in Indonesian local politics. The findings also speak to research on subnational authoritarian regimes in other parts of the world by showing that different constellations of institutional and socio-economic variables shape the rise and fall of local political monopolies.

Local cultural symbols have been used massively along with the spirit of primardialism, subtituting javaneseness nationalism of the New Order. This article aims to examine Bugis cultural values and the shift of meaning used as the preference in the political practice that support power relations. To the present, in the era of local autonomy, the old order has reborn in Buginese culture and force the cultural legitimacy, such as reproduced values and eve more related the political practices and power struggles. Such tendency has resulted in the division of Belawa community into two groups those who geneologically have political power (anakarung) and those who have not. This has formed a patronage stucture relationship based on delicate agreement (assituruseng). Such a values has cultural legacy which is then reproduced as an instrument in the political practice and maintain power domination by anakarung. Such a strategy is a hegemonic effort, utilizing various components of Bugis cultural through symbols and adages.

Abstraksi Desa merupakan unit pemerintahan yang muncul dan berkembang secara alami jauh sebelum adanya konsepsi tentang negara-bangsa, bahkan sebelum munculnya negara kolonial yang menjajah bumi nusantara. Sejak dahulu desa telah memiliki otonomi karena pola masyarakatnya yang cenderung swadaya. Namun, saat kekuasaan supra-desa kemudian muncul dan menuntut ketundukan otoritas, maka desa pun kehilangan otonominya. Makalah ini akan menguraikan bagaimana komparasi desentralisasi dan otonomi desa terkait determinasinya terhadap paradigma pembangunan selama era Orde Baru dan selama era Reformasi saat ini.

Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta (DIY) enjoys a special arrangement compared to other provinces in Indonesia, especially in terms of the Governor and Vice Governor’s positions. Hence, the Governor and Vice Governor of this province are political posts which are privileged to the Sultan Hamengkubuwono and Adipati Pakualam. For this reason, some people consider this arrangement undemocratic, since there is not equal access for everyone to be elected as Governor in the province. However, in terms of Indonesian Democracy Index, DIY is always among the top three ranks.
This paper is aimed to explain how and why this paradox exists in DIY. Tracing back the history, Kasultanan and Pakualaman both had their own values and traditions which were mostly hierarchical in managing public issues and their relation to their people. Soon after Indonesian independence in 1945, those two traditional institutions then had to deal with the newly established modern institution (State) which soon would promote democracy. This development creates a unique local regime pattern, wherein on the one side traditional culture, values, and social practice were mostly based on patron–client relationships which can still easily be seen in present-day political practice, while on the other side democratic institutions, such as political parties, non-government organizations (NGOs), and community-based organizations (CBOs) now flourish massively and greatly influence the democratization process in this Special Province.
The intertwining between tradition and democracy is a form of hybrid democracy which usually is found in transition to democracy contexts. However, what happened in DIY is not just a transition from hierarchy based politics to democracy, since it is a regime already with a history involving a stable and long collaboration between traditional and modern institutions in managing public issues. This unique arrangement is unable to be replaced fully during the democratization process in Indonesia since 1998. As a result, this hybrid democracy situation then needs to be considered as a significant source in supporting political stability and maintaining development achievements in DIY.
Key words: traditional institution, modern institution, hybrid democracy, local regime.

The paper discusses democratisation practiced in Surakarta, Indonesia, which has been claimed by many experts as a municipality with " best practices " of democratic local governance in Indonesia. Their analyses focus on the actors and claim that participation is a possible way of crafting stable democracy. This participation in turn, they suggest, is a result of decentralisation which thus strengthen local democracy. Presenting the civil society participation and the decentralisation in the city of Surakarta, this paper shows that what actually happens is otherwise. It argues that the rise of popular participation was rooted in contentious local politics. Besides, the constitution of the new forms of popular representation are not supported by, and produced within, a clear ideological framework from the people in Surakarta.

Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk mengetahui pelaksanaan pemilukada di Kabupaten Banyuwangi tahun 2010, terjadinya konflik dalam pelaksanaan pemilukada di Kabupaten Banyuwangi tahun 2010, dan pengaruh konflik pemilukada Kabupaten Banyuwangi tahun 2010 pada masyarakat Kabupaten Banyuwangi. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian sejarah. Metode penelitian sejarah meliputi pemilihan topik, heuristik, kritik ekstern dan kritik intern, interpretasi dan historiografi Pemilukada ini menghasilkan kemenangan pasangan Abdullah Azwar Anas-Yusuf Widyatmoko dengan perolehan suara  372.149. Keputusan KPU Kabupaten Banyuwangi yang tidak meloloskan Ratna berujung konflik. Kubu Ratna menggugat keputusan KPU Kabupaten Banyuwangi. Gugatan Ratna di PTUN hingga ke MA dan MK. Hasilnya semua gugatan Ratna tidak dikabulkan pengadilan. Konflik yang terjadi antara Ratna dan KPU Kabupaten Banyuwangi berdampak cukup besar. Masyarakat turun ke jalan baik yang mendukung dan menolak keputusan tersebut. Tingkat partisipasi masyarakat pada pemilukada juga rendah.

Penelitian ini dilatarbelakangi oleh opini masyarakat yang menganggap bahwa Gerakan
Pemuda Ka’bah (GPK) memiliki tendensi kelompok kekerasan dan kepentingan politik praktis,
khususnya yang berafiliasi pada Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP). Kehadiran kelompok ini
disebut sebagai kelompok vigilante atau milisi yang dianggap oleh masyarakat sebagai
kelompok kekerasan terutama di jalanan. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk melihat bagaimana
manuver politik GPK selama momentum pemilu 2019 yang lalu. Penelitian ini merupakan
penelitian lapangan yang mengkaji tentang perilaku politik dan politik jalanan. Lokasi penelitian
dilakukan di Kota Yogyakarta dengan mengunakan metode penelitian kualitatif, yang
mengandalkan data-data primer dari para informan. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa
perilaku GPK dalam politik jalanan dan eksistensi simbol ternyata berkorelasi dengan
kepentingan ekonomi mereka. Selain itu, munculnya GPK Khittah berdampak pada
menurunnya suara pemilih PPP di Kota Yogyakarta.

Most of literature on Subak studies emphasize on the nature of Subak management system rather than its dynamic respond to contemporary social change. However, this article focuses on how Subak community respond to the rapid social change namely massive tourism industry and water shortage. Based on the case of water dispute between Subak Pulagan and PDAM Gianyar, the author argue that the amplification of cultural and symbolic recognition is an effective strategy for bargaining position in the conflictual relation in order to preserve Subak existence. The research method is case study through fieldwork, interviews, and observation.

A liberalization of political system in Indonesia has created so many social and political problems due to the 'unintended' consequance of democratization in local level. Giving privilege for a certain aristocrat in one hand was believed as an 'Asian Value'—authoritarian can be accepted by the people, but incompatible with democracy on the other hand. The decentralization and the third wave of democratization in Indonesia by installing 'liberal democracy' created a bad situation within society: localizing corruption and the emergence of 'old' elites. Those are the reasons why Yogyakarta opposes a liberal democracy in thir movement to support non-elected governor mechanism. The finding is clear that people in Yogyakarta succeed in mobilizing local identity and culture to win the political bargaining toward national policy. In addition, the role of community as voluntary organization in this movement are significant as kind of social capital mobilization within the special regions.