Indonesian Politics

There are more types of borders today than ever before in history. Borders of all kinds define every aspect of social life in the twenty-first century. From the biometric data that divides the smallest aspects of our bodies to the aerial drones that patrol the immense expanse of our domestic and international airspace, we are defined by borders. They can no longer simply be understood as the geographical divisions between nation-states. Today, their form and function has become too complex, too hybrid. What we need now is a theory of the border that can make sense of this hybridity across multiple domains of social life.

Rather than viewing borders as the result or outcome of pre-established social entities like states, Thomas Nail reinterprets social history from the perspective of the continual and constitutive movement of the borders that organize and divide society in the first place. Societies and states are the products of bordering, Nail argues, not the other way around. Applying his original movement-oriented theoretical framework "kinopolitics" to several major historical border regimes (fences, walls, cells, and checkpoints), Theory of the Border pioneers a new methodology of "critical limology," that provides fresh tools for the analysis of contemporary border politics.

This book analyzes comparatively the dynamics of the state-scholar relations during the Marcos and Suharto years in the Philippines and Indonesia as evident in two official history-writing projects: Marcos's Tadhana project and  Suharto regime's Sejarah Nasional Indonesia (SNI). It demonstrates a nuanced characterization of the relationship between scholars and state operatives. Rather than the usual approach that regards scholars in such a project as manipulated or co-opted, they are shown in this book as, among other possibilities, possessing and exercising their own power that even the most powerful dictators do not have, and which they need or desire. Instead of taking such projects as aberration, which is in line with the popular liberalist critique of “intellectual prostitution” or “treason of intellectuals”, this book argues that the participation of scholars in these projects merely formalizes and renders explicit the transactional encounters happening on daily basis between knowledge of any ideological disposition, type or level of accuracy, on the one hand, and their respective consumers, on the other. The logistics of power relations in these transactions vary considerably but the underlying logic is fundamentally the same. The implications are singularly important: the widely held liberal assumption that good, rigorous scholarship is corrective or antithetical to the political needs to be re-thought as it unwittingly undermines the very progressive vision upon which much of critical and well-meaning scholarship is built. This happens as this liberal assumption nurtures the myth that it is just a matter of getting things right—empirically, methodologically, theoretically, conceptually—in  order  to neutralize the political. It is a myth because, as I show in this book, (1) it is more the context of the actual knowledge use, rather than the content or authorial intention, that ultimately decides the political (say, a patently progressive knowledge can be used for  conservatives purpose in a particular context, or vice versa); and (2) the strength of politics precisely lies in at least the appearance of accuracy or objectivity of knowledge. The potency of, say, Trump's use/misuse of "fake news" depends on the idea of objective or impartial knowledge.  People support him because they believe in the correctness (or objectivity) of his claims. In other words, the liberal/progressive roots of the idea of objectivity/impartiality of knowledge has long been, or perhaps from the beginning, usurped by conservative interests, of which Trump is just the latest among the most glaring examples. Fact-checking him may not be enough as it may be likened to preaching to the choir or the already converted. The solution seems to lie not mainly in more rigor or accuracy of critical scholarship, for accurate or not, it is how knowledge is actually understood, used and misused on the ground (and in digital world) that determines the material impact on the people. Progressive or pro-people scholarship, so I suggest, needs to be reoriented to go beyond critique, to what may be termed as cartography of power/knowledge. Critique can only affirm one elite (or elite-wannabe) politics over another, and this includes intellectual elites, whereas cartography serves the interests of the public. In brief, cartography of power/knowledge entails a full mapping out of all sources and types of power, including power of scholars and scholarship, that enable knowledge production, consumption and distribution. By laying transparent these networks of power relations, progressive scholarship will be in better position to help common people decide for themselves which knowledge may be useful or detrimental for them at a particular context. Doing so makes knowing more truly empowering, rather than a shackle, for people who progressive scholarship expressly wishes to help.

Omnibus Law introduces "Risk-Based Business Licensing" or "Perizinan Usaha Berbasis Risiko" as the new business licensing regime to foster and boost investment climate in Indonesia. 2 In early February 2021, the Government of the Republic of Indonesia promulgates Government Regulation No. 5 of 2021 on the Organization of Risk-Based Business Licensing  to elaborate further on the said business licensing.

The aim of this paper is to describe the impact of the re-emergence of former political prisoners on Indonesian literature during 1980-83. This period saw noticeable changes in the development and content of Indonesian literature. The release in December 1979 of the last substantial contingent of untried leftist political prisoners held since 1966 altered the circumstances pertaining to Iiterature which had prevailed in Indonesia since General Suharto gained control. It seems likely that these newly emerging influences will grow in importance. The assessment was based primarily on the author's observations during research in Indonesia over two years from December 1980.

Article aimed to analyses about construction of voting behavior in Indonesia election implementation. It urge and significant to elaborate and scrutinize political preferential which became base foundation to elect and submit their vote. There are two prominent factor can be main tools to covering voting behavior trend In Indonesia. Firstly, figures presumably primary sources to mention constructing public voting behavior. In Indonesia post authoritarian era, democracy has been suspended due to emergence of strong figure. This become ironic in implementation of democracy when hijacked oligarchic power that still persist and insist their resources in recent era. Secondly, analyzing of voting behavior in Indonesia has been swiftly in every election. It's important to note that main character of voting behavior is swing voters dominated by young residents. Therefore, voting behavior trend fluctuated depending on issue and media news, become main consideration public to elect and submit their vote. In addition to both factor, emergence of political broker in recent election has indicated urgent needs to bridging voter and candidate in order to more engage. Those three factor will be primary focus to be elaborated in this paper, how recent trend in voting behavior in Indonesia and its impact to election event.

The Guerilla Star and campaign medals of Indonesia: history and symbolism of early Indonesian awards = Bintang Gerilya dan Satyalancana-Satyalancana Peristiwa: sejarah dan simbolisme tanda-tanda kehormatan bungar
The paper traces the history of the first Indonesian military award - The Guerilla Star, or Bintang Gerilya. The paper also examines the picture of Indonesian awards published on Wikipedia https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/a3/Indonesian_Military_Honour.jpg . The medal bar includes the Guerilla Star and seven medals. These medals are for the Independence Wars against the Dutch and for suppressions of several uprisings since the Madiun Affair as well as for the annexation of West Irian and Confrontation with Malaysia.

This paper will look into the policies against human trafficking of children in Indonesia. Indonesia is a major source country for trafficked persons as well as a destination and transit country, internal trafficking does take place as well (Departement of State, 2014). This paper will focus on policies made to combat trafficking in children and on the actions taken to see if the legislation is carried out or if they are just words on a paper made to satisfy the people in Washington, D.C. who write the Trafficking in Persons Report (TIP).

Buku ini mengeksplorasi peran penting masyarakat sipil di Indonesia dalam upaya membendung radikalisme dan radikalisasi melalui pendekatan lunak yang dikenal dengan deradikalisasi. Konsep deradikalisasi yang digunakan dalam buku ini bukan pendekatan yang mengutamakan kekuatan keras (hard power) dalam membendung radikalisme dan radikalisasi, yang selama ini lebih sering dipahami dan digunakan oleh sektor negara dan aparat pemerintah. Tetapi lebih menekankan kepada pendekatan kekuatan lunak (soft power), yang berorientasi kepada kontra ideologi (counter ideology) dan pemutusan ideologi (ideological disengagement) radikal dalam jangka panjang.

Penelitian Sosial Politik dengan fokus penyelenggaraan demokrasi di Negara-negara bekas Jajahan (yang kekiniaan dikenal dengan istilah Negara-negara dunia ketiga) merupakan salah satu kajian penting bagi para ilmuwan sosial dan politik, sebagai upaya merumuskan solusi-solusi ilmiah dengan mempelajari esensi perilaku politik dan historical experiences dalam masyarakat di Negara-negara dunia Ketiga. Hal ini dikarenakan banyaknya bukti empiris yang menunjukkan secara jelas bahwa berakhirnya kolonialisme tidak serta merta membuat Negara yang baru memerdekakan dirinya (Indonesia termasuk di dalam kategori ini) dapat menjalankan pemerintahan yang demokratis, sehingga realitas perilaku politik seorang pemimpin secara normatif bertentangan dengan nilai-nilai demokrasi yang dianut barat.

Critical Review ini akan mengulas secara singkat masalah Demokrasi yang terjadi di Indonesia melalui realitas politik  dari 10 essai yang ditulis oleh William Raymond Liddle selama periode 1984-1994, kesepuluh studi tersebut terangkum dalam buku Leadership and Culture in Indonesian Politics. William Raymond Liddle yang juga dikenal dengan sapaan Bill Liddle, berasal dari Ohio State University, Amerika Serikat. Liddle telah melakukan penelitian ilmiah secara mendalam terhadap perkembangan politik di Indonesia sejak tahun 1960-an hingga dewasa ini, sehingga wajar apabila beliau dikenal sebagai Ahli Ilmuwan Sosial Politik bidang kajian Indonesia.

Indonesia has a huge population over 270 million people. The Republic of Indonesia is the largest Muslim state in the world. Its steady economic growth faces a deep challenge due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Indonesian education and medicine systems are insufficient whereas the country nowadays has no high-tech or knowledge-intensive technologies. Indonesia looks a bit marginal facing current challenges, especially in comparison with the developed countries. The poverty rate is high in Indonesia. The country also faces a rise of radical Muslim communities. The COVID-19 pandemic does help the Indonesian military to strengthen again. Many challenges—demographic, economic, social, political and cultural—imply that any Indonesian government has to maneuver between the Armed Forces, Muslim groups, and the poor.
Аннотация. Крупнейшее мусульманское государство мира Республика Индонезия сегодня насчитывает свыше 270 миллионов жителей. Несмотря на устойчивый экономический рост в начале XXI века, прерванный эпидемией ковид-19 в 2020 г., Индонезия по-прежнему отстает от развитых стран в области наукоемких технологий и социального обеспечения. В статье рассматриваются ключевые демографические параметры Индонезии и связь демографических факторов с социально-политическими процессами. В условиях недостаточного уровня образования, слабой системы здравоохранения и колоссального социального неравенства любое правительство будет вынуждено лавировать между армейскими структурами, мусульманскими течениями и относительно бедным населением.
Захаров А.О. Индонезия: ловушка маргиналов // Юго-Восточная Азия: актуальные проблемы развития, 2021, Том I, № 1 (50). С. 146–154.
Zakharov A.O. "Indonesia and a Marginality Trap", Yugo-Vostochnaya Aziya: aktual'nyye problemy razvitiya, 2021, T. I, № 1 (50). Pp. 146–154.

Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis mengenai cyberspace sebagai ruang publik baru bagi kelas menengah Indonesia. Konsep lama ruang publik besasal dari Habermas yang menilai ruang tersebut merupakan bagian dari proses komunikasi dan advokasi publik. Ruang tersebut dipahami sebagai ruang inklusif, deliberatif, dan juga parsipatif yang mendorong publik untuk berdiskusi satu sama lain. Kemunculan cyberspace melalui sosial media ini menarik untuk dicermati karena mampu mentrasnformasi ruang publik dalam bentuk digital. Dibandingkan dengan ruang publik, cyberspace berinteraksi kapanpun dan dimanapun. Dari situlah kemudian proses kesadaran politik kelas menengah kemudian tercipta. Artikel ini akan mengelaborasi lebih lanjut mengenai aktivisme politik onlone di Indonesia

Artikel ini mendiskusikan musyawarah sebagai instrumen politik yang sering dikontraskan dengan demokrasi elektoral. Musyawarah hadir guna menjawab persoalan yang khas dan bekerja dengan logika yang juga khas. Artikel ini juga menunjukkan adanya ambivalensi dalam memahami musyawarah. Di satu sisi, abstraksi tentang musyawarah dihasilkan melalui proses induksi tempat praksis sosial dalam banyak masyarakat (lokal) Indonesia menjadi ramuan dasarnya. Di sisi lain,  berbagai usaha melembagakan (kembali) musyawarah dilakukan  secara deduktif dengan  menempatkannya sebagai produk elitis yang dihasilkan dan sekaligus didorong negara melalui  sejumlah agen yang diberi monopoli untuk menafsirkannya.

For many post-colonial states, defining state identity is not a simple endeavor. In Muslim countries, secular nationalism, inherited principally from Western colonialism, has usually been in constant battle with theocratic-oriented political views derived from religious teachings. Moreover, in the case of Indonesia, the problem is not confined to the problem of how to liberate the newly independent state from the heritage of colonial philosophy but more on how to resolve the internal contest of values among themselves. Using historical approach, the paper tries to shed a new analytical light on the debate between Islamists and secularists in Indonesia seen particularly on the problem of defining the state and religion continuum and how it affects to the principles of religious establishment and religious freedom. Because the debate over the continuum continues to rage in the country, it is not possible to implement either a pure secularism or a pure theocracy in the constitution. The medial position taken by the state has resulted in a partial implementation of the principles of religious establishment and religious freedom, despite the fact that it is implemented to satisfy the two opposing groups in the context of the country’s changing political constellation. We might come to the understanding that the current definition of the two principles as understood in Indonesia has basically correlated with the dual identity the state has taken as its cherished principle in confront to the undying contestation between Islamists and secularists.

The phrase “the Chinese problem” is used to describe the fragmentation of the ethnic Chinese group from the Indonesian nation, and their subsequent discrimination . In other words, the failure for ethnic Chinese Indonesians to be accepted as ‘fully’ a part of the Indonesian imagined community- following the definition of a nation as an imagined community, provided by Anderson . Ethnic Chinese Indonesians are a minority group in Indonesia, large in number and strong in the economic and trade industries . Recorded to make up 3% of the population according to the latest 2010 census , they are not a homogenous group, as Chinese in Indonesia have historically come from diverse ethnic backgrounds including Hakka, Hokkein, Teochieu and Cantonese. The minority is also religiously diverse. However, it has become commonplace in the literature for the primary distinction to be made between totok (Chinese migrants) and pernanakan (ethnically ‘mixed’ Indonesian born) Chinese. There has existed an unshakeable tendency for discrimination towards the Chinese minority, that has manifested into violence several times since the beginning of the Suharto era. Although the Chinese have existed in Indonesia since the pre-colonial period and are in many ways another segment of the diversity that Indonesia is characterised by, there remains a distinct attitude from pribumi (indigenous Indonesians) of racialized animosity towards Chinese Indonesian groups. This was demonstrated in 2017, when huge riots occurred which resulted in the arrest of the ethnically Chinese former Jakarta governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (known by his Hakka nickname ‘Ahok’). This essay asks the question; What are the fundamental causes of this longstanding discrimination? The problem seems to boil down to a history of tension over several issues. Economic jealousy provides the dominant explanation, coupled with a nationalist suspicion of the peranakan as holding loyalties to China, not Indonesia. Homogenisation of peranakan and totok groups, a lack of cultural assimilation, and religious differences are also factors. All of the aforementioned causes have, at some point, been perpetuated by the actions (or inactions) of Indonesian governments. Ergo, this essay primarily uses a state centred approach, grounding its analysis in Indonesian political eras in order to better understand the history and origins of the discrimination of ethnic Chinese in Indonesia. It begins with an analysis of the colonial era at the end of the 19th century.

Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa yang dikenal berslogan “Maju tak gentar, membela yang benar” ini dari pemilu ke pemilu mengalami dinamika yang menarik. Tulisan ini akan menganalisis dinamika PKB baik secara internal maupun yang berkaitan dengan kontestasi pada waktu pemilu

This essay was inspired by Elisabeth Åsbrink’s PEN Award-winning book “1947. When Now Begins.”  Åsbrink analyses month by month actions in the West through 1947 moving from actions in Palestine, New York City, Nuremberg and elsewhere that initiate European events throughout the following decades. In this chronicle of 1947, the events are drawn directly from the descriptions provided by the journalists writing for the various news agencies working in Southeast Asia. Many of these reporters were seasoned foreign correspondents working for Australian newspapers with wartime familiarity with the region and brought a particularly acerbic view of subsequent events. As Australians were perceived to be sympathetic to the Indonesian Republican, their access was often profound. These reports are often drawn from the Australian regional press gathering Asian news through wire service subscriptions, while long-form analysis was usually provided by the major dailies such as the Sydney Morning Herald and The Age.

It is interesting that Chudori also makes use of the Mahabharata as a reference for her characters. Her description of Ekalaya is such fine storytelling that one can easily become absorbed with the beautiful writing and forget the basic principle of this great Indian epic. The Mahabharata is an epic consisting of two poles: the good represented by the Pandava, and the evil represented by the Kourava. Fully developed characters represent both sides, and this is what one misses in Chudori’s novel. Her skilful description of Ekalaya includes no explanation on which side this character belongs. The story of Wayang (the Javanese adaptation of Indian epics), can be tricky if one forgets the bigger picture. In other words, her reference to the Mahabharata would have been more meaningful if she had also created both poles of characters, as in the Mahabharata.

Two decades after authoritarian breakdown and democratic transition in 1998, how does the trajectory of Indonesian democracy look? By reflecting on the state of Indonesian politics in the last 15 years, this paper will argue that despite many improvements, Indonesian democracy has experienced a slow process of decline and a deepening of illiberal tendencies. This poses a major challenge for the quality of Indonesian democracy in the near future.

Indonesian Politics and Society is an exceptional tool for understanding social and political change in Indonesia over more than three decades. It contains more than eighty translated extracts of carefully selected speeches, pamphlets, manifestos and poems, providing a unique insight into the social thought and political concerns of a wide range of actors intimately involved in the struggle to shape modern Indonesia following the triumph of Soeharto’s New Order in the 1960s. This volume introduces and assesses the thinking of state ideologues, modernising pluralists, social radicals, and of political Islam, during a period of tumultuous change and sometimes violent conflict. It also relates
the ideas of the major protagonists in political struggles to important events in Indonesia following the fall of Soeharto.
Much of the material presented is made accessible for the first time to English-language readers. As such, the book is an invaluable text for scholars of modern Indonesia, and for those who seek to understand the ideas that continue to be relevant to the actors currently reshaping the country’s social and political terrain. (From front matter in book)

Critical Review ini mengkaji secara singkat mengenai gagasan-gagasan pemikiran yang diuraikan di dalam buku ‘Aneka Pemikiran Tentang Kuasa dan Wibawa’ yang disusun oleh Guru Besar Ilmu Politik, Miriam Budiardjo. Di dalam buku tersebut bisa ditelusuri beberapa bahasan yang menguraikan konsep kekuasaan dari beberapa varian tertentu dan juga perspektif mengenai kekuasaan dari sudut pandang Jawa Tradisional.

Dimana ditekankan oleh penulis, bahwa untuk dapat memahami pemikiran Koentjaraningrat, analisa awal harus berangkat dari konsep kekuasaan yang dibahas oleh Miriam Budiardjo dalam aspek epistemologi ilmu sosial dan gagasan mengenai kekuasaan Jawa tradisional Benedict Anderson, hal ini dikarenakan konsepsi yang diuraiikan oleh Koentjaraningrat merupakan pembatahan atas gagasan Anderson.

Hubungan bilateral antara Indonesia dengan Australia tidak selalu stabil. Hubungan bilateral ini cenderung fluktuatif lengkap dengan pasang-surut kedekatannya yang dipengaruhi berbagai hal. Kasus yang terbilang masih hangat yang sempat menggemparkan hubungan kedua negara tersebut adalah kasus penyadapan yang dilakukan oleh badan intelejen Australia terhadap para petinggi negara Indonesia yang terkuak pada tahun 2013 silam. Kepercayaan yang selama ini dibina di antara kedua negara menjadi berkurang dan dipertanyakan lagi esensi dan keperluannya. Dalam kasus ini Indonesia merasa Australia tidak menghargai kedaulatan Indonesia sebagai sebuah negara yang merdeka. Di sisi lain, beberapa kalangan Pemerintah Australia berkata bahwa spionase adalah hal yang biasa dilakukan dalam hubungan negara-negara (Saputra, Kebijakan Pemerintah Indonesia dalam Menyikapi Tindakan Penyadapan oleh Australia, 3) dan berkata bahwa Indonesia terlalu berlebihan dalam menyikapi kasus ini. ...

Set in a context of ubiquitous digitality, this thesis proposes to examine and conceptualise what is put forward as ‘street smart technology’, a novel assemblage of smartphone based technologies and the street economy in Southeast Asia. In order to delineate this novel form of technology, the study will develop a genealogical case study of two of its archetypes: ‘Grab’ and ‘GoJek’.  Probing into their rearrangements of safety, temporality and mobility in everyday urban life, I argue that these digital ride hailing firms insert themselves into micro-frictions within metropolitan contexts and catalyse a new form of Taylorist industry. This widely emerging form of industry circulates capital and labour in the open streets of urban metropolises, and manifests an inverse trend in the labour markets of developed and developing economies. In Singapore, smartphone based platforms such as Grab and GoJek tend to catalyse the informalisation of labour practices through creating a mainstream precarious alternative to the formal economy, whereas in Indonesia, these platforms tend to formalise various aspects of an already prevalent and highly precarious ‘street economy’. I seek to follow and demonstrate the methodologies of mutual adaptation and constant negotiation of these digital platforms with the ‘street economy’ of Indonesia, proposing that Grab and GoJek’s contemporary pervasiveness in Southeast Asia is due to their ability to consolidate smartphone technology and the street economy into a unique business model. This study draws its methodology and theoretical approach from the disciplines of Anthropology and Political Economy and bridges the scholarship in the fields of Science and Technology Studies and Southeast Asian Studies, targeting to capture the socioeconomic flux and technological innovation underway in Singapore and Indonesia.