Located through Egil´s saga Stefán Björnsson Björn Vernharðsson 1 Brunanburh located through Egil’s saga Stefán Björnsson Björn Vernharðsson Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Brunanburh located through Egil’s Saga Copyright © 2020 Stefán Björnsson and Björn Vernharðsson 3rd edition Publisher; Hugfari, bjorn@hugfari.com Reykjavík 2020 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. ISBN: 979-8698201366 ii CONTENTS INTRODUCTION Egil’s saga for everyone 1 Of the banquets at earl Arnfid's 2 Slaying of Thorvald Proud 3 Of Athelstan, King of the English 4 Of Olaf King of Scots 5 Of the gathering of the host Vinovia or near Vínu Winwede streame 4 6 8 9 12 13 17 29 33 6 Of the fight 7 Thorolf dies in the main battle 8 Egill buries Thorolf 9 Marriage of Egill 10 Of Egil’s death and the silver that King Athelstan gave to Egill 11 The Icelandic connection 12 Philosophy and the poetry in Egil´s saga The poem of Brunanburh and Egil’s saga The poem of Brunanburh – alternative presentation and meaning The poem of Brunanburh – a missing ending Comparison between The Brunanburh poem and Völuspá The poem of Sonartorrek – comparison 13 Brunanburh 14 Hunwick The proposed field Transportation Centrality A burh or a fort – Vinovia fort Directions Neutrality and borders Landmark Level field Water - Wells Fire Burials Findings and interesting sites in Hunwick and around 15 The Land of the Gods in Northumbria 16 Why the references to the Brunanburh battle were lost? 17 The reliability of Egil’s saga 18 Location of the battle 19 Timeline 20 Conclusions References 35 40 44 51 53 58 61 62 62 75 77 88 90 103 103 104 110 111 112 113 114 115 118 121 122 129 134 163 164 166 169 172 177 INTRODUCTION It has been difficult to locate the site for the battle of Brunanburh. It’s location has been lost to memory as have many battles from the English nation’s birth. Strangely, all evidence of where this battle was fought has been more or less lost and it is only referred to in annals and in a poem whose author is unknown as well as in Egil’s saga. The battle had affects far and wide and well out for Britain as many people from a wide fought in it. The site of the battle has been called many names; Brunnenburth, Brunanburh, Brunandune, Brunnanwerc, Bruneford, Brunefeld or Bruneford, Brun, Duinbrunde, Weondune, Vínheiði and even the plains of Othlynn. Burth, burh, werc, byrig, ford and even duin are all names that mean a stronghold or a fort. Brunan Brunnen, Brunnan, Brune, Brun, Brunde have multiple meanings. Snorri Sturluson is assumed to have written the saga of Egill Skallagrimsson in Iceland in the 13th century. The battle of Vinheith, thought to be the battle of Brunanburh, is a significant part in the saga, as Egill lost his beloved brother Thorolf in this battle. As Egil’s saga was written in the middle of the 13th century, it has often been disregarded as a main source for the battle of Brunanburh, but the poems in the story are thought of to be older and contemporary with the events. The description of this event in Egil’s saga has however great similarities with Ingulph’s Chronicle. The Chronicle says that Syngrinus was the leader of the Wicci (Vikings) but according to Egil’s saga, both Thorolf and Egill, the sons of Grimur, were in charge of the Vikings or as it is said in Icelandic “synir Gríms”. There also numerous similarities in the Brunanburh poem to Egil’s saga. King Athelstan is described as a Bracelet bestower, but he gave Egill two bracelets to compensate him for the loss of his brother. Most of the killing was west of the field, where the men fled to. There is the use of a very rare word for killing; answefede in the Brunanburh poem, but sæfðist in Egil’s saga which has same root. In the Brunanburh poem we have the description of a “dark raven”, “white-tailed eagle”, “greedy war hawk” and the “grey beast, the wolf of the wood”. All these animals are known in the Edda’s and in the poems in Egil’s saga. Egill even has the description of having a “wolf grey hair”. Actually, almost all verifiable accounts in the saga can be verified by other sources. Most of the poems in Egil’s saga are older than the written text, and the poems are most likely original oral compositions from the 10th century. According to the Institute for Icelandic studies, most of the poems should be credited to Egill himself. The poem in Egil’s saga, when Egill is grieving his brother, refers to the battlefield as a place near Vínu but the saga refers to Vínheiði by the Vinwoods which is a very interesting difference. To mobilize large armies at this time, it was necessary to utilize the best roads possible and the Roman roads would have been the best roads available at that time. The main road from York to Scotland was 4 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga the Roman Dere Street and it is reasonable to assume that it would suit both armies for the battle of Brunanburh to utilize that. Going through possible places on the old Roman roads, there is this one interesting place on the Dere Street, named Vinovia just south of present-day Northumbria, in the county of Durham. The Binchester fort was formerly known as Vinovia. The Roman name is compound from the words “Vino” meaning Wine and “Via” as a road or a journey through. The meaning of the word could be the passing over the river Vino. The name Weondune used by Simeon of Durham could mean the heath, hill or dune by Vinovia/Weon/Vino/Vínu. Regarding the battlefield itself, we assume it to be immediately north of Hunwick on the ground where we today have an industrial plant, a football field and a cricket field as well as a large area of fair and even ground. Hunwick was the first stop on the old Roman road north of the bridge of Vinovia. It is only one mile from Hunwick to the old bridge over the River Wear. In this book we examine how the places around Vinovia would fit the descriptions in Egil’s saga by following the text in the saga. We also compare the Brunanburh Poem to the Old Icelandic Poem Völuspá as there is a significant similarity between these poems. 5 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Egil’s saga for everyone Egil’s saga is one of the Icelandic sagas that has been most widely quoted. It was written in the thirteenth century, around 1220 AD, and the author is presumed to be Snorri Sturluson, though this is not undisputed. The oldest, mostly completely preserved manuscript of Egil’s saga is Möðruvallabók, AM 132 fol. It is considered to have been written between 1320 and 1350. Older parts of the saga have also been preserved in a manuscript which is called þetubrotið AM 162 A fol, considered to be from the year 1250. 1 Picture of Egill in an old manuscript The author of Egil’s saga, credited most of the poems in the saga to Egill himself. This is also the official stance of the Árni Magnússon Institute for Icelandic studies. In Gripla, a journal issued by the Institute, gives an account of the subject, it’s conclusion is that most of the poems should be credited to Egill. Ancient poetry rules, distortions of the poetry, various words that are difficult to understand, ancient words and ancient phrases are used, give us evidence, that the poetry is rightfully credited to Egill. Common symptoms, contradictory equations and frequent repetition or much climatic content or ideas point to the one and same poet.i Most of the poems in the saga are therefore considered to be from the 10th century. The saga is based on Egil´s life and it has many rhymed poems that Egill is meant to have made contemporary to the events in the story. As the poems are regarded to be contemporaneous to the events, they are expected to be of more evidential value for events than the rest of the saga, as the saga evolves around the poems in peoples’ memory. Just to emphasize how important the poems were to the Vikings in the 9th and 10th century the saga describes the court of Haraldur Hárfagri king of Norway, putatively c. 850 – c. 932. You might imagine that Haraldur would have valued his greatest warriors or landowners most, but that was not the case. The court men he valued most were his poets or as they were called at the time, skalds. Of all his guard the king most prized his skalds; they occupied the second highest seat. Of these Audun Ill-skald sat innermost, being the oldest; he had been skald to Halfdan Swarthy, king Harold's father. Next to him sat Thorbjorn Raven, then Aulvir Hnuf, and next to him was placed Bard; he was there by-named Bard the White or Bard the Strong. He was in honour with everyone there, but between him and Aulvir Hnuf was a close friendship. The reason could have been that they were considered learned men as the writing of a poem was an advanced practice at the time. As the Viking kings did not keep charters or annals like the kings in England it was important that their side of history and memory was kept alive through poems instead. 1 https://www.visindavefur.is/svar.php?id=2260, in Icelandic 6 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga To those who speak and read Icelandic it can be quite easy to read and understand the original text of Egil’s saga written in the 13th century. Most of the poems in the Saga are however quite difficult to understand due to their ancient poetry rules, phrases and metaphors. In this compilation of the meaning of the poems we have relied the Egil’s saga issued by Mál og menning in the year 1994 and the use the translation by W. C. Green from the year 1893. That version is based on the original Icelandic text of Möðruvallabók. Both the Icelandic text and the translation by W. C. Green are in public domain and are easily available on the internet. An English version of the whole saga can be found at: http://sagadb.org/egils_saga.en Though the English translation by W. C. Green is easily readable, it is not always accurate as sometimes there is more than one interpretation of the original Icelandic text, especially regarding the poems. In this book we will follow the events of the battle of Brunanburh or Vínheiði as described in Egil’s saga, starting from chapter 48 and use the text of the story to set the main events of the battle and link it to possible places in context and other sources of the battle of Brunanburh. The saga describes how Egill and his brother Thorolf went to England and served the English King Athelstan (Aðalsteinn in Icelandic). The story describes the battle that Egill and his brother Thorolf fought beside King Athelstan and his men against the King Olaf of Scotland and his allies. The battle and the main events are described thoroughly, including the death of his brother Thorolf. But Egill survived the battle. This is considered to be the battle of Brunanburh, but in Egil’s saga the battle is said to have been fought at Vinheith, or Vínheiði in Icelandic, by the Vinewood. In one of the poems, Egill refers to the name: near Vínu as the place where he buried his noble brother. As the saga was written in the middle of the 13th century, some historical facts might be misrepresented, but the story should not be dismissed as a source because of that. More emphasis should be placed on the information in the poems as they have more credibility. The poems were composed by strict rules so they could be more easily memorized and they are densely compacted with information. One could think of them as cliff’s notes of the saga. The story tellers in 11th and 12th century Iceland knew the poems and told the story around them thus keeping the saga alive. We also have to bear in mind that Egil’s saga is a family saga, it is about him and therefore told from his perspective. It is interesting to see whether Egil’s saga can shed light on the mystery of the battle of Brunanburh and if it contains significant information that can be substantiated and can give indications of where the battle was fought. 7 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 1 Of the banquets at earl Arnfid's Egil’s saga is like many of the Icelandic sagas told in a specific sequence. This is to help the storyteller to remember the most important things in the right order. And here is the first sequence describing events that lead to their adventures in England. To get the best overview of the story we must start at chapter number 48 in Egil’s saga which is the introduction to the great battle. The brothers, kings and other important people as well as their situation are put in perspective for the following events. At those time Harold Gormsson had then taken the kingdom in Denmark. The brothers, Egill and Thorulf had been in Viking north of Denmark and when they came to Oresund, then there was hope of plunder, but it was likely that the townsmen would make resistance. The question was put before the men whether they should go up or not. Opinions were much divided, some liking, some letting it; then the matter was referred to the leaders. Thorolf was rather for going up. Then Egill was asked what counsel he thought good. He recited a stave: Wolf-battening warrior, Wield we high gleaming swords. In snake-fostering summer Such deeds well beseem. Lead up to Lundur: Let laggards be none! Spear-music ungentle By sunset shall sound. A wooden wall was round the town; the town people set men to guard this. A very fierce battle was there fought. Egill, with his following, neither charged fiercely on the gate nor spared himself. Egill first entered the town. Then town’s people fled, and then there was great slaughter. But Thorolf and his company plundered the town and took much wealth, and fired the buildings before they left. Then they went down to their ships. As autumn came on, Thorolf and his men sailed northward along the Norway coast till they reached the Firths, and then went to lord Thorir. He received them well, but Arinbjorn his son much better, who asked Egill to be there for the winter. Egill took this offer with thanks. But when Thorir knew of Arinbjorn's offer, he called it rather a hasty speech. 'I know not,' said he, 'how king Eric may like that; for after the slaying of Bard he said that he would not have Egill be here in the land.' Later in the autumn lord Thorir went to king Eric Bloodaxe of Norway. The king received him exceedingly well. But when they began to talk together, Thorir begged the king not to take it amiss that he had Egill with him that winter. The king answered this well; he said that Thorir might get from him what he would, but it should not have been so had any other man harboured Egill. But when Gunnhilda heard what they were talking of, then said she: 'This I think, Eric, that 'tis now going again as it has gone often before; thou lend easy ear to talk, nor bears long in mind the ill that is done thee. And now thou wilt bring forward the sons of Skallagrim to this that they will yet again smite down some of thy near kin. But though thou mayest choose to think Bard's slaying of no account, I think not so.'The king answered: 'Thou, Gunnhilda, more than others provokest me to savageness; yet time was when thou wert on better terms with Thorolf than now. However, I will not take back my word about those brothers.' 'Thorolf was well here,' said she, 'before Egill made him bad; but now I reckon no odds between them.' Thorir went home when he was ready, and told the brothers the words of the king and of the queen. 8 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 2 Slaying of Thorvald Proud The second chapter in the sequence is dedicated to furthering and deepening the description. The brothers humiliate Eyvind Skreyja, the brother of Queen Gunnhilda in Norway. After their revenge they cannot go to Norway for the winter. Take notice of the description of the sanctuary in the field. Such a field may be similar to the fields we propose were used for the battle at Brunanburh. Fields of prominence such as in Hunwick, can also be found in Carham, in Malmesbury, Hyde Park, in Eamont Bridge or Wayland Smithy. Gaula in Norway. Picture from Google Map. Proposed field size: 360 yards x 360 yards. Eyvind Skreyja2 and Alf were the names of two brothers of Queen Gunnhilda, sons of Auzur Toti. They were tall and strong, and great traders. They were then made much of by king Eric and Gunnhilda. Not generally liked were they; at this time, they were young, but fully grown to manhood. It so befell in the spring that a great sacrifice was fixed to be held in the summer at Gaula. Here was the most renowned chief temple. Thither flocked numbers from the firths and from the fells, and from Sogn, and almost all the great men. King Eric went there. Then spoke Gunnhilda with her brothers: 'I would fain that you two should so manage matters in this crowded gathering, that you get to slay one of the two sons of Skallagrim, or, better still, both.' They said it should be done. Lord Thorir made ready to go there. He called Arinbjorn his son to speak with him. 'Now will I,' said he, 'go to the sacrifice, but I will not that Egill go there. I know the craft of Gunnhilda, the vehemence of Egill, the power of the king; no easy task was it to watch these all at once. But Egill will not let himself be hindered, unless you stay behind. Now Thorolf and the rest of his company shall go with me; Thorolf 2 Skreyja means torn leather 9 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga shall sacrifice and pray for happiness for his brother as well as himself.' Whereupon Arinbjorn told Egill that he meant to stay at home; 'and you shall be with me,' said he. Egill agreed that it should be so. But Thorir and the rest went to sacrifice, and a very great multitude was there, and there was much drinking. Thorolf went with Thorir wheresoever he went, and they never were apart day or night. Eyvind told Gunnhilda that he could get no chance at Thorolf. She bade him then slay some one of Thorolf's men rather than let everything fail. It chanced one evening, when the king had gone to rest, as had also Thorir and Thorolf, but Thorfid and Thorvald still sat up, that the two brothers Eyvind and Alf came and sat down by them, and were very merry. First, they drank as one drinking-party; but it came to this, that each should drink half a horn, Eyvind and Thorvald being paired together to drink, and Alf and Thorfid. Now as the evening wore on there was unfair drinking; next followed bandying of words, then insulting language. Then Eyvind jumped up, drew a sword, and thrust at Thorvald, giving him a wound that was fatal. Whereupon up jumped on either side the king's men and Thorir's house-men. But men were all weapon less in there, because it was sanctuary. Men went between and parted them who were most furious; nor did anything more happen that evening. Eyvind had slain a man on holy ground; he was therefore made accursed, and had to go abroad at once. The king offered a fine for the man; but Thorolf and Thorfid said they never had taken man-fine, and would not take this. With that they parted. Thorir and his company went home. King Eric and Gunnhilda sent Eyvind south to Denmark to king Harold Gormsson, for he might not now abide on Norwegian soil. The king Harold received him and his comrades well: Eyvind brought to Denmark a large war-ship. The king then appointed Eyvind to be his coastguard there against freebooters, for Eyvind was a right good warrior. In the spring following that winter Thorolf and Egill made them ready to go again a-freebooting. And when ready, they again stood for the eastern way. But when they came to Vik, they sailed then south along Jutland, and harried there; then went to Friesland, where they stayed for a great part of the summer; and then stood back for Denmark. But when they came to the borderland where Denmark and Friesland meet, and lay by the land there, so it was that one evening when they on shipboard were preparing for sleep, two men came to Egil's ship, and said they had an errand to him. They were brought before him. They said that Aki the wealthy had sent them there with this message: 'Eyvind Skreyja is lying out of Jutland-side, and thinks to waylay you as you come from the south. And he has gathered such large force as you cannot withstand if you encounter it all at once; but he himself goes with two light vessels, and he is even now here close by you.' But when these tidings came to Egill, at once they took down their tenting. He bade them to go silently; and so, they did. They came at dawn to where Eyvind and his men lay at anchor; they set upon them at once, hurling both stones and spears. Many of Eyvind's force fell there; but he himself leapt overboard and got to land by swimming, as did all those of his men who escaped. But Egill took his ships, cargo, and weapons. They went back that day to their own company, and met Thorolf. He asked wither Egill had gone, and where he had gotten those ships with which they came. Egill said that Eyvind Skreyja had had the ships, but they had taken them from him. 10 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Then said Egill this stave: In struggle sternly hard We strove off Jutland-side: Well did the warrior fight, Warder of Denmark's realm. Till, with his wights o'erborne, Eastwards from wave-horse high To swim and seek the sand Swift Eyvind Skreyja leapt. Thorolf said: 'Herein ye have so wrought, methinks, that it will not serve us as our autumn plan to go to Norway.' Egill said it was quite as well, though they should seek some other place. The brothers have called upon themselves an unfavourable welcome both in Norway and Denmark. As it was close to autumn it was possibly too late to sail over the Atlantic to Iceland. It is of the utmost importance to understand the meaning of the field as sanctuary, a sacred assembly field, used as a court and a place for execution, it was a party place and a religious place, as well as a meeting place for young people to see each other and also used as a sports ground. This chapter is clearly describing the parliamentary view of the author. This is best described with the old saying that; there are good kings and there are bad kings therefore it is best to have no kings. 11 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 3 Of Athelstan, King of the English In the third chapter of the sequence the author explains to us the controlling and the co-ordination, which was in the hand of the King. The two brothers join King Athelstan with 300 men. The main emphasis in this part of the story is on the ruler and his rule. Egil’s saga describes what is going on in England during Athelstan’s reign: There was a rebellion going on and many of King’s Athelstan adversaries had combined their forces. The King was gathering an army. Christianity had taken over and the brothers had to take a Christian blessing to be able to take the king’s pay. Alfred the Great ruled England, being of his family the first supreme king over England. That was in the days of Harold Fairhair, king of Norway. After Alfred, Edward his son was king in England. He was father of Athelstan the Victorious, who was foster-father of king Hakon the Good. It was at this time that Athelstan took the kingdom after his father. There were several brothers sons of Edward. But when Athelstan had taken the kingdom, then those chieftains who had before lost their power to his forefathers rose in rebellion, now they thought was the easiest time to claim back their own, when a young king ruled the realm. These were Britons, Scots, and Irish. King Athelstan therefore gathered an army, and gave pay to all such as wished to enrich themselves, both foreigners and natives. The brothers Thorolf and Egill were sailing southwards along Saxony and Flanders, when they heard that the king of England wanted men, and that there was in his service hope of much gain. So, they resolved to take their force thither. And they went on that autumn till they came to king Athelstan. He received them well; he saw plainly that such force would be a great help. Soon did the English king decide to ask them to join him, to take pay there, and become defenders of his land. They so agreed between them that they became king Athelstan's men. England was thoroughly Christian in faith, and had long been so, when these things happened. King Athelstan was a good Christian; he was called Athelstan the Faithful. The king asked Thorolf and his brother to consent to take the first signing with the cross, for this was then a common custom both with merchants and those who took soldiers' pay in Christian armies, since those who were 'primesigned' (as 'twas termed) could hold all intercourse with Christians and heathens alike, while retaining the faith which was most to their mind. Thorolf and Egill did this at the king's request, and both let themselves be prime-signed. They had three hundred men with them who took the king's pay. Here we have a description of the events leading up to the main battle. There was a rebellion against King Athelstan by many of his adversaries, who had drawn together a large army in the north and were showing their teeth. It is clear in the story that invading force consisted of Britons, Scots, and Irish. It also confirms other sources that the battle was fought late in the year ii. In this respect the story is in no conflict with other known sources for the event. 12 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 4 Of Olaf King of Scots The main emphasis in this chapter is the help and assistance you can have. In the story it is about the help that failed the king; the men who were supposed to support him, but failed to do so and even turned against him and his rule. The saga describes the allies, who were gathering in the north and combining their forces under the banners of the Scottish and Irish kings. The King’s men in the north began to show disloyalty one by one and joined his adversaries. Olaf the Red was the name of the king in Scotland. He was Scotch on his father's side, but Danish on his mother's side, and came of the family of Ragnar Hairybreeks [Lodbrok]. He was a powerful prince. Scotland, as compared with England, was reckoned a third of the realm; Northumberland was reckoned a fifth part of England; it was the northernmost county, marching with Scotland on the eastern side of the island. Formerly the Danish kings had held it. Its chief town is York. It was in Athelstan's dominions; he had set over it two earls, the one named Alfgeir, the other Gudrek. They were set there as defenders of the land against the inroads of Scots, Danes, and Norsemen, who harried the land much, and though they had a strong claim on the land there, because in Northumberland nearly all the inhabitants were Danish by the father's or mother's side, and many by both. Bretland was governed by two brothers, Hring and Adils; they were tributaries under king Athelstan, and withal had this right, that when they were with the king in the field, they and their force should be in the van of the battle under the royal banner. These brothers were right good warriors, but not young men. Alfred the Great had deprived all tributary kings of name and power; they were now called earls, who had before been kings or princes. This was maintained throughout his lifetime and his son Edward's. But Athelstan came young to the kingdom, and of him they stood less in awe. Wherefore many now were disloyal who had before been faithful subjects. Ten years before the big battle in the year 927 King Constantine of Alba (part of Scotland), King Hywel Dda of Deheubarth (Wales), Ealdred of Bamburgh (northern part of Northumbria), and King Owen of Strathclyde (part of Scotland and Cumbria) gathered at Eamont bridge, near Penrith, to accept King Athelstan as their overlord. The only king that did not come was Guthfrith a newly appointed King of York. That same year Athelstan defeated him and expelled him from York (southern part of Northumbria or Danish Yorkshire) back to Dublin. This Guthfrith is considered to be the father of Olaf Guthfrithson, King of Dublin3. Historical sources for the battle disagree whether Olaf was the son of Guthfrith or the son of Sihtric. That is, sources claim either Olaf Guthfrithson or Olaf Sihtricsson as Athelstan’s main adversary. Egil’s saga has Olaf the Red King of the Scots as the main adversary, but there were other mighty rulers and kings who fought this battle, as history recognizes this to have been the alliance of King Olaf, King Constantine and King Owen. Olaf is also the main adversary in the poems in the saga but there is however a mention that Athelstan defeated three Kings who went against him in war. It needs to be pointed out that the confusion of Olaf being King of Scotland rather than of Dublin is because at the time of battle Ireland was known as Scotia, see the following excerpt from Wikipedia: 3 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Brunanburh 13 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Scotia or the land of the Scots is a term used by various Roman and other Latin writers, who referred to Irish raiders as Scoti. Some of the earliest mentions are in the 5th century, St Patrick calls the Irish "Scoti", and in the 6th century, St Isidore bishop of Seville and Gildas the British historian both refer to Ireland as Scotia. It was a term that exclusively referred to Ireland up until the eleventh century when modern Scotland was first referred to as Scotia. But even up until the sixteenth century, many Latin writers continued to refer to Ireland as Scotia.4 According to John of Worcester, King Constantine was King Olaf's father-in-law.iii It is likely that King Olaf and King Constantine are represented as one character in the saga. The author probably uses King Olaf as he had Nordic family roots and was therefore an interesting subject for him to cover in his description of events or simply due to the fact that his name was the only name used in the poem in Egil’s saga and therefore other names were forgotten when the story was written. The saga tells us about the two British earls Hring and Adilsiv who might represent Owen King of Strathclydev. King Owen, or Eugenius, is known to history and ruled Strathclyde and Cumbria in the period. He was a king, but had submitted to Athelstan in 927 and had also submitted to his father, Edward, in 920. He took part in the battle of Brunanburh against King Athelstanvi. History is not clear whether he represented just Strathclyde or Cumbria as well. The poem in Egil's saga however describes clearly Hring as a jarl meaning an earl but not a king as the other main characters, but Owen was a king at the time. Adils or Aðgils in the original text derives from the Old High German name Aðalgis. The name is not a common Icelandic name. In the Charter for the year 924 (S 388) 5 there is an earl named E∂elsie and he appears again in the Charter for the year 937 (S 433) 6 as Æðelsige. There is a strong possibility that this is the Aðalgils in Egil’s saga as he is not mentioned as an earl or dux after that in the Charters. Regarding the earl Hringur there is an interesting entry in the charter of the year 934 (S 425)7 for an earl named Inhwær. Though admittedly not the best connection to the name, this earl could have been the same earl as Hringur, as similarly the name Ingvar has sometimes referred to as Hyngvar, Hingvar and Inguar in English annals.8 The saga says that the brothers were with the King in the field; they and their force should have been in the van of the battle under the royal banner. It is interesting that Inhwær comes up in the charter of the year 934 when Athelstan made his campaign north to Scotland and Æðelsige in the year 937, the year of the battle of Brunanburh. Ealdred of Bamburgh died in the year 934 and there seems to be no record of who succeeded him as the lord of Bamburgh and no direct record of who was the earl of York after Athelstan conquered it. According to Egil´s saga Athelstan appointed the earls Álfgeir and Gudrek over Northumbria. In the poems in Egil’s saga Álfgeir is titled “Jöfri” that is a king and Gudrek as “Þengil” that has been translated to sovereign and means a king and he is given the same status as King Olaf. In the poems Álfgeir and Gudrek are given a higher status or title than simple earls. 4 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Names_of_the_Irish_state http://www.esawyer.org.uk/charter/388.html 6 http://www.esawyer.org.uk/charter/433.html 7 http://www.esawyer.org.uk/charter/425.html 8 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ingvar_(name) 5 14 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga It begs the question whether Álfgeir was King Ealdred´s son and successor as the lord of Bamburgh. As the Saga unfolds it is quite possible as King Ealdred died only three years before the battle of Brunanburh. Álfgeir was described as inexperienced in battle, fleeing twice, and the second time straight to Normandy where half of his kin was. As he left disgracefully then it would make sense that there is not much of a record of him. It fits perfectly that Álfgeir would have been the successor of King Ealdred, as the Annals of Clonmacnoise gave King Ealdred the status of the king of the North Saxons and the poem in Egil’s saga gives Álfgeir the title of “Jöfri” or king. Álfgeir, yet again not a common Icelandic name, could be the same name as Ælfgar but there are few examples of that name used by English royalty at the time. Álf in Icelandic and Ælf in Anglo Saxon both meaning the same thing, that is an elf. There was some ancestor of the Bamburgh dynasty named Ælf-, like King Ælfwald of Northumbria in the 9th century. The name Wulfgar has also been linked to be the same name of Ælfgar but there is an important earl named Wulfgar who is listed in many Charters under Athelstan’s reign from the years 924 to 939. (S 386, S 387, S 396, S 398, S 401, S 414, S 421, S446, S 447, S 448, S 449, S 455). Wulf meaning Úlf in Icelandic or wolf in English, is a weaker explanation than the elf link. However, if that had been the case, then the real name in Egil’s saga should have been Úlfgeir instead of Álfgeir, but it is not impossible that a writer in Iceland would make such a mistake. The poems could also have been written in runes in the beginning and that might have caused such a mistake. The name of Gudrek varies in different versions of the saga but Gudrek, Goðrekr, Gudrekr and Guðroðr is the same Old Norse name as Guthfrith or Guthferh, that is the same name as the father of Olaf Guthfrithson. That, asks the question whether there could be a trace of a second sovereign over York or Northumbria named Guthfrith at the time. Indeed, according to Simeon of Durham, in his history of the Kings there are the following entriesvii: “A.D. 941. The Northumbrians, preferring disloyalty to the fealty which they owed to Eadmund, the magnificent king of the Angles, chose Anlaf, king of the Norsemen, for their king. ….” “A.D. 943. …. In this year the same king [Eadmund] received Anlaf, whom we before mentioned, from the laver of holy regeneration, and bestowed on him a princely donation: and a short time after, he stood for Reingold, king of the Northumbrians, at his confirmation by the bishop, and adopted him as his son. “A.D. 944. Eadmund, the magnificent king of the Angles, expelled two kings-namely, Anlaf the son of Sihtric, and Reignold the son of Guthferth – from Northumbria, and subdued it to his own authority.” According to these entries, in the period of the battle, Northumbria was split into two parts, most likely the northern and the southern part. In this entry, Anlaf or Olaf was the son of Sihtric but not the son of Guthfrith. There is however, a mention of another king of Northumbria who was called Reignold and was said to be the son of Guthferh. There is not a mention of a blood relationship between these two kings of Northumbria. It is possible that Reignold was the son of Godrek whom Athelstan appointed over one part of Northumbria, but not the brother of Olaf and a son of Guthfrit whom Athelstan expelled from York. Guthferh or Gudrek could also have been the same name as Guðrum. Guðrum was an important earl in Athelstan’s reign listed in ten Charters from the period 928 to 937 (S 393, S 400, S 401, S 412, S 413, S 416, S 417. S 418, S 418a, S 434). This time-frame fits perfectly with Egil’s saga of Gudrek being Guðrum, as Athelstan appoints him over York after he had taken it in the year 927 and him dying in the year 937. 15 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Who did not participate? The most interesting fact is noticing who did not take part in the battle of Brunanburh. Of all the sub-kings in Britain, those of Wales were not reported of taken part. They did not come to Athelstan’s aid either. Most notable of these Welsh kings were Hywel Dda of Deheubarth and his cousin Idwal Foel, King of Gwynedd. The blue on the map below showing Hywel Dda´s kingdom of Wales. This implies that the battle site was not near the Welsh borders; as if it had been there, they would have been forced to take sides. Map showing Wales 900-950 by AlexD9 Showing 5 Boroughs in 912AD by Robin Boulby10 Sources indicate that the most of the rulers of the Five Boroughs were also neutral in this fight and did not participate in the battle. According to Christopher Blunt, who researched the Coinage of King Æthelstan, 70% of the coinage from the Nottingham mint were made of two regular reverse dies combined, which means that the coins did not show the King‘s name. That might suggest that the moneyers in the Northern Danelaw avoided using the king’s nameviii. This indicates that the Earls of the Danelaw did not support King Athelstan fully. Still there are sources suggesting that King Athelstan was supported partly. David Roffe suggests that Lincoln and Lindsey were still loyal to Northumbria in the year 927 and possibly as late as the year 945. But it still appears that they would have assisted Olaf in the year 940ix when he took sovereignty over York, by sailing up the River Humber with his forces. This indicates that the battle would not have been near the area of the Five Boroughs in the year 937 or on their land and certainly not south of their land as that would have caused them to take an active part in the battle. So, it is most likely that the big battle of 937 was well north of the River Humber. It is more likely that the King Athelstan had control over the roads North rather than the roads to the West. His complex situation must have been marked by the need, to keep the Roman Roads clear and keep further adversaries from taking an active part in the battle. Then gradually withdraw his forces from their guard duty to the battle up north. 9 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hywel_Dda 10 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Five_Boroughs_of_the_Danelaw 16 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 5 Of the gathering of the host The fifth chapter in the sequence is about the choices, some voluntary and other not so voluntary, that King Athelstan had to make. In the end King Athelstan made the big choice to go to the battle. The saga describes the advance of the Scots and how difficult the situation was for King Athelstan. Olaf king of Scots, drew together a mighty host, and marched upon England. When he came to Northumberland, he advanced with war. The earls who ruled there mustered their force and went against the king. And when they met there was a great battle, and king Olaf won the victory. But earl Gudrek fell, and Alfgeir fled away, as did the greater part of the force that had followed them and escaped from the field. Now king Olaf found no further resistance, but subdued all Northumberland. Alfgeir went to king Athelstan, and told him of his defeat. As soon as king Athelstan heard that so mighty a host was come into his land, he despatched men and summoned forces, sending word to his earls and other nobles. And with such force as he had he at once turned him and marched against the Scots. But when it was bruited about that Olaf king of Scots had won a victory and subdued under him a large part of England, he soon had a much larger army than Athelstan, for many nobles joined him. And on learning this, Hring and Adils, who had gathered much people, turned to swell king Olaf's army. Thus, their numbers became exceedingly great. Athelstan summoned to conference his captains and his counsellors; he inquired of them what were best to do; he told the whole council point by point what he had ascertained about the doings of the Scots' king and his numbers. All present were agreed on this, that Alfgeir was most to blame, and thought it were but his due to lose his earldom. But the plan resolved on was this, that king Athelstan should go back to the south of England, and then for himself hold a levy of troops, coming northwards through the whole land; for they saw that the only way for the needful numbers to be levied in time was for the king himself to gather the force. As for the army already assembled, the king set over it as commanders Thorolf and Egill. They were also to lead that force which the freebooters had brought to the king. But Alfgeir still held command over his own troops. Further, the king appointed such captains of companies as he thought fit. When Egill returned from the council to his fellows, they asked him what tidings he could tell them of the Scots' king. He said out this verse: Olaf one earl by furious Onslaught in flight hath driven, The other slain: a sovereign Stubborn in fight is he. Upon the field fared Gudrek False path to his undoing. He holds, this foe of England, Northumbria's humbled soil. 17 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga This first poem by Egill in England was about the precursor to the battle. King Olaf and his men killed Gudrek (Gutfrith/Guthrum) in a battle and earl Alfgeir fled southward. This description in Egil’s saga fits with other sources such as the tenth century poem that is in the Gesta Regum of William of Malmesbury. But in that poem, there is a description of natives that submitted the whole province (plaga tota) to the proudx. Alfgeir seems to have submitted the kingdom of Bamburgh; the northern part of Northumbria, wholly and fully to the invaders with little fight and without honour. English translation by W. C. Green 1) 'Olaf one earl by furious Onslaught in flight hath driven, 2) The other slain: a sovereign Stubborn in fight is he. 3) Upon the field fared Gudrek False path to his undoing. 4) He holds, this foe of England, Northumbria's humbled soil.' Meaning in English 1) Olaf made an earl/king flee from the battle. 2) I have heard that the sovereign that killed another is fierce in battle. 3) Gudrek [Guthfrith/Guthrum] went on a false path in the battle and met his death. 4) The enemy of England has conquered half of Alfgeir's land. Icelandic original text 1) Áleifr of kom jöfri, ótt vas víg, á bak flótta, 2) þingharðan frák þengil þann, en felldi annan. 3) Glapstígu lét gnóga Goðrekr á mó troðna. 4) Jörð spenr Engla skerðir Álfgeirs und sik hálfa. 1) It has been interpreted that the earl who fled was earl Alfgeir in the saga and named in last line in the poem. However, the poem gives Alfgeir the title “Jöfri”, that is more than an earl as it actually means a king. We suggest that he was the lord of Bamburgh. 2) Referring to Olaf being fierce in battle as he killed “Gudrek”. “þengil” is here translated as sovereign or as king. Olaf and Gudrek are given the same status in the poem. 4) There is no consensus on what the text means. In the saga the enemies have taken the whole of Northumbria. The majority have interpreted the text in the poem as the enemies have taken half of Athelstan's land or half of England or Britain. It says, however, half of Alfgeir's land. If Athelstan had given Alfgeir and Gudrek both Northumbria and the Kingdom of York to protect, it would be logical to assume that half of Alfgeir’s land would be just the northern part of Northumbria, that is north of the River Tyne, but not the kingdom of York. It is worth remembering that King Athelstan invaded Scotland with a large military and naval force in the year 93411. The army made its way up to Kincardineshire, near Aberdeen, and the king went with his navy up to Caithness, however he was never engaged in a battle. 66 miles south of Kincardineshire is the city of Perth. Perth is the home of the Stone of Scone where the King of Scots was crowned. Perth became known as a “capital” of Scotland, due to the frequent residence of the royal court.12 Constantine died in St Andrew, which is only 30 miles from Perth. This would make Perth the most likely starting point of the Scottish campaign and the rendezvous for the Irish and Scots. It is logical to assume that the two Kings of Dublin and Scotland met and combined their forces 11 12 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Brunanburh https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Perth,_Scotland 18 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga before going to war and the meeting place would have been at Constantine’s place as Olaf and his Vikings were the more mobile force. Olaf voyage could possible by either or a combination of: A) Sailing from Dublin to Perth, possible gathering extra forces from the Hebrides and Orkneys on the way. The downside is that the sailing north to Perth from Ireland over the channel between Scotland and the Orkneys can be very dangerous late in the summertime or in the autumn time. These channels are known for difficult currents and rapid changes in the weather and such a trip would only been possible with the best captains. It is hard to imagine that Olaf’s whole fleet would be able to make such a trip. B) Sailing from Dublin and up the River Clyde, or there abouts and walked to Perth. It can be assumed to have been about 2 days walk. Map by Google Maps. Simulation of sailing from Dublin According to the Saga, Olaf and the Scots marched upon England and when he came to Northumberland, he advanced with war. It can be assumed that the first line of defence for King Athelstan, where the earls Gudrek and Alfgeir fought King Olaf was well north of Hadrian’s Wall and possibly as far north as the Antonine wall, near Edinburgh. If it is correctly assumed that Alfgeir was the lord of Bamburgh, then the site in Carham is a strong possibility for this battle-site, as it was a known place for battles both before and after the events in the year 937. It is about 100 miles from Perth to Carham, a distance that an army could have made within a week. 19 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Google maps of a possible field in Carham According to the saga Alfgeir did not show much fight against the invaders, but Gudrek died on the battlefield. The saga clearly suggests that a large portion of the Olaf’s force joined him after the Scots had won the battle against the earls and subdued Northumbria, most likely the part north of the River Tyne. It is logical to assume that the Britons of Cumbria and Strathclyde joined the Irish and the Scots after this first battle. There are two reasons for this. The first reason is them not wanting to be tributaries under King Athelstan and the second is the fact that Cumbria is the closest area to the Irish and Scottish army. It would have been difficult for the Cumbrian earls to withstand the Irish and Scottish army and have to defend on two fronts. If it is true as the saga suggests that the Cumbrians joined the Scots and the Irish after the they had taken Northumbria, then it is also reasonable to assume that the Cumbrian men would have taken the Roman road from Carlisle to Newcastle and assembled with their new alliance somewhere in that area. Or as they were supposed to join the forces of Alfgeir and Gudrek, met with Olaf and Constantine at Bamburgh. Reading the text of the saga some have concluded that York had fallen into the hands of the alliance as it is said that York was the capital of Northumbria in one place and in another that all the Northumbria had been taken by the enemies of England. That conclusion would not be illogical as it is also in line with John of Worcester saying the invasion fleet entered the river Humber. If that is the case, we would like to refer to the work of Michael Wood locating the battle side at Doncasterxi or at Wendbridgexii. However, the real question in this context is; was York actually already captured by the invaders at the time of the battle of Brunanburh or not? If York was already in the hand of the invaders, why should they have waited for King Athelstan? 20 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Furthermore, according to Ingulph’s Chronicle the Londoners fought on the side of Athelstan. William Pearson has pointed out that these Londoners are likely the men of Londesborough in Yorkshire rather than men coming from London.xiii That would mean that the men of York fought with Athelstan making it more likely that York had not fallen at the time of battle. A 10th century account by a Frankish monk named Richer describes an envoy from Duke Hugh setting sail from Boulogne and going straight to King Athelstan, who was then staying in a town called Euruch or York, where he had his nephew with him. The phrase “apud suos” by Richer has been translated as “among his own” but it has also been suggested that it should be translated as “at his court”. xiv This account places King Athelstan at York in the year 936, and more significantly also his court. This being the last place where Athelstan was placed by sources before the battle of Brunanburh in the year 937. If King Athelstan had moved his court to York, he would not have given it up easily. If the coalition had taken York before the battle of Brunanburh that would certainly be the place Constantine and Olaf with their men would have fled after losing the battle. That would also have forced Athelstan to take an extra campaign to expel them from York and retake it after the battle. Another argument that is against John of Worcester saying the invasion fleet of 615 ships entered the river Humber is that it would have been extremely dangerous for Olaf to sail with a large fleet north of Scotland at autumn time. These waters are dangerous at best of times but to put it mildly hazardous at the worst of times. Unlike his predecessors, Athelstan had a large naval fleet. He used his fleet in his Campaign to Scotland, in the year 934, sending his fleet up to Caithness. In the year 936 King Athelstan, while being in York, intervened in Frankish affairs, by sending his fleet to assist his fosters-son, Alain count of Pohersent, to drive the Vikings out of Brittany. The same year also sending his naval fleet to take his other foster-son, Louis the son of Charles home to take the throne of France. xv King Olaf’s naval fleet would not have easily made its way east of the land and straight to York without a resistance. Sailing with an invasion fleet to York up Humber would be risky as it would have to rely on a surprise attack as the Humber at that time surely would have been heavily guarded. It would have been a huge event if York had been captured before the battle and it would also have been a huge deal if Athelstan had to expel Constantine and King Olaf from York after the battle. Why is there no mention of either these events in any sources? The answer is simple; York wasn’t taken over by the invaders. The poem in Egil’s saga is more reliable than other texts in the saga, and in it is states that only half of Alfgeir’s land had been taken over. The conclusion is thus more likely to be that York had not been taken before the battle of Brunanburh and the alliance had only subdued Northumbria as it is today and possibly advanced as far as south as Durham and the River Wear. 21 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Northumbria Cumbria Google map showing Cumbria and Northumbria To address the target of the invasion, so late in the year of 937, it surely must have been York. Though the Scots probably wanted the northern part of Northumbria or the old Bernicia for themselves. King Olaf wanted York or old Deira. It is even described in the saga that King Olaf came from the family of Ragnar Hairybreeks [Lodbrok] on his mother side, thus having a legitimate claim to rule York. Early annals strongly indicate that the battle was north of York. Only later annals written in the twelfth century assume that there was a Viking invasion through the River Humber. That possibly relates the later incident, when the Vikings invaded through the River Humber and captured York in the year 940 and held it out for four yearsxvi. If the Scots and their allies had not taken York but subdued Northumbria north of the River Tyne then the next defensive line would be the River Wear. It is also reasonable to assume that King Athelstan would suggest a battle field as far north as possible, as this would open up for him possibilities for more defensive positions further south. It would have been important for King Athelstan to draw the opposing army from the western side and over to the eastern side of the country, out of their comfort zone and into a closed area on the eastern 22 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga side of the North Pennines. It is also assumed by Hollander that the most likely junction of allies would take place somewhere to the east of the Penninesxvii. Regardless of York being taken or not, all accounts point to the battle being fought in or around Northumbria. Map of the British Isles around 920 AD by Andrei nacu 13 Egil’s saga continues and tells how King Athelstan organized the events leading up to the battle. Again, there is an issue of the field. This field was on Vinheith by Vinewood, as it was seemingly a known field at this time. The council sent messengers to king Olaf, giving out this as their errand, that king Athelstan would fain hazel him a field and offer battle on Vinheith by Vinewood; meanwhile he would have them forbear to harry his land; but of the twain he should rule England who should conquer in the battle. He appointed a week hence for the conflict, and whichever first came on the ground should wait a week for the other. Now this was then the custom, that so soon as a king had hazelled a field, it was a shameful act to harry before the battle was ended. Accordingly, king Olaf halted and harried not, but waited till the appointed day, when he moved his army to Vinheith. North of the heath stood a town. There in the town king Olaf quartered, and there he had the greatest part of his force, because there was a wide district around which seemed to him convenient for the bringing in of such provisions as the army needed. But he sent men of his own up to the heath 13 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roman_roads_in_Britannia 23 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga where the battlefield was appointed; these were to take camping ground, and make all ready before the army came. But when the men came to the place where the field was hazelled, there were all the hazel poles set up to mark the ground where the battle should be. The place ought to be chosen level, and whereon a large host might be set in array. And such was this; for in the place where the battle was to be the heath was level, with a river flowing on one side, on the other a large wood. But where the distance between the wood and the river was least (though this was a good long stretch), there king Athelstan's men had pitched, and their tents quite filled the space between wood and river. They had so pitched that in every third tent there were no men at all, and in one of every three but few. Yet when king Olaf's men came to them, they had then numbers swarming before all the tents, and the others could not get to go inside. Athelstan's men said that their tents were all full, so full that their people had not nearly enough room. But the front line of tents stood so high that it could not be seen over them whether they stood many or few in depth. Olaf's men imagined a vast host must be there. King Olaf's men pitched north of the hazel poles, toward which side the ground sloped a little. It must have been tempting enough for the Scots and their allies to withhold their armies. The idea of being able to rule the whole of England with one battle is quite a bait for the Kings in question. It could be assumed from the text and from the events happening in England at this time that the idea of who rules over England might reflect the fact that the invaders were not fighting for the opportunity to rule England as such. They wanted to rule over Northumbria and York. And they surely wanted their system of rule to be used and respected, that is with the parliamentary system they had. They wanted the field to rule and they did not want one king to rule over all England. They were opposed to the idea of one overlord, thus demeaning their status and the parliamentary status of the field. For the invaders and the kings who ruled each kingdoms the importance of the parliamentary status of the field that relates to the old Germanic idea of “Genossenschaft” or cooperative, that is the rule of people in the field of the commons and the equality of freemen against the rule and the dominion of the overlord, which was the aim of the Saxon kings and the Roman Catholic Church to rule the land. If the Scots and their allies were further south than the River Wear, possibly with all their army already by or south of the River Humber, King Athelstan did not pose a serious threat, the invaders could simply remain, relaying on the earls of The Five Boroughs to be on their side. But if they only had the territory north of the River Wear or there abouts, then it was a huge potential promise on the behalf of King Athelstan and it would have been worth the waiting. It was also already late autumn and it would have been foreseeable that it would be difficult to feed a large army in the winter months on the road. It would have been quite a task to invade York which might be expected to be heavily guarded and to fight for every bridge on the way south. The least distance from the river to the woods is a determining factor in the description in Egil’s saga of the battle-site. The burh of tents would have stood so high that it was impossible to see over. It was impossible to see whether the camp was deep or not by standing in front of it. This description is in line with the Brunanburh Poem that reads: “Wiþ laþra gehwæne,” as gehwæne can here refer to both fine or long, assuming gehwene is equvilent to the Icelandic word “vænn”. 24 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga This burh of tents was on the southern side of the battlefield, according to the saga, where the Vikings with Egill and Thorolf resided with earl Alfgeir’s and Athelstan’s men. This preliminary borough of tents was set up in the manner to lead the Scots astray; and to have them think that the main army was already there in place at the camp. It can be expected that the king’s men had a good use of the Roman road as a base for their camping site. Then the Scots had to go north of the field and make their own camp on a slope. So, the question remains where can this battlefield be and where is the shortest way from the river to the woods with some raised landscape to set up the camp? The time when Athelstan’s men were in the tents on the top of this slope must have been intense waiting for the big event. These two weeks must have been the longest of their lives. First, they had to camp, wait for the Scots and confront them in a place where this favourable situation arose. Secondly, during the wait, the men would have to hope that the Scots would not see through their bluff. Thirdly this place might have been on the road between the two towns in question, but not necessarily so. Fourthly it intensifies the situation not knowing when King Athelstan would arrive with his army and not knowing how many men, he would have with him as well. Ymbe Brunanburh might have been this temporary campsite beside the hazelled field, at least on two sides of the field as ymbe can be assumed to be around as “ampi” in amphitheatre. In Icelandic, the word tjaldborg (tent burh) for a campsite of many tents and this burh of tents does not necessarily have to be fortified. It is a common misunderstanding in papers covering this issue that there were fortified camps on both sides of the battle field. According to the saga there were two separate towns within riding distance of the field and there were two separate camps on either side of the battle field. There is no mention of a fortification around the battle field in the saga. The saga continues and the preparation for the battle relied on communication between the two cities of which southern one became the king’s preliminary seat before the battle was to be fought. As can been seen in the text above, King Olaf was in the town north of the heath. There he was with the greatest part of his force, because there was a wide district around there which seemed to him convenient for bringing in the provisions that the army required. These two towns did not to have been fortificated or burgh, as they only needed these sites for the easiness for bringing in food and supplies for their forces. As both towns in question were close to the battlefield, a stalling technique was used to gain as much time as possible according to Egil’s saga. From day to day Athelstan's men said that the king would come, or was come, to the town that lay south of the heath. Meanwhile forces flocked to them both day and night. But when the appointed time had expired, then Athelstan's men sent envoys to king Olaf with these words: 'King Athelstan is ready for battle, and had a mighty host. But he sends to king Olaf these words, that he would fain they should not cause so much bloodshed as now looks likely; he begs Olaf rather to go home to Scotland, and Athelstan will give him as a friendly gift one shilling of silver from every plough through all his realm, and he wishes that they should become friends.' 25 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga When the messengers came to Olaf, he was just beginning to make his army ready, and purposing to attack. But on the messengers declaring their errand, he fore bore to advance for that day. Then he and his captains sat in council. Wherein opinions were much divided. Some strongly desired that these terms should be taken; they said that this journey had already won them great honour, if they should go home after receiving so much money from Athelstan. But some were against it, saying that Athelstan would offer much more the second time, were this refused. And this latter counsel prevailed. Then the messengers asked king Olaf to give them time to go back to king Athelstan, and try if he would pay yet more money to ensure peace. They asked a truce of one day for their journey home, another for deliberation, a third to return to Olaf. The king granted them this. The messengers went home, and came back on the third day according to promise; they now said to king Olaf that Athelstan would give all that he offered before, and over and above, for distribution among king Olaf's soldiers, a shilling to every freeborn man, a silver mark to every officer of a company of twelve men or more, a gold mark to every captain of the king's guard, and five gold marks to every earl. Then the king laid this offer before his forces. It was again as before; some opposed this, some desired it. In the end the king gave a decision: he said he would accept these terms, if this too were added, that king Athelstan let him have all Northumberland with the tributes and dues thereto belonging. Again, the messengers ask armistice of three days, with this further, that king Olaf should send his men to hear Athelstan's answer, whether he would take these terms or not; they say that to their thinking Athelstan will hardly refuse anything to ensure peace. King Olaf agreed to this and sent his men to king Athelstan. Then the messengers ride all together, and find king Athelstan in the town that was close to the heath on the south. King Olaf's messengers declare before Athelstan their errand and the proposals for peace. King Athelstan's men told also with what offers they had gone to king Olaf, adding that this had been the counsel of wise men, thus to delay the battle so long as the king had not arrived. This stalling strategy is not only described in Egil’s saga, there is also a description of a delay on behalf of King Athelstan by William of Malmesburyxviii. It is also a late account of the battle and therefore its validity can be questioned, but in this instance these two source confirm each other. Later sources frequently mix up the battle of Brunanburh with the invasion from Ireland up the Humber in the year 940. However, it rather supports the theory that the battle was further north than York. An extra week gave King Athelstan more time to go a long way South to gather more men, as he could delay their invasion for almost three weeks. Egil’s saga tells us what happens after the stalling and King Athelstan was ready for battle. But king Athelstan made a quick decision on this matter, and thus bespake to the messengers: 'Bear ye these my words to king Olaf, that I will give him leave for this, to go home to Scotland with his forces; only let him restore all the property that he has wrongfully taken here in the land. Then make we peace between our lands, neither harrying the other. Further be it provided that king Olaf shall become my vassal, and hold Scotland for me, and be me under king. Go now back,' said he, 'and tell him this.'At once that same evening the messengers turned back, and came to king Olaf about midnight; they then waked up the king, and told him straightaway the words of king Athelstan. The king instantly summoned his earls and other captains; he then caused the messengers to come and declare the issue of their errand and the words of king Athelstan. But when this was made known before the soldiers, all with one mouth said that this was now before them, to prepare for battle. The 26 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga messengers said too, that king Athelstan had a numerous force, but he only had come into the town on that same day when the messengers came there. Then spoke earl Adils, 'Now, methinks, that has come to pass, O king, which I said, that ye would find tricksters in the English. We have sat here long time and waited while they have gathered to them all their forces, whereas their king can have been nowhere near when we came here. They will have been assembling a multitude while we were sitting still. Now this is my counsel, O king that we two brothers ride at once forward this very night with our troop. It maybe they will have no fear for themselves, now they know that their king is near with a large army. So, we shall make a dash upon them. But if they turn and fly, they will lose some of their men, and be less bold afterwards for conflict with us.' The king thought this good counsel. 'We will here make our army ready,' said he, 'as soon as it is light, and move to support you.' This plan they fixed upon, and so ended the council. To mobilize large armies at this time it was necessary to utilize the best roads possible and the Roman roads would have been the best roads possible at that timexix. The main road from York to Scotland was Dere Street and it is reasonable to assume that it would suit both armies for the battle of Brunanburh. In next chapter it is reasoned that the battle of Brunanburh was near the heath north of Vinovia. Viewing the map of the Dere Street there are two old towns in striking distance from Vinovia. It can therefore be assumed that these two towns mention in Egil´s saga were possibly Durham in the north and Darlington in the south, but there are other possibilities. Vinovia The red line shows Dere Street.14 14 15 Northumbria and main Roman roads in England15 https://www.openstreetmap.org/relation/7615495#map=13/54.7562/-1.6352 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roman_roads_in_Britannia 27 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Both these towns are close to the Roman road and not that far away, so it was possible to move the army from these towns to the fort Vinovia within a day. The distance between these places to the fort of Vinovia is only about 10 miles on the roads or a little more. Alternatively, these two towns could have been Piercebridge in the south and Lanchester in the north. Both towns are on the Roman Road and easily accessible. All these boroughs in question could have played a major part in the build-up to the final fight at Hunwick. It is in line with Egil’s saga that Durham was the town north of the battle site. The two earls could ride with horsemen to the battle site with little notice. Durham is also a town north of a heath as described in the Saga with wide district around it. It would make sense for King Athelstan’s’ men to camp in Darlington as there they blocked both the roads the Scots and Cumbrians could come from. Those are Dere Street and the road from Carlisle (Luguvallium) down to Darlington. It has been pointed out that Darlington was not a town of significance in those days, so that there might be other possibilities for this preliminary seat for the king’s men in the south within a riding distance of the battle site. The town however did not need to have any fortification, it only needed good access for supplies for the part of the army and to be an important guard post on the Roman roads. It is then possible that when King Athelstan arrived with his army, that he resided at Piercebridge on the last day with his army or any other place on the Roman road leading up to Vinovia, but Egil’s saga maintains that it was the same town where his men had stayed during the negotiation. This chapter is in agreement with other sources according to Michael Wood xx. The saga until here correlates with other known sources, no matter how different these may be and from how many different periods these were written. 28 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Vinovia or near Vínu Many places have been suggested where the battle of Brunanburh could possibly have been fought and some have been explored further but nothing has been found that could confirm ideas and theories for the location of this battle that meant so much for the history of the British Isles. According to Egil´s saga Egill buried his brother Thorolf after the battle and in his memorial poem he refers to the place of the burial as by or near Vínu. In that context the word in Icelandic is in the dative and the nominative of the word would most likely have been Vína. Unfortunately, in the English translation16 of Egil‘s saga by W. C. Green it was translated in the poem as: “Vin-heath“, but that is not a correct translation. People referring to such a translation might have had distorted idea of the battlefield according to Egil´s saga as Vin-heath instead of looking at the actual name in the poem; “Vínu/Vína”. The battle site is inevitably close to the Roman roads as both parties must have had to rely on the roads for the transport of supplies for such an event. One interesting place on the old Roman roads is on Dere Street, named Vinovia (Vinouve or Vinovium, later called Binchester fort) right in the middle of presentday Northumbria and Yorkshire, in the County of Durham. The fort was probably established around 79 AD by the Romans to guard the crossing of the River Wear by Dere Street, the main Roman road between York, Hadrian's Wall and Scotland. It was the largest Roman fort in the County of Durham and included a commandant's house at the heart of the fort, many temples, and a well-appointed bath building.17 Vinovia was probably a very important element in the Roman defence system in the north. The best way to defend a vast line against the many possibilities of invasion was to rely on observation and resistance on most forward front, that could delay an enemy, while having a large reserve of mobilized troops that could be dispatched quickly to help the frontline and make a counterattack. Churchillxxi called such a defence a spider‘s web, the Roman spider or the reserve was kept at Lanchester and Vinovia. The importance of the fort at Vinovia and the site there would have been relevant for hundreds of years after the Romans left, as there were no significant changes in transport until large shipping became more frequent and the harbour sites became stronger and more independent. Most administration of the county was moved to the Prince Bishops in Bishops Auckland and Durham. There is a strange deviation of the Roman Road leading straight north all through the country south of the Vinovia fort, then in Hunwick, there is a bend northwest just by the old town of Hunwick and the field north of it and then again, the road leads northbound. There was no topographical reason for this bend on the road and due to it the road was one mile longer than necessary. Is it possible that Vinovia is Egil’s Vínu and the battlefield of Brunanburh is the heath (Vinheith), north of the bridge at the Vinovia fort? It fits well with the general impression from the early sources that suggest that the battle was fought somewhere on or close to the main route going south from Scotland towards Merciaxxii. The name Weondune, used by Simeon of Durham, also seems to support this. Bear in mind that Durham is just a few miles north of Vinovia. Weondune is proposed as “the hill where there had been a pagan 16 17 http://sagadb.org/egils_saga.en https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vinovia 29 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Roman sanctuary or a temple”xxiii. The landscape around Vinovia does fit that description; Weondune could then mean the heath, hill or dune by Vinovia/Weon/Vínu. Rev. Joseph Stevenson suggested that the –n in Weon could have been –r in the manuscript making it Weor and thus referring to the River Wearxxiv. It is also possible that it is the other way around that the River Wear was first named Weon or originally Vino. Weon relates strongly to how Vín is pronounced in Icelandic. The Roman name for “Vinovia” appears to be compound name from the words “vino” and “via” or “vium”. The “via” means travelling through (a place), a route to a destination or in ancient Rome a main road or a highway. That could easily mean that Vino-via was the road or passing over the river Vino or an area named Vino. Vino-via or Vino-vium, Ner-via, Cano-vium, Bo-vium and Lovo-vivm are all Roman forts in Britain by an importing river crossing. Then Egil´s Vínu would refer to Vino as a river or as an important site, but not necessarily the fort of Vinovia itself. The Latin word Vino and the Icelandic word Vína both mean wine and both names that could also mean a Vin, a place where you and your animals could drink from a well or fountain; a word directly meaning brunnur in Icelandic, brunnen in German, brunn in Swedish, brønn in Norwegian and brønd in Danish. Could Weon also mean wine? But there is and never has been wine production in this part of the world. In the Poetic Eddas there is a poem named “The Lay of Grímnir” (Grímnismál)xxv. In it there is a description of rivers flowing by the garth of the gods. One of these river is named “Vin” and another river is named “Víná” (Wine-river). Regarding the Vínheiði in Egil’s saga, it is possible that the original oral story in the saga contained a wood, a river and a heath. As the place name of Vínu is not very Icelandic in nature it is likely that in the saga the author uses for the surroundings appropriate names as; Vínheiði by Vínskóg (Vinewood), that sound more Icelandic. If that is so, Vínheiði should be the heath near Vínu. We propose that Vínu in the poem refers to the area near the fort of Vinovia or Vinouve. It is possible that the River Wear later starts to take its name from the site in Monk Wear Mouth. Wear could be the Nordic name “Ver” and is a temporary dwelling place for fishermen, animals and in this instance, it could refer to the monks‘ dwelling. The other possibility is that Weon and Weor are actually from the same source but the -n changes to -r as the “Dun” in Dunelm or Dunelmensis changes to “Dur” in Durham. It would make sense for a gathering of many people from afar to choose a place with a landmark known to everyone. The bridge over the River Wear on the Roman road leading to Scotland would certainly qualify as such a landmark. Interestingly Vinovia is halfway from the northernmost part of Scotland to the most Southerly part of England. 30 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Google map showing the Vinovia or Binchester fort The Land of St Cuthbert The most convincing evidence is, however, the writing of Simeon of Durham in his history of the church of Durham, in the following text which is a translation from Latin by the Rev. Joseph Stevensonxxvi. In the fourth year after his, that is to say, in the year nine hundred and thirty-seven of our Lord´s nativity, Ethelstan fought at Weardune (Wendune in the original Latin text] (which is called by another name Aet-Brunnanwerc, or Brunnanbyrig) against Onlaf the son of Guthred, the late king, who had arrived with a fleet of six hundred and fifteen ships, supported by the auxiliaries of the kings recently spoken of, that is to say, of the Scots and Cumbrians. But trusting in the protection of St Cuthbert, he slew a countless multitude of these people, and drove those kings out of his realm; earning for his own soldiers a glorious victory. Though he was thus formidable on every side to his enemies, he was peaceful towards his own subjects, and having passed the remainder of his life in repose, he left the monarchy of the kingdom to his brother Edmund. St Cuthbert (c. 634-687 AD) was a saint of the early Northumbrian church. After his death he became one of the most important saints in the Northern England, centred on his tomb at Durham Cathedral18. Simeon is directly stating that the battle was fought in Northumbria or in the district of the church of St Cuthbert. The district was the land between the River Wear and the River Tyne and it was agreed between King Guthred and King Alfred, in the year 882 AD, that this district was given to the church by both parties and the church would become a safe place of refuge for fugitives. The asylum should not be violated upon any pretence whatever. This sanction was reinforced by King Athelstan after the pagan King named Ringwald broke the sanction when he ascended into York and seized the whole of the land of St Cuthbert around 910 AD. xxvii 18 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cuthbert 31 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Vine and the Gospel of St John or the Yggdrasil Ash Another clue to the name Vino might be explained by the Gospel of St John, Chapter 15, “The Vine and the Branches” 15:1 I am the true vine; and my Father is the master gardener. 15:2 Every branch in me, that bears not fruit, he will take away: and every one that bears fruit, he will purge it, that it may bring forth more fruit. 15:3 Now you are clean by reason of the word, which I have spoken to you. 15:4 Abide in me, and I in you. As the branch cannot bear fruit of itself, unless it abides in the vine, so neither can you, unless you abide in me. 15:5 I am the vine; you the branches: he that abided in me, and I in him, the same brought forth much fruit: for without me you can do nothing. 15:6 If any one abide not in me, he shall be cast forth as a branch, and shall wither, and they shall gather him up, and cast him into the fire, and he burned 15:7 If you abide in me, and my words abide in you, you shall ask whatever you will, and it shall be done unto you. 15:8 In this is my Father glorified; that you bring forth very much fruit, and become my disciples. In the gospel there is a description of Jesus as the vine tree and as a link between heaven and the people. In the paper “The land of the Gods in Northumbria in Völuspá”xxviii, there is a description given of the Yggdrasil Ash in the old poem “Völuspá” as well as in another Old Icelandic poem “Grímnismál” and how the Holy Ash was depicted as the structural base of society. It was supposed to give directions both geographically and personally as a mental map for survival. The centre of the Yggdrasil Ash for the area north of the River Tyne and south of the River Swale is proposed to have been based on field in Hunwick which is one-mile northwest of the Vinovia fort and the Roman bridge over the River Wear. This place is centrally set to many religious places around it as well as other locations of significance in the landscape such as mountaintops and river mouths, which is explained further in chapter 15. The Spital Cross in the Hexham Abbey from the mid-8th-century shows Jesus depicted as a Vine and his disciples the branches. This stone is thought to have earlier stood in the village of Warden, just two miles northwest of Hexham19. Hexham was probably one of these branches of the Yggdrasil’s Ash as the site is in the direction of sunset on the Summer Solstice seen from the centre site in Hunwick and Hexham was near to the border of the community just by the River Tyne. The correlation of the description between Jesus as the Vine and how the Yggdrasil Ash was depicted in the poem Völuspá is striking. This could explain the name of the fort as Vinovia referring to the symbolic holy tree as a central site in the region. The Holy Ash of the Anglo-Saxons becomes the Holy Vine of the Romans. The strange deviation of the road going straight north, but by Hunwick taking turns to the West for one-mile might be explained by the importance of the site north of the old town in Hunwick. Could the Holy Vine in the Gospel of St John be the Vino in Vinovia and the same Holy Ash tree of life that had its roots in Hunwick? Is it possible that Simeon of Durham was referring to the centre of the Yggdrasil Ash in Hunwick when he referred to Weondune and the Romans when naming their fort Vinovia, as well as Egill in his poem referring to Vínu, where he buried his noble brother? 19 H.E.Bulstrode. (2020) Facebook, https://www.facebook.com/H.E.Bulstrode/posts/1227420730949954 32 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Winwede streame In the year 655 AD King Oswiu of Bernicia and Strathclyde (Northumbria and part of Scotland) and his son Ealhfrith battled against Penda of Mercia, who allied with Oswiu’s nephew Æthelwald of Deira (Yorkshire). In this battle at Winwede field King Oswiu slayed Penda and 30 royal athelings. Some of them were kings and one was Æthelhere. He was brother of Anna, a king of the East Angles. Oswiu then became the ruler of Angles and the Saxons as well as the ruler over Mercia. The Venerable Bede said in his Ecclesiastical History of the English People that “this battle was fought close by the Winwede streame, which at the time was swollen by heavy rains and had flooded the surrounding country. As a result, many more were drowned while attempting to escape than perished by the sword. In the Chronicle of Holyrood, ed. C. W. Bouterwek (Elberfeld, 1863)xxix, the field was called Winwidfelda. The letter -i has often been changed from Old Icelandic to -e in modern Nordic languages. For instance, the Icelandic word “við” has evolved to the word “ved” in Danish and the word “vin” has evolved to “ven”. Looking at the name -wid, -wede and -wæd it could possibly mean the same as the Icelandic word “við”. Then, Winwæd, Winwid and Winwæd could have the meaning as: “by or near to Win or Vine“. Another possibility is that –wid, -wede and -wæd mean the same as the Icelandic word “vað”, then it would bear the meaning of “passing over the river Win”. The name Winwede field suggests that the battle took place near a river or a site named Win/Vine or by a road passing over the river or the site Win/Vine. As suggested, the River Wear might have been first named Weon or originally Vino. The name of Vino-via actually means crossing over Vino or the crossing at Vino. The fort at Vinovia changed its name to Binchester. There could be several reasons for that. One of them might simply be a fortition which is a consonantal change from a “weak” sound to a “strong” one. For instance, a fricative or an approximant may become a stop; that is “V” or “W” becomes “B”. This is well known change in the English language and a good example of that is when William is given the nickname Bill. Vinovium was also referred to as Binovium by Ptolemy. The second part in Binchester, that is Chester, means fortress. The word changes from the “passing over the river/site Vino” to “the fort by the river/site Bin” or actually the river/site Win. The names suggest that the battle by the River Win-wede and the battle of Weon-dune (Brunanburh) could have been fought in the very same battlefield by the River Wear. Simeon of Durham and Venerable Bede both lived near the River Wear. It is likely that those who wrote the accounts with the most accuracy would have lived near the events. In gratitude for his victory at Winwede, King Oswiu donated 12 royal estates, 6 in Bernicia and 6 in Deira, as foundations of monasteries these were to be always free from the obligation of military service to the kingdom. In addition to that he ordered to be built one of the first Anglo-Saxon church in England at Escomb, only one-mile due south of the field in Hunwick near Vinovia. The church was partly made from 33 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga stones from the old Vinovia fort. It is interesting in the view of the fact that the river was navigable up to Hunwick, Bishops Auckland and probably all the way to Escomb. The fort itself at the time of the battle of Brunanburh was partly or mostly run down and of no use, not even for a night’s stay for a king and his company. At this time a large part of Vinovia had probably been demolished and some of the stones were used to build the church in Escomb. The battle field of both the battle of Brunanburh and the battle by Winwede streame is here proposed to have been the field in Hunwick on the playing grounds, where today a football field and a cricket pitch as well as a large space of fair and even ground and a factory site. It is possible that the field at Hunwick might have been a marked field for the purpose of assemblies, markets, possibly courts or even used for calculation of the calendar in earlier periods. That would have made the field very important to the society of the area. For further information, see chapter 14 on Hunwick. 34 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 6 Of the fight The sixth chapter in Egil’s saga is dedicated to the aspect of creation and the main event in the story, which is the battle itself. This is how Egil’s saga describes the skirmish that was fought on the day before the main battle: Earl Hring and Adils his brother made their army ready, and already in the night moved southwards for the heath. But when day dawned, Thorolf's sentries saw the army approaching. Then was a war blast blown, and men donned their arms selects spirited and that they began to draw up the force, and they had two divisions. Earl Alfgeir commanded one division, and the banner was borne on his behalf. In that division were his own followers, and also what force had been gathered from the countryside. It was a much larger force than that which followed Thorolf and Egill. Thorolf was thus armed. He had a shield ample and stout, a right strong helmet on his head; he was girded with the sword that he called Long, a weapon large and good. In his hand he had a halberd, whereof the feather-formed blade was two ells long, ending in a fouredged spike; the blade was broad above, the socket both long and thick. The shaft stood just high enough for the hand to grasp the socket, and was remarkably thick. The socket fitted with iron prong on the shaft, which was also wound round with iron. Such weapons were called mail piercers. Egill was armed in the same way as Thorolf. He was girded with the sword that he called Adder; this he had gotten in Courland; it was a right good weapon. Neither of the two had shirt of mail. They set up their banner, which was borne by Thorfinn the Strong. All their men had Norwegian shields and Norwegian armour in every point; and in their division were all the Norsemen who were present. Thorolf's force was drawn up near the wood, Alfgeir's moved along the river. Earl Adils and his brother saw that they would not come upon Thorolf unaware, so they began to draw up their force. They also made two divisions, and had two banners. Adils was opposed to earl Alfgeir, Hring to the freebooters. The battle now began; both charged with spirit. Earl Adils pressed on hard and fast till Alfgeir gave ground; then Adils' men pressed on twice as boldly. Nor was it long before Alfgeir fled. And this is to be told of him, that he rode away south over the heath, and a company of men with him. He rode till he came near the town, where sate the king. Then spoke the earl: 'I deem it not safe for us to enter the town. We got sharp words when we came to the king after defeat by king Olaf; and he will not think our case bettered by this coming. No need to expect honour where he is.' Then he rode to the south country, and of his travel 'tis to be told that he rode night and day till he and his came westwards to Earlsness. Then the earl got a ship to take him southwards over the sea; and he came to West of France, where half of his kin were. He never after returned to England. Adils at first pursued the flying foe, but not far; then he turned back to where the battle was, and made an onset there. Earl Alfgeir was followed for a short while. It can be assumed that Alfgeir was not pursued further than to the fort of Vinovia and not over the bridge over the River Wear. It was possible that Adils followed Alfgeir to the bridge at Vinovia and there he could not follow further as the bridge was most likely guarded and 35 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga that would mean opening up another battlefront for the invaders. So, it was more to their advantage to return to the battlefield and assist in the ongoing fight there against the Vikings. The text in the Saga about earl Alfgeir´s travel is a bit strange. It is consistent with the story that if he was riding down the Dere Street that he would stop in Piercebridge and there he decided not to go east from the Roman road and take the road to Darlington, the town where we assume King Athelstan’s advisors were, but rather travel the Roman road south-westwards to Earlsness or Jarlsness. To be true to the story then this is the main reason we think that king’s council was in Darlington, rather than in Piercebridge. There is one other reference to Earlsness or Jarlsness and that is in the Orkneys saga. The saga was written in the 13th century and this part of the saga is about Swein Asleifsson or Sveinn Ásleifarson (c. 1115 – 1171): Swein was well pleased with this, and went to the Sudureyar [Hebrides in Scotland], but did not find Höldbodi till he came to the Isle of Man, because the latter had fled thither. When Swein came to the Isle of Man, Höldbodi was very glad to see him. The British Höld had plundered and killed men, to a large extent in the Isle of Man as well as in the Sudureyar. He had killed a nobleman named Andrew, who left a widow by name Ingirid, and a son by name Sigurd. Ingirid was wealthy, and had large estates. Höldbodi advised Swein to woo her; and when he proposed marriage, she made it a condition of her acceptance that he should avenge her late husband Andrew. Swein replied: “I may inflict some loss on the British, but we cannot know how we may succeed in manslaying.” Then Swein and Höldbodi went out on an expedition with five ships. They plundered in Bretland [Cumbria and Wales], landing at a place called Jarlsness [Earlsness], and committing great ravages. One morning they went into a certain village, and met with a little resistance. The inhabitants fled from the village, and Swein and his men plundered everything, and burnt six homesteads before dinner. An Icelander, named Eirík was with Swein, and sang the following: Homesteads were burned, households were plundered: This was Swein’s work of a morning. To one he did his vengeance rents his coal a hired hand. After this they went to their ships. They were out reiving all the summer, and obtained much booty, but Höld fled into an island called Lund, where there was a strong place. Swein besieged it for some time, to no purpose. In the autumn they went back to the Isle of Man.xxx The writer of the Orkneys saga places Jarlsness in Britain, that is in Wales or Cumbria. It could be on the mainland of Britain as far north as the Isle of Man or as far south as the Isle of Lund. As Swein initiated his plundering and his vengeance was from his base in the Isle of Man and Jarlness was the first place he plundered, it is logical to assume that Jarlsness was somewhere near the Isle of Man. 36 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Vinovia Main Roman roads in England20 Google map of the North-West Looking at the Roman roadmap there is an interesting place south-west from Vinovia near Blackpool, assuming that Alfgeir would have followed the Roman roads. That would make Earlsness identical with Amounderness. This would be very much in line with story in the Orkneys saga. Amounderness or Agemundrenessa as it was spelled in the Domesday Book in 1086 is considered to be named after Agmundur, a Norse Jarl/Earl of Eowils.21 According to the charter S 407, King Athelstan gave Amounderness to the church of St Peter in York. Dated 7 June 934 the charter was witnessed in Nottingham, almost certainly in the midst of Athelstan’s northern campaign of that year.xxxi According to the grant, the extent of Amounderness was much greater than its present-day counterpart being the land "from the sea along the River Cocker to the source of that river, from that source straight to another spring which is called in Saxon, Dunshop, thus down the riverlet to the River Hodder, in the same direction to the River Ribble and thus along that river through the middle of the channel to the sea.xxxii Google map of the approximate bounds of the Amounderness grant on a modern map (the area is significantly larger than that normally attributed to the ‘Amounderness hundred’). 20 21 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roman_roads_in_Britannia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Amounderness_Hundred 37 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga In the 10th century this area was important in the so-called York-Dublin axis and thus there would have been a known port there. It would have made perfect sense for Alfgeir, an earl of Northumbria, to feel more secure fleeing to Amounderness to take a ship over to the continent. But why did the author include this story about the travels of Alfgeir? One possibility is that the author is mocking Alfgeir, the Frenchman who went running back to mummy and thus emphasizing the greatness of Thorolf´s actions in the battle. Another possibility is more interesting. The English translation describes him going to the west of France, where half of his kin was, but in the Icelandic original text it says that he went to a place called Valland. In the part in Heimskringla, the history of Harald Hairfair, written by Snorri Sturluson in the 13th century, who is assumed to be the author of Egil’s saga, there is a specific reference to this Valland being Normandy. It would mean that instead of Alfgeir being half French he might have been half Norse or half Danish. Google map showing Normandy The following is the text from Heimskringla: Rolf the Ganger afterwards crossed the sea to the Hebrides and from there went south-west to France [Valland]: he harried there and possessed himself of a great jarldom; he settled many Norsemen there, and it was afterwards called Normandy. From Rolf are descended the jarls in Normandy. Rolf the Ganger´s son was William, the father of Richard, the father of another Richard, the father of Robert Longsword, the father of William the Bastard, King of England, from who are descended all the later kings of England. This would mean that there was a possibility that Alfgeir was related to Rollo the duke of Normandy and hence William the Bastard. This is not farfetched as in the Historiæ Recapitulatio by Simeon of Durham, there are four entries mentioning Rollo or Rolf duke of Normandy covering the period from 876 to 941.xxxiii No other royal personage gets such coverage, suggesting that there was a strong connection between the royalty of Northumbria and the royalty of Normandy at the time. 38 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga The fight in Egil’s saga continues: This when Thorolf saw, he said that Egill should turn and encounter him, and bade the banner be borne that way; his men he bade hold well together and stand close. 'Move we to the wood,' said he, 'and let it cover our back, so that they may not come at us from all sides.' They did so; they followed along the wood. Fierce was the battle there. Egill charged against Adils, and they had a hard fight of it. The odds of numbers were great, yet more of Adils' men fell than of Egil's. Then Thorolf became so furious that he cast his shield on his back, and, grasping his halberd with both hands, bounded forward dealing cut and thrust on either side. Men sprang away from him both ways, but he slew many. Thus, he cleared the way forward to earl Hring's banner, and then nothing could stop him. He slew the man who bore the earl's banner, and cut down the banner-pole. After that he lunged with his halberd at the earl's breast, driving it right through mail coat and body, so that it came out at the shoulders; and he lifted him up on the halberd over his head, and planted the butt-end in the ground. There on the weapon the earl breathed out his life in sight of all, both friends and foes. Then Thorolf drew his sword and dealt blows on either side, his men also charging. Many Britons and Scots fell, but some turned and fled. But earl Adils seeing his brother's fall, and the slaughter of many of his force, and the flight of some, while himself was in hard stress, turned to fly, and ran to the wood. Into the wood fled he and his company; and then all the force that had followed the earl took to flight. Thorolf and Egill pursued the flying foe. Great was then the slaughter; the fugitives were scattered far and wide over the heath. Earl Adils had lowered his banner; so, none could know his company from others. And soon the darkness of night began to close in. Thorolf and Egill returned to their camp; and just then king Athelstan came up with the main army, and they pitched their tents and made their arrangements. A little after came king Olaf with his army; they, too, encamped and made their arrangements where their men had before placed their tents. Then it was told to king Olaf that both his earls Hring and Adils were fallen, and a multitude of his men likewise. Many sources of the battle give similar accounts for the battle having it being fought for more than one day, confirming the saga in this respect. 39 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 7 Thorolf dies in the main battle The seventh chapter in this part of Egil’s saga is about the flow of things and the harvest. It is also dedicated to the god Týr who was the mighty god of battle. The chapter is about hard work to finish in order to get the harvest secured, hard work on the land and for their interests in battles. Egil’s saga continues with the main battle and the fall of Thorolf: King Athelstan had stayed the night before in his chosen town south of the heath, and there he heard tidings that there had been fighting on the heath. At once he and all his army made themselves ready and marched northwards to the heath. There they learnt all the tidings clearly, how that battle had gone. Then the brothers Thorolf and Egill came to meet the king. He thanked them deeply for their brave advance, and the victory they had won; he promised them his hearty friendship. They all remained together for the night. No sooner did day dawn than Athelstan woke up his army. He held conference with his captains, and told them how his forces should be arranged. His own division he first arranged, and in the front thereof he set those fighters that were the bravest. Then he said that Egill should command these. 'But Thorolf,' said he, 'shall be with his own men and others as I add thereto. Shall there be the second flank in our army and shall Thorolf be their hofding. This force shall be opposed to that part of the enemy which is loose and not in set array, for the Scots are ever loose in array; they run to and fro, and dash forward here and there. Often, they prove dangerous if men are not wary, but they are unsteady in the field if they are boldly faced.' Egill answered the king: 'I will not that I and Thorolf to be parted in the battle; though to me it seems well that we two are to be placed there where is to be most need and hardest fighting.' Thorolf said, 'Leave we the king to rule where he will place us, we serve him as he likes best. I will, if you wish it, change places with you.' Egill said, 'Brother, you will have your way; but this separation I shall often regret.' After this they formed the divisions as the king had arranged, and the banners were raised. The king's division stood on the plain towards the river; Thorolf's division moved on the higher ground beside the wood. King Olaf organized his forces when he saw king Athelstan had done so. He also made two divisions. His own banner and the division that he himself commanded was organized in the manner that he opposed to king Athelstan and his division. Either had a large army, there was no difference on the score of numbers of men. But king Olaf's second division moved near the wood against the force under Thorolf’s lead. The commanders thereof were Scotch earls and the men mostly Scots. This force was of a great many men. 40 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga And now the armies clashed, and soon the battle grew fierce. Thorolf pressed eagerly forward, causing his fighting banner to be borne onwards along the wood side. He wanted to go so far forward that it would be possible to turn upon the Scotch king's division behind their shields. His own men held their shields before them. They trusted to the wood which was on their right to cover that side. So far in advance went Thorolf that few of his men were before him. But just when he was least on his guard, out leapt from the wood earl Adils and his followers. They thrust at Thorolf at once with many halberds, and there by the wood he fell. But Thorfinn, who bore his banner, drew back to where the men stood thicker. Adils now attacked them, and a fierce contest was there. The Scots shouted a shout of victory, as having slain the enemy's chieftain. When Egill heard this shout and saw Thorolf's banner going backward, he felt sure that Thorolf himself would not be with it. So, he bounded thither over the space between the two divisions. Soon he learnt the tidings of what happened, when he came to his men. Then he keenly spurred them on to the charge, with himself foremost in their flock. He had in his hand his sword Adder. Egill pressed forward, and hewed on either side, felling many men. Thorfinn bore the banner close after him, behind the banner followed the rest of the men. Quite sharp was the conflict there. Egill went forward till he met earl Adils. Few blows did they exchange there and earl Adils fell, and many men around him. But after the earl's death his followers fled. Egill and his force pursued, and slew all whom they overtook; no need there to beg mercy. Nor stood those Scotch earls long, when they saw the others of their fellow’s escape, and at once they took to their heels and ran. Whereupon Egill and his men made for where king Olaf's division was, and attacking them behind of their shields, soon wrought great havoc and many men were killed. The division wavered, and broke up. Many of king Olaf's men then fled, and the Norsemen shouted a shout of victory. When king Athelstan perceived king Olaf's division beginning to break, he then spurred on his force, and bade his banner to advance. A fierce onset was made, so that king Olaf's force recoiled, and there was a great slaughter. King Olaf fell there, and the greater part of his force, for of those who fled, all who were overtaken were slain. This became full victory for King Athelstan. 41 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga A similar description of the battle is given by William of Malmesburyxxxiv where it is claimed that after a long delay, Athelstan’s final attack was rapid and he took the northerners by surprise. In Ingulph’s Chronicle there is a great similarity in the description of this event. The following is the description in Ingulph’s Chronicle as it was translated by Rev. J. Stevenson and the comparison that Rev. Chas W. Whistler made of the two accountsxxxv. To oppose this king (Athelstan) an insurrection was originated by Analaph son of Sithric, formerly king of Northumbria. Constantine, king of the Scots, and Eugenius, king of the Cumbrians, and a numberless foreign band of other kings and earls, were joined in the closest treaty with him and assembled at Brunford in Northumbria to oppose King Athelstan. Athelstan and his army, as the morning dawned, approached the scene of carnage ready and prepared to' make an attack on the barbarians, who had toiled all night, and now were wearied and disordered in their ranks. It chanced that King Athelstan, who led all the West Saxons, was opposed to the troops of Analaph's band; and his Chancellor Turketul, at the head of the Londoners and all the Mercians, met Constantine's band. After the fight had continued for a long time with great fierceness, and neither side gave way (such was the multitude of the pagans), the Chancellor Turketul, having taken with him a few of the Londoners, whom he knew to be the bravest, and a certain leader of the Wiccii, Singrin (alt. Syngrinus) by name, a man of tried courage, rushed against the foe, he himself taking the lead, in height towering above all, in bone and sinew firm and brawny, and in the midst of the heroes of London remarkable for his robust strength. Penetrating the wedges of the enemy he laid them prostrate right and left, and having passed through the bands of the people of the Orkneys and the Picts, and surrounded by a forest of spears and darts which had been hurled against him, but which his faithful breastplate had rendered ineffectual, he pierced the wedge-like bands of the Cumbrians and Scots with his followers. At length, having with much slaughter reached the king himself, he hurled him from his horse, and in every way attempted to take him alive; but the Scots closing round their king to defend him with all their strength, and a greater number being engaged against a few, and, above all, attacking Turketul alone, he then for the first time, as he afterwards confessed, repented of the rashness. And now he was almost on the point of being overwhelmed by the Scots, and their king was almost rescued from his hands, when Singrin, the leader, slew him with his sword. When Constantine, the king of the Scots, was thus despatched, the Scots retreated, and left a more open passage for Turketul and his soldiers. And his death being speedily made known through the whole army, Analaph and all his men took to flight. An unheard host of pagans fell on the field; and Turketul used often to boast that the Lord preserved him in so severe a conflict, and that he was most happy and fortunate in not having either slain or mutilated a single man, though one might lawfully fight for his country, and above all against pagans. 42 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Ingulph’s chronicle: Egil's saga: Athelstan, with the West Saxons, opposes Olaf. Turketul, with the Mercians and Londoners, opposes Constantine. Athelstan, with his own men, faces Olaf's division. The second (Thorolf Skallagrimsson's) division faces the Scots. At the hottest period of the engagement, Turketul, with a picked force under Syngrin, leader of the Wiccii, cuts through the first line of the enemy. At the hottest period of the engagement, Thorolf Skallagrimsson, with his picked " Wicingas," cuts through the forces opposed to him. The Scots rally, and make a determined attack on Turketul, from which only his "faithful breastplate" saves him. A sudden fresh attack is made on this advanced force, and Thorolf Skallagrimsson is slain. Turketul's force is almost overwhelmed, when Syngrin slays the Scots' leader with his sword. Egill Skallagrimsson succeeds his brother, and slays the Scots' leader with the sword " Adder." On the fall of the Scots' leader, the advance continues. The other division of the enemy (Olaf's) breaks up on learning of the Scottish reverse. On the fall of the Scots' leader, Egill and his men fall on the first (Olaf's) division of the enemy and rout it. Icelandic names are patronymic; your surname is your father’s name plus son or daughter. Egill is thus Skallagrimsson or the son of Skallagrímur. His father’s name was actually Grímur the word “Skalla”, translates as “bald” is a nickname referring to his baldness. Egil’s actual name was Egill Grímsson and his brother would have been Thorolf Grímsson. The plural in Icelandic is synir. As brothers they would have presented themselves as sons of Grim or in Icelandic “synir Gríms”. Syngrin or Syngrinus is most likely how the sons of Grim are represented in the Chronicle. It would be interesting to look at the manuscript of the Chronicle to see if the -nu is not actually an –m, making it syngrims. As such syngrinus is not one person but two, that is both Thorolf and Egill, the sons of Grim. Notice when reading the text of Ingulph’s chronicle how blurred the line is between the description of Turketul and Syngrinus. The description of Turketul and/or Syngrinus; “in height towering above all, in bone and sinew firm and brawny, and in the midst of the heroes of London remarkable for his robust strength”. This is exactly how Thorolf is described in Egil´s saga; “Thorolf was then taller and stronger than other men, and herein like his father“ and his father was described as follows; “The king looked round, and saw that a man stood at Aulvir's back taller than the others by a head, and bald. 'Is that Skallagrim,' asked the king, 'that tall man?' Grim said he guessed rightly.” It is unlikely that the virtues of a bishop would be described in that manner as done in the Chronicle. This could be explained by the following: 1. Turketul is actually Thorolf in the original story and the name of Thorolf has been changed to the bishop’s name Turketul in the Chronicle to highlight Christian values positively, or: 2. The description is of Syngrinus as both Thorolf and Egill because the writer of the Chronicle did not distinguish between the two or did not realise, as it was written later, that they were two individuals. The description could have been of Thorolf attacking first and of Egill when he intervened and killed the leader of the Scots. Again, the Egil‘s saga is in confirmed by other known sources. This adds to the validity of this account of the battle further. 43 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 8 Egill buries Thorolf The last chapter in this sequel of eight chapters is about contentment and the end of the story. King Athelstan paid Egill respect and compensation for the death of his brother. It was not only to him but to his father as well as to his men. Egil’s saga continues with the aftermath of the battle and how the men parted in contentment and in peace with each other. King Athelstan withdraws from the battle and his men followed the Scots. The King returned to the city and did not rest until he came to his quarters in the city. Egill pursued the flying foes with the Kings men and killed any man he could reach to. Finally did Egill return to the battleground with his flock of men and found his brother Thorolf dead. He picked it up and prepared the body for burial as customs forbade. They dug a grave and laid Thorolf therein in all his clothes with all his weapons. Egill put two gold rings on his finger on either hand before he parted from him, this done they covered the body with stones and then they cast over and covered with soil. There Egill said out this stave: Dauntless the doughty champion Dashed on, the earl's bold slayer. In stormy stress of battle Stout-minded Thorolf fell. Green grows on soil of Vinheith [Vínu] Grass over my noble brother. But we our woe - a sorrow Worse than death-pang must bear. This account is confirmed by William of Malmesburyxxxvi. In the Anglo-Saxon poem it can read that the battle was followed by a lengthy pursuit, in which the enemy was hunted down and killed. Some sources say that this pursuit went one for two daysxxxvii, but that might be confusion due to two battles fought in two days. The second poem is about the mourning of Thorolf. The poem refers to the place name of near Vínu, but not Vinheith as is written in the saga and that is a very interesting difference. English translation by W. C. Green 1) Dauntless the doughty champion Dashed on, the earl's bold slayer. 2) In stormy stress of battle Stout-minded Thorolf fell. 3) Green grows on soil of Vinheith [Vínu] Grass over my noble brother. 4) But we our woe - a sorrow Worse than death-pang must bear. Meaning in English 1) The earl´s slayer who did not fear, dashed on boldly. 2) Stout-minded Thorolf died in the great battle. 3) Earth/green/land grows over my noble brother near Vínu. 4) But I must bear my heavy harm/sorrow in silence. 44 Icelandic original text 1) Gekk, sás óðisk ekki, jarlmanns bani snarla, 2) þreklundaðr fell, Þundar, Þórólfr, í gný stórum. 3) Jörð grær, en vér verðum, Vínu nær of mínum, 4) helnauð es þat, hylja harm, ágætum barma. Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 1) Meaning Thorolf killed the earl Hringur. It is notable that here is Hringur titled a “jarl” which is a direct translation of earl but in the first poem Alfgeir was titled “jöfri” that has in the context of the saga been translated as earl but actually means king. 2) In all the oldest sources the battle of Brunanburh it was referred to as the great battle. 3) Here Egill specifically said that he buried his brother near Vínu. And further said Egill out this poem: Warriors slained and stacked The western field I burdened. Adils with my blue Adder Assailed mid snow of war. Olaf, young prince, encountered England in battle thunder. Hring stood not stour of weapons, Starved not the ravens' maw. English translation by W. C. Green 1) Warriors slained and stacked The western field I burdened. 2) Adils with my blue Adder Assailed mid snow of war. 3) Olaf, young prince, encountered England in battle thunder. 4) Hring stood not stour of weapons, Starved not the ravens' maw. Meaning in English 1) I stacked up dead people (alternative: I slew many men and they lay one on another or I buried many men), west and outside the marked battlefield. 2) There was a fierce battle where I sought out (killed Adils with my blue sword “Naðri”. 3) Young Olaf battled with the English. 4) The ravens did not starve. Hringur dedicated himself (died) in battle. Icelandic original text 1) Valköstum hlóðk vestan vang fyr merkistangir. 2) Ótt vas él þats sóttak Aðgils bláum Naðri. 3) Háði ungr við Engla Áleifr þrimu stála. 4) Helt, né hrafnar sultu, Hringr á vápna þingi. 1) Traditionally, the first line has been translated as Egill had slain many men west of the marked field. It could mean that on the pursuit he went to the west to kill the fleeing men. The direct translation is “I stacked up dead people” that could also mean that he had to bury many of his men, including his brother on the west side of and outside the marked battlefield. 2) The lines in the poem are very poetic. Blue refers to the colour of “Hel” of the underworld. Traditionally the line has been interpreted as Egill saying that he killed Adils with his sword named “Naðri”. “Aðils” or ”Aðgils” derives from the Old High German name “Adalgis”, composed of two elements meaning noble hostage. It is also an ancient name of a Swedish king. 45 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga The Egil’s saga goes on and tells the story of the aftermath between Egill and King Athelstan. The story describes how the king rewarded Egill for his bravery. Then Egill went with his flock to seek king Athelstan, and at once went before the king, where he feasted with his men. There was much noise of merriment. And when the king saw that Egill was in house, he bade the lower bench to be cleared for them, and that Egill should sit in the high seat facing the king. Egill sat down, and cast his shield before his feet. He had his helm on his head, and laid his sword across over his knees, and now and again he half drew it, then clashed it back into the sheath. He sat upright, but with his head bent forward. Egill was large-featured, broad of forehead, with large eyebrows, a nose not long but very thick, lips wide and long, chin exceeding broad, as was all about the jaws; thick-necked was he, and bigshouldered beyond other men, hard-featured, and grim when angry. He was well-built, more than commonly tall, had hair wolf-gray and thick, but became early bald. He was dark-eyed and well-tanned. But as he sat, he drew one eye-brow down towards the cheek, the other up to the roots of his hair. He would not drink, though the drinking horn was borne to him, but alternately twitched his eyebrows up and down. King Athelstan sat in the upper high seat. He too laid his sword across his knees. When they had sat there for a time, then the king drew his sword from the sheath, and took from his arm a gold ring large and good, and placed it upon the sword-point he stood up, and went across the floor, and reached it over the fire to Egill. Egill stood up and drew his sword, and went across the floor. He stuck the sword point within the round of the ring, and drew it to him; then he went back to his place. The king sat again in his high seat. But when Egill was set down, he drew the ring on his hand, and then his brows went back to their rightful place. He now laid down sword and helm, took the horn that they bare to him, and drank it off. Then he said out loud: Mailed monarch, god of battle, Maketh the tinkling circlet Hang, his own arm forsaking, On hawk-trod wrist of mine. I bear on arm brand-wielding Bracelet of red gold gladly. War-falcon's feeder meetly Findeth such meed of praise. 46 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga In the fourth poem Egill is thanking King Athelstan for soothing his pain and his sorrow with the gift of the bracelets. English translation by W. C. Green 1) Mailed monarch, god of battle, Maketh the tinkling circlet 2) Hang, his own arm forsaking, On hawk-trod wrist of mine. 3) I bear on arm brand-wielding Bracelet of red gold gladly. 4) War-falcon's feeder meetly Findeth such meed of praise.' Meaning in English 1-2) The warrior [Athelstan] hangs his own bracelet on my wrist. 3) I take or raise the bracelet with the tip of my sword. 4) The warrior-king [Athelstan] deserves more praise. Icelandic original text 1) Hvarmtangar lætr hanga hrynvirgil mér brynju 2) Höðr á hauki troðnum heiðis vingameiði. 3) Rítmæðis knák reiða, ræðr gunnvala bræðir, 4) gelgju seil á galga geirveðrs, lofi at meira. This poem is full of old phrases and metaphors that makes it likely to be Egil’s original work. 1-2) The meaning of “Hvarmtangar” in most of the manuscripts of the saga is unclear but has most often been viewed as saying “Hrammtöng”, an old phrase for a hand. The hand or wrist is described as a branch of a tree where hawk, that has been trained for hunting, can use for resting. This expression can be seen in the Brunanburh Poem in the sentence “wiges hramige” in stanza 15 (see below in chapter 12) meaning fighting arms. 3) The Saga describes how Egill received a ring or a bracelet from the King as he placed it on the tip of his sword and handed it to Egill over the fireplace, who picks it up with his own sword. These two lines in the poem have a striking similarity to the beginning of the poem of Brunanburh: “Her Aethelstan cyning, eorla dryhten, beorna beag-giefa, and his brothor eac,”. It is also in line with the godly gift of rings and bracelets to the Valva in the old poem Völuspá. In the poems Egill places himself directly in the battle and receiving gifts, a golden armlet from Athelstan. Thereafter Egill drank his share, and talked with others. Then the king presented two chests, two men bare each. Both were full of silver. The king said: 'These chests, Egill, thou shalt have, and, if you will come to Iceland, shalt carry this money to your father; as payment for a son I send it to him: but some of the money thou shalt divide among the kinsmen of thyself and Thorolf as thou thinkest most honourable. But you shalt take here payment for a brother with me, land or chattels, which you wilt. And if you will abide with me long, then will I give you honour and dignity such as thyself mayst name.' Egill took the money, and thanked the king for his gifts and friendly words. Thenceforward Egill began to be cheerful; and then he said: 'In sorrow sadly drooping Sank my brows close knitted; Then found I one who furrows Of forehead could smooth. Fierce-frowning cliffs that shaded My face a king hath lifted With gleam of golden armlet: Gloom leaves my eyes.' 47 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga The fifth poem is again more praise of King Athelstan by Egill. English translation by W. C. Green 1) 'In sorrow sadly drooping Sank my brows close knitted; 2) Then found I one who furrows Of forehead could smooth. 3) Fierce-frowning cliffs that shaded 4) My face a king hath lifted With gleam of golden armlet: Gloom leaves my eyes.' Meaning in English Icelandic original text 1) My eyebrows where heavy with sorrow. 2) Now I have found one to ease that smooths my forehead. 3-4) The King, most generous, has uplifted my eyebrows uplifted by giving me a golden armlet. 1) Knáttu hvarms af harmi hnúpgnípur mér drúpa. 2) Nú fann ek þanns ennis ósléttur þær rétti. 3) Gramr hefr gerðihömrum grundar upp of hrundit, 4) sá 's til ýgr, af augum, armsíma, mér grímu. This metaphor: “brows close-knitted” or as in Icelandic “hnúpagnípur” can be interpreted as “Brunanburh” as his eyebrows-burg. We can say the same for the metaphor: “Cliffs that shaded“ (gerðihamrar) are also a description of his eye brows. Both can be interpreted as: “Brunanburh“. The poem describes his emotions, which show in his face, especially in the eyebrows. It is very appropriate as it could refer to the battle site as well. These poetic illustrations of the camp of tents as earthly meaning and the spiritual meaning in his eyebrows, which is a strong evidence of “a compound of poetry and philosophy”xxxviii and thus giving it a strong role as historical evidencexxxix. Egil’s saga finishes the description of the battle and the companionship Egill had with King Athelstan: Then the men were healed whose wounds left hope of life. Egill abode with king Athelstan for the next winter after Thorolf's death, and had very great honour from the king. With Egill was then all that force which had followed the two brothers, and come alive out of the battle. Egill now made a poem about king Athelstan, and in it is this stave: 'Land-shielder, battle-quickener, Low now this scion royal Earls three hath laid. To Ella Earth must obedient bow. Lavish of gold, kin-glorious, Great Athelstan victorious, Surely, I swear, all humbled To such high monarch yields.' And the burden in the poem is as follows: Reindeer [Stag]-trod hills obey Brave Athelstan's high sway.' Then Athelstan gave further to Egill as poet's meed two gold rings, each weighing a mark, and there with a costly cloak that the king himself had formerly worn. 48 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga English translation by W. C. Green 1) 'Land-shielder, battle-quickener, Low now this scion royal 2) Earls three hath laid. To Ella Earth must obedient bow. 3) Lavish of gold, kin-glorious, Great Athelstan victorious, 4) Surely, I swear, all humbled To such high monarch yields.' Meaning in English 1-2) Now has the descent of most noble kings (Athelstan) defeated three Kings that went against him in warfare. The land/earth is under the control of the successor or a descendant of Ellu. 3-4) Athelstan was victorious. I swear that all yield to the generous King and high monarch. Icelandic original text 1) Nú hefr foldgnárr fellda, fellr jörð und nið Ellu, 2) hjaldrsnerrandi, harra höfuðbaðmr, þría jöfra. 3) Aðalsteinn of vann annat, allt's lægra kynfrægjum, 4) hér sverjum þess, hyrjar hrannbrjótr, konungmanni. This poem can also be difficult to understand, as there is a need to rearrange the words to make sense of it. 1-2) “Foldgnárr harra höfuðbaðm”. The descent of most noble kings, and it has been suggested that is Athelstan. Here is another word “harra” used for kings. “nið Ellu” means the descendant or successor of Ellu. It has been proposed that it means King Athelstan. There have been a few kings in England named Ellu. One of them, King Ællu, was a King of Northumbria, in the middle of the 9th century, who killed the legendary Viking Ragnar loðbrók and was killed by Ragnar’s sons in revenge. Olaf Guthriksson and the kings of York were the descendants of Ragnar loðbrók.22 The seventh and last poem was a chorus in a long poem of up to twenty verses that is all lost except the two lines of the chorus. English translation by W. C. Green 'Reindeer [Stag]-trod hills obey Brave Athelstan's high sway.' Meaning in English Now the highest path where stags trod, is under the control of brave Athelstan Icelandic original text Nú liggr hæst und hraustum hreinbraut23 Aðalsteini. It is interesting that here in the story the poet referred to himself, as can be seen in the Brunanburh poem. In that poem the poet most likely referred to himself in stanza number sixteen. That is the eighth stanza in the second sequence, as might be expected. In the spring then Egill departed for Norway. He left England with the blessing of the king. And when the spring came, they parted Egill and king Athelstan. Egill signified to the king this, that he purposed to leave for Norway in the summer and to learn how matters stand with Asgerdur. “my late brother Thorolf’s wife. A large property is there in all, but I do not know whether there be children of theirs living. I am bound to look after them, if they live, but I am heir to all, if Thorolf died childless.’ 22 23 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C3%86lla_of_Northumbria Does not necessary refer to a reindeer, could be a stag of deer as well. 49 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga The king answered, ‘This will be, Egill, for you to arrange, to go away hence, if you think you have an errand of duty, but I think that it would be for the best, that you should settle down here with me on such terms as you like to would ask for.’ Egill thanked the king for his words. ‘I will,’ he said, ‘now first go, as I am in duty bound to do; but it is likely that I shall return hither to look after this promise so soon as I can.’ The king bade him do so. Whereupon Egill made him ready to depart with his men; but many of them remained behind with the king. Egill had one large warship, and on board thereof a hundred men or thereabout. And when he was ready for his voyage, and a fair wind came, he put out to sea. He and king Athelstan parted with great friendship: the king begged Egill to return as soon as possible. This Egill promised to do. Egill sailed for Norway, and when he came close to shore he sailed with all speed into the Firths. He heard the tidings, that lord Thorir was dead, and Arinbjorn had taken inheritance after him, and was made a baron. Egill went to Arinbjorn and got there a good welcome. Arinbjorn asked him to stay there. Egill accepted this, had his ship set up, and his crew lodged. But Arinbjorn received Egill and twelve men who they stayed with him through the winter. The gift of the costly cloak to Egill can be interpreted that King Athelstan valued Egill for his wisdom and his ability as a scholar. The King valued his poetry highly and therefore gave him the cloak that he himself had previously worn. Egill was around 27 years old in the year when the battle of Brunanburh took place. It is estimated that he was born in the year 910. Thorolf, his brother was ten years older as he is assumed to have been born in the year 900, making him 37 years of age at the time of the battle. This battle is thought to have been fought in the autumn of the year 937 according to Egil’s saga and in English annals it is assumed that the battle was fought in early October that year. The Irish annals also suggested that the battle was fought very late in the yearxl. Egil’s saga goes on further and tells us that Egill went to Norway, which is then the beginning of a new chapter in his life. 50 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 9 Marriage of Egill Now there is a new sequence initiated in the story. Egill has been fighting for glory and respect, now it was for him to fight for his love and his home to be. The first thing Egill did when he came to Norway was to contact Asgerdur who was now a widow after Thorolf´s death. Egill had known Asgerdur since they grew up together as children in Iceland. Bergonund son of Thorgeir Thornfoot had then married to Gunnhilda daughter of Bjorn Yeoman. She had come to keep house with him at Askur. Asgerdur, wife of Thorolf Skallagrimsson , was then with Arinbjorn, her kinsman. Thorolf and she had a daughter named Thordis, and the girl was there with her mother. Egill told Asgerdur of Thorolf's death, and offered her his guardianship. Asgerdur was much grieved at the tidings; she answered Egil's words well, saying however but little one way or the other. But, as autumn wore on, Egill began to be very gloomy and drank little, and often sat with his head drooping in his cloak. Once Arinbjorn went to him and asked what meant his gloom. 'Though now you have had a great loss in your brother, yet 'tis manly to bear up well; man must over live man. Come, what verse are you now repeating? Let me hear.' Egill said he had just made this verse: 'Unfriendly, who was friend, Fair goddess seems. Of old Bold with uplifted brow Beheld I woman's face. Now one (whose name I veil) No sooner to the skald Occurs, than shyly sinks Screened in his cloak his head.' ……… More literal translation Apathy finds forehead young I could well Ásgerður (hawk-cliff) approach woman of my eyebrows. I must in cloak hide my eyebrows and nose and in my hat the ploughman’s thoughts. Meaning in English The woman Ásgerður must be subjected to my apathy. When I was young, I was bold but soon I must bow my head. Ásgerður comes to my mind. That I cannot speak of. Icelandic original text 1) Ókynni vensk, ennis ungr þorðak vel forðum, 2) haukaklifs, at hefja, Hlín, þvergnípur mínar; 3) verðk í feld, þás foldar faldr kömr í hug skaldi 4) berg-óneris, brúna brátt miðstalli hváta. This poem is one of a kind and particularly difficult to understand, as there are many variations of what the meaning could be and the words need rearranging to make sense of it. It is a love poem or 51 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga “mansöngur“ and the saga says that Egill had hidden the name of the woman of his affection. The lines or words that are thought to hide the name of Ásgerður are: Hauka klifs hlín: Hlín is a known metaphor for a woman. Hauka klifs is not a known word in Icelandic other than in this instance, but Hauka means a Hawk and klifs means a cliff or a more accurately a path up a cliff. Another word for a cliff is Ás in Icelandic that could partly refer to Ásgerður. Ás is more accurately translated as a hill. Þvergnípur in the same line means eyebrows or more commonly known as augnbrúnir in Icelandic. Gnípur meaning a top of mountain or a cliff and brúnir the edge. Berg-óneris foldar faldur = Berg also means a cliff thus could also be referring to Ás and faldur is another word for gerður, thus her name Ásgerður is hidden in the poem. Faldur and gerður could also mean a fence or a Burh. The difficulty for the Icelanders in the poem has been the word; óneris, as that is not an Icelandic word. Thus, a much more complicated meaning of the metaphor in the poem has been suggested; that it somehow refers to the name of a Jötun and obscurely refers to ás (god) or even Ásgerður as the wife of Thor or Thorolf or even as the fence of the As or Ásgard. Another possibility is that the word is simply not Icelandic but Anglo-Saxon. According to the Anglo-Saxon dictionary “onerian“ or “onerest“ mean to plough. When a poet is ploughing his mind would that not mean that he is making poetry? If it is the Anglo-Saxon word, then there is direct proof that Egill had been in England and this is the first poem that he made after his stay in England. Again, the poet of Egil’s saga uses his wit to describe dual meanings in his poems. Referring to his eyebrows and to his face and he is describing the name of his loved one in the same manner as he did with Brunanburh. Brunanburh is now hidden in his verse when he describes the name Ásgerður as it could also mean Brunanburh. “Ás” means hill in Icelandic. It also has the meaning of god and the latter part “gerður” is a fort. The home of the gods was at Ásgard and Ásgerður is the female version of that. It is clear that it is quite possible that Egill, a heathen man, could have written this poem. A Christian author of Egil´s saga in the 13th century, though having great understanding of the heathen ways, would not have gone to this trouble of hiding the name of Ásgerður in a poem with heathen references. 52 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 10 Of Egil’s death and the silver that King Athelstan gave to Egill At the end of the Egil’s saga we get some idea of Egil’s legacy and what happened to the silver that was presented to Egill for the loss of his brother in the battle of Brunanburh. Here is referred to Thordis who was Thorolf’s daughter and Grim was her husband. Thorolf, of course, was Egil’s brother who died in the battle at Brunanburh. Egill Skallagrimsson now grew old, and in his old age became heavy in movement, and dull both in hearing and sight and he also became stiff in the legs. Egill was at Mossfell with Grim and Thordis. It happened one day when Egill went out along the wall of the house he stumbled and fell. Some women saw this, and laughed, saying: 'You are now quite gone, Egill, if you fall when you are alone.' Then said the master Grim, 'Women jeered at us less when we were younger.' Egill then said out this verse: 'Old haltered horse I waver, On my Baldhead I weakly fall. Hollow my failing legbones, The fount of lust is dry.' Egill became quite blind. And it was so that one day, when the weather was cold, Egill went to the fire to warm himself. Whereupon the cook said that it was a great wonder, so mighty a man as Egill had been that he should lie in their way so that they could not do their work. 'Be civil,' said Egill, 'though I bask by the fire, and let us bear and forbear about our seat.' 'Stand up,' said she, 'and go to your seat, and let us do our work.' Egill stood up, and went to his place and said out this verse: 'Blind near the blaze I wander, Beg of the fire maid pardon, Crave for a seat. Such sorrow From sightless eyes I bear. Yet England's mighty monarch Me whilom greatly honoured: And princes once with pleasure The poet's accents prized.' Again, once when Egill went to the fire to warm himself, a man asked him whether his feet were cold, and warned him not to put them too near the fire. 'That shall be so,' said Egill; 'but 'tis not easy steering my feet now that I cannot see; a very dismal thing is blindness.' Then Egill said out this verse: 53 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 'Lonely I lie, And think it long, Carle worn with fire From kings' courts exiled. Feet twain have I, Frosty and cold, Bedfellows needing Blaze of fire.' In the later days of Hakon the Great king of Norway then Egill Skallagrimsson was in his ninth decade of years, and save for his blindness he was a hale and a hearty man. One summer, when men made ready to go to the Thing at Thingvellir, Egill asked Grim that he might ride with him to the Thing. Grim was slow to grant this. And when Grim and Thordis talked together, Grim told her what Egill had asked. 'I would like you,' said he, 'to find out what lies under this request.' Thordis then went to talk with her uncle Egill; it was Egil's chief pleasure to talk to her. And when she met him, she asked: 'Is it true, uncle that you wish to ride to the Thing? I want you to tell me what plan you have in this?' 'I will tell you,' said he, 'what I have thought of. I mean to take with me to the Thing two chests that king Athelstan gave me, each of which is full of English silver. I mean to have these chests carried to the Hill of Laws just when it is most crowded. Then I mean to sow broadcast the silver, and I shall be surprized if all share it fairly between them. Kicks, I fancy, there will be and blows; nay, it may end in a general fight of the entire assembled Thing.' Thordis said: 'A famous plan methinks, is this, and it will be remembered so long as Iceland is inhabited.' After this Thordis went to speak with Grim and told him Egil's plan. 'That shall never be,' said he, 'that he carries this out, such monstrous folly.' And when Egill came to speak with Grim of their going to the Thing, Grim talked him out of it all; and Egill sat at home during the Thing. But he did not like it, and he wore a frowning look. At Mossfell were the summer sheds of the milch kine, and during the Thing-time Thordis was at the sheds. One evening, when the household at Mossfell were preparing to go to bed, that Egill called to him two slaves of Grim's. He bade them bring him a horse. 'I will go to the warm bath, and you shall go with me,' said he. And when Egill was ready, he went out, and he had with him his chests of silver. He mounted the horse. 54 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga They then went down through the home paddock and under the slope there, as men will last see from the farm. But in the morning, when men rose, they saw Egill wandering about in the holt east of the farm, and leading the horse after him. They went to him, and brought him home. But neither thralls nor chests ever came back again, and many are the guesses as to where Egill hid his money. East of the farm at Mossfell is a gill coming down from the fell: and it is noteworthy that in rapid thaws there was a great rush of water there, but after the water has fallen there has been found in the gill English pennies. Some guess that Egill must have hidden his money there. Below the farm enclosure at Mossfell are bogs wide and very deep. Many feel sure that this is where Egill hid his money. And south of the river are hot springs, and close by there are large earthholes, and some guess that Egill must have hidden his money there, because out that way cairn-fires were often seen to hover. Egill said that he had slain Grim's slaves, also that he had hidden the chests, but where he had hidden them, he told no man. In the autumn following Egill fell sick whereof he died. When he was dead, then Grim had Egill dressed in goodly raiment, and carried down to Tjaldaness; there a sepulchral mound was made, and in it was Egill laid with his weapons and his raiment. What happened to the silver was a mystery when the saga was written in the 13th century and still is a mystery today. No one has found Egil’s silver yet. Egil’s saga then tells the story of how Egill died and the aftermath: Grim of Moss-fell was baptized when Christianity was established by law in Iceland. He had a church built there, and it is common report that Thordis had Egill moved to the church. And this proof there is thereof, that later on, when a church was built at Moss-fell, and that church which Grim had built at Bush-bridge taken down, the churchyard was dug over, and under the altar-place were found human bones. They were much larger than the bones of other men. From the tales of old people, it is thought pretty sure that these were Egil's bones. Skapti the priest, Thorarin's son, a wise man, was there at the time. He took then the skull of Egill, and set it on the churchyard fence. The skull was wondrous large, but still more out of the common way was its heaviness. It was all wavemarked on the surface like a shell. Skapti then wished to try the thickness of the skull. He took a good-sized hand-axe, and brandishing it aloft in one hand, brought down the back of it with force on the skull to break it. But where the blow fell the bone whitened, but neither was dinted nor cracked. Whence it might be gathered that this skull could not easily be harmed by the blows of weak men while skin and flesh were on it. The bones of Egill were laid in the outer part of the churchyard at Moss-fell. Thorstein Egil's son received baptism when Christianity came to Iceland, and he had a church built at Borg. He was true to the faith, and a good man. He lived to be old, and died in his bed; he was buried at Borg by the church which he had built. 55 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga From Thorstein have come numerous descendants; many great men, many poets: they are of the stock of the Myra-men, as are all who sprang from Skallagrim. It long held good of that kin that the men were tall, and great warriors, some too were of prophetic sight. They were of two distinct types: for in that stock have been born the handsomest men in Iceland, such were Thorstein Egil's son, and Kjartan Olaf's son, sister's son of Thorstein, and Hall Gudmund's son, also Helga the fair, Thorstein's daughter (about whom Gunnlaug Worms-tongue and Skald-raven quarrelled). But the more part of the Myra-men were very ill-favoured. Of the brothers, sons of Thorstein, Thorgeir was the strongest, Skuli was the tallest. He dwelt at Borg after the days of Thorstein his father. Skuli was long time out freebooting. He was forecastle man of earl Eric on the Iron Ram when king Olaf Tryggvason fell. Skuli was in seven battles, and was deemed a great warrior and a brave. He afterwards came out to Iceland, settled in the house at Borg, and dwelt there till old age; many have been his descendants. And so, ends this story. There is a good reason to take the accounts in Egil’s saga seriously and not disregard them as a folk-tale as some critics have done. It should also be noticed how the author of the saga writing in 13th century (around 1220AD) uses expensive calf skin in an attempt to validate thesee parts of the story. The information given in the saga can be directly corroborated by known English sources which validates the story and information given. The author of Egil’s saga in the end tells the news of the day, that there have been found some English pennies in the gill in Moss-fell, sometime before the saga was written. This tells us at that time people had been wondering, what happened to the silver and have been looking for it. This could also have been done on purpose to give some validation to the story, but it could also refer to some rumours that may have some truth to them. In 1815 Jón Grunnvíkingur wrote an essay claiming that in the year 1725 three silver coins were found in the same gill in Moss-fell thought to be from Egil’s silver treasure. In the essay Jón claims that his brother had seen one of these coins and described it as having a rough text on it something like ANSLAFR with some more additional letters. Unfortunately, the whereabouts of these coins is now unknown. Kristján Eldjárn in his book “Kistur Aðalsteins Konungs” argues that without this description the whole essay should be disregarded as a folk tale trying to match the description in Egil’s saga. However, he argues that Jón would not have known that the coins of Olaf Kvaran or Amlaib Cuarán had ANLAF CVNVNGR (Olaf Konungr or King) written on them, and that he was the only king known to have a similar inscription on his coins. If this description from Jón had been a fiction he would have tried to claim it was marked Athelstan or even Olaf, but not Anlaf or Anslafr. Kristján concluded that the silver Athelstan paid Egill was a loot that he had won from his opponent in the battle. xli It is also reasonable to assume that as a shrewd businessman Egill would have coins in his treasury upon his death around the year 1000. 56 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga The author of the saga also tells how Skapti Thorarinson, then the priest in Moss-fell, (1121-1143 AD), found Egil’s bones were much larger than the bones of other men, validating the part of the story that Egill was a huge man at the time. It has been proven from sources other than Egil’s saga, that Skapti was a genuine priest in Moss-fell in 1121 AD. Jesse L. Byock writing in Scientific American suggesting that Egill probably suffered from an ailment called Paget's disease. In his view the description in the Saga provides a striking picture of the disease. Enlarged bones construct a detailed portrait of a man with cold feet, chills, headaches, a swaying, hanging head, inconsistent bouts of lethargy, and loss of balance, hearing and sight in old age. The crucial factor is that the poetry, which may be the oldest element in the saga, independently corroborates the specifics about the bones by giving different details. The passage about Skapti hitting the skull with his axe has often been used to exemplify the untrustworthiness of the saga. The reasoning being that however realistic the description may seem to be, it is impossible that a 150-year-old skull would withstand such a blow. Physicians have however noted that if such a blow had been done to a skull of an individual suffering from Paget's disease, that is exactly what would happen. The article can be found at: http://www.viking.ucla.edu/Scientific_American/Egils_Bones.htmxlii The author of Egil’s saga was clearly a Christian. A few years after the death of Egill, around the year 1000 AD, Iceland went through conversion from heathendom to Christianity. This is evident in the saga as both Grim, Thorolf’s son in law and Thorstein, son of Egill were baptized. The author of the poems was, however, raised as heathen evident in ancient poetry rules, phrases and metaphors. Egill was, according to the saga, heathen, but he was prime-signed at King´s Athelstan request. This conversion created a huge change in Icelandic society; in lives, attitudes, writing and poetry at this time, but at the same time the society was on the border of this two religious systems. 57 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 11 The Icelandic connection The characters in the Saga were real people and the main characters are the family, friends and foes of the Icelander Egill Skallagrímsson. Due to the naming system and the Icelandic obsession with genealogy there are unique records of descents available to the public. It is a fact that Egill Skallagrímsson was a real person born around 910 AD. Most Icelanders can trace their ancestry back to Egill. The following is how the authors can trace their ancestry to Egill 24: Egill Skallagrímsson Ásgerður Bjarnardóttir Year born - 910 915 Þorgerður Egilsdóttir Þorbjörg "digra" Ólafsdóttir Ingveldur Vermundardóttir Þorgerður Yngvildardóttir Yngveldur Hauksdóttir Snorri Húnbogason Narfi Snorrason Snorri Narfason Narfi Snorrason Snorri Narfason Ormur Snorrason Guttormur Ormsson Loftur "ríki" Guttormsson Ólöf Loftsdóttir Þorleifur Björnsson Björn Þorleifsson Jón Björnsson Árni Jónsson Sveinbjörn Árnason Gísli Sveinbjörnsson Sveinbjörn Gíslason Einar "yngri" Sveinbjörnsson Ragnheiður Einarsdóttir Soffía Vernharðsdóttir Ragnheiður Helgadóttir Þórdís Ásgeirsdóttir Vernharður Bjarnason Björn Óskar Vernharðsson Stefán Þórhallur Björnsson 0939 0960 1000 1020 1060 1100 - 1170 1135 - 1202 1175 - 1260 1210 - 1284 1260 - 1332 1320 - 1401 1345 - 1381 1375 - 1432 1410 - 1479 1430 - 1486 1480 - 1548 1520 - 1600 1560 - 1655 1610 - 1681 1650 - 1703 1694 - 1762 1727 - 1814 1789 - 1855 1829 - 1869 1855 - 1946 1889 - 1965 1917 - 2001 1954 1979 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 Snorri Sturluson, the proposed author of the saga, was eighth in line from Egill. His mother Guðny who was the daughter of Bodvar, son of Thord, son of Skuli, son of Egill, son of Hrifla, son of Thorstein who was the oldest son of Egill Skallagrimsson and lived at Borg after Egill. As said in the ending of the saga about the descendants from Thorstein: “came numerous descendants; many great men, many poets”. 24 www.islendingabok.is 58 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Knarr as a symbol of a freedom, independence and hope in Egil’s saga The Icelandic language has not changed as much as the English language. The meaning of the written text from the time of the battle of Brunanburh is still clear to those who speak Icelandic and the context is still meaningful to the reader. It has long been recognized that Old English and Old Icelandic have a high proportion of common lexis and very similar morphology and that is why the English names are often compared with the Icelandic words in this book.xliii Here is the most famous poem in Egil’s Saga. According to the story Egill was only seven years of age when this poem was composed. This poem has been used in the television series Vikings by the History Channel in many versions25. Old English Old Icelandic (original) Modern Icelandic Þæt mælede mín módor þæt me scolde ceapian flæge and fægra ára, faran aweg wið wícingum, Þat mælti mín móðir, at mér skyldi kaupa fley ok fagrar árar, fara á brott með víkingum, standa upp í stafni, stýra dýrum knerri, halda svá til hafnar höggva mann ok annan. Það mælti mín móðir, að mér skyldi kaupa fley og fagrar árar, fara á brott með víkingum, standan úppe in stefnan, stíeran deorne cnear, faran swá tó hæfene, héawan man and óðer. standa upp í stafni, stýra dýrum knerri, halda svo til hafnar, höggva mann og annan. Modern English as in episodes of Vikings by History Channel My mother told me Someday I would buy Galley with good oars Sail to distant shores [with Vikings] Stand up high in the prow Noble barque I steer Steady course for the haven Hew many foe-men As can be seen from this example, the Old English is very close to the Old Icelandic. When we look for the word knarr (knerri in Icelandic or cnear in A/S) in this poem, then it is quite clear that the ship is a symbol of independence, freedom and hope for the young boy. It was important for him to be able to get away from his farm and into the world of stories that he was used to hearing at home; stories and poems describing adventures and bravery. It is worth noticing that knarr/cnear is a merchant ship and not a Viking warship and thus it is even more interesting as it is a symbol for the carrier of his hopes and his longings for independence and freedom. This use of the knarr as a symbol of hope can be seen in young people waiting for their driving licence and working hard to be able to buy a car to exercise their newly gained freedom and show off their independence. This use of knarr/cnear can be seen in the Brunanburh Poem, but now showing the despair of the men who have lost their friends and their honour. The ninth stanza of the poem reads as follows: Old english, Anlgo-Saxon Norðmanna bregu, nede gebeded, to lides stefne litle weorode; Cread cnear on flot, cyning ut gewat on fealene flod, feorh generede. Modern english Northern princes, down bent to ship’s prow with few troops. Put ship to sea, king waded out on fallow flood, saving his life. 25 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4FwzIUdFv1U, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qTOXNWFcYCY https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-SUpsLxUrKQ, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=atQ9-NJITQQ 59 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Here it is clear that the princes and king are down-bent, and doing the hard work to put a ship to sea with few men. Now their hopes are diminished, their freedom and their independence depend on their cooperation with others to save their own lives. In the poem in Egil’s saga it is obvious that the reference to knarr displays hope and longing for freedom. In the Brunanburh poem knarr displays the loss of their hopes, the limitation of their freedom and the downfall of prosperity and wealth. Nail-farer is loose in Völuspá In Völuspá the reference to knarr is indirect as it is described as a ship that sailed with the dead on their last voyage to the otherworld. This use of a boat has a long history, it can first be seen in the earliest of all texts in the “Book of the Dead” where it is about the ferryman, who takes a person on his last trip over to the otherworld. In the Völuspá poem it explains killings and the degeneration of the society with the words: “Naglfar is loose”. Naglfar is Nail-farer in English as this ship was meant to be built from dead people’s nails. Another possible meaning is that nails refer to the scratching on the ground of the man’s last grasp for life, as “far” in the compound word can be interpreted as a mark. The last field-mark of the dying person. Nail-farer in the Brunanburh poem Later in the Brunanburh poem in the 15th stanza the knarr is now displayed as the Nail-farer in the Old Icelandic Poem Völuspá. Here is the description of the knarr as a transport to the otherworld. Old english, Anlgo-Saxon Gewitan him þa Norðmen nægled cnearru, dreorig daraðalaf, ondinges mare ofer deop wæter Difelin secan, eft hira land æwiscmod. Modern english Northerners then went off in nailed knarr (nail-farer), bleeding spear fight offers, endings mare over deep water seeking Dublin, for dear land, ashamed. The Brunanburh poem also shows Knarr as the transporter of the dead in the skaldic kenning of the Naegeld Cnearru and at the same time it refers to the Völuspá poem and Nail-farer (Naglfar) as the transporter of dead people. This use of knarr as a symbol of independence, freedom and hope in old poetry is rare and is unlikely to be found in literature from this time or earlier, which means that this reference in both Egil’s saga and the Brunanburh Poem, makes it a rather unique relationship among medieval texts. Here we see a clear example of a relationship between the Brunanburh Poem, the Old Icelandic poem Völuspá and the poem in Egil’s saga. The author of the Brunanburh Poem who used the ship so skilfully to express these terms, must surely have known Völuspá and the poems in Egil’s saga too. In the next chapter “12 Philosophy and the poetry in Egil´s saga” there is more detailed comparison made between the poem of Brunanburh and the poem of Völuspá and poems of Egil´s saga. 60 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 12 Philosophy and the poetry in Egil´s saga The text in Egil’s saga and the poems covering the battle at Vinheith and their visit to England are philosophical in nature. Old heathen values and beliefs are core issues in the poetry and several versions of the same name can be found in the poems as a skaldic kenning. The author of Egil’s saga shows well how these old heathen values and beliefs are core issues in the poetry. The poet can refer to several versions of the same name at the same time reveal his set of beliefs and his philosophy. When the poet gives the metaphors in his poems such as: “my brows close knitted” and “cliffs that shaded” then he was referring to his earthly and social understanding. Egil’s eyebrows were his spiritual and philosophical values of: • • Being true to yourself To be respected in your society When he used the metaphor “hauka klifs hlín” for his wife’s name Asgerdur and again referring to his eyebrows as well, thereby he gave the philosophical value of: • To respect and be respected by your loved one This metaphor refers also to Asgard where the gods live and Thorolf went, when he died in a battle. Which has a strong philosophical value in his society: • To work hard, earn deservedly and die in honour in your society of other men and women For all of this the poet can provide metaphors by referring to mountains, cliffs, birds, fences and gods among other things. His eyebrows can have references to the camp on the hill, the name of the woman he loved and his brother’s resting place and each of these names can be Brunanburh. Egill the great warrior was blind in his old age and was taken care for by Thordis, who was not his daughter, but she was the daughter of Thorolf. The great poet had to show respect to the people who took care of him and he could not lie idle about and disturb them in their housework. His place was his bed, not in front of the fire. When Egill wanted to disturb the peace at the Althing with his silver given to him by King Athelstan, his request to go to the Althing was turned down. Neither he nor anyone else had the right to disturb the peace at the Althing. 61 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga The poem of Brunanburh and Egil’s saga Looking closer at the Poem of Brunanburh and comparing its content to the poems in Egil’s saga and other poems that can be traced to Snorri Sturluson in the Edda’s we find many similarities that are worth taking note of. The Poem of Brunanburh has many indications of old Anglo-Saxon roots. It also shows how closely related Icelandic and the Nordic languages are to these roots. There are numerous similarities that appear when the Brunanburh poem is compared to Egil’s saga. The Brunanburh poem is valued as having a strong relation to the language and poetic techniques of Norsemenxliv. The poem of Brunanburh – alternative presentation and meaning This chapter follows the Parker Chroniclexlv which is the earliest of the manuscripts that include the Brunanburh poem; but the other manuscripts show the poem more as loose bounded text. It might be counted as more erratic and other scripts more accurate, but it is the earliest one and therefore possibly the least corrupt. Life is usually not accurate and most often irrational to confined standards, so it is possible that the Parker script might be closer to the origin of the poem and later scripts more accurate and closer to the propaganda of the clergy and better suited to the need of later royals. The translation that John Osborne made of the Brunanburh poem was used at the beginning of our work, but it seems that his translation was biased in an attempt to make the poem more civil and to give it a Christian flavour. Comparing the poem with the old Icelandic poem of Völuspá gives a different understanding of the poem and might clarify the meaning of some of the skaldic kennings and the concepts in it. This translation of the poem is therefore freed from the elevated presentation seen in earlier translations and an attempt is made to bring the text closer to its original wording abrupt and rough though it is. The sequence in the poem shows this line of events: • First eight stanzas: In honor of King Athelstan and his brother and their deeds at Brunanburh. • Next eight stanzas: The day of the battle at Brunanburh. The fate of their adversaries and their losses. Their escape from the field in dishonour and the final fate of the dead men. • Seventeenth to eighteenth stanza: Final roundup and further praise to the brothers. The Brunanburh poem is presented here as a Drápa, even though we might expect it to have more stanzas, up to 24 stanzas in total, to fulfil at least three sets of eight (æht) in the runes. That is one stanza for each rune. Each stanza is eight lines, and the first word in every second line alliterates with two words in the line above. See the letters in question in red. 62 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga The beginning is a hail to the royal brothers and their fight at Brunanburh. This is clearly shown in the first two stanzas. Anglo Saxon 1. Her Æþelstan cyning, eorla dryhten, beorna bæhgiefa. His broþor eac, Eadmund æþeling, Ealdor langne tir geslogon æt sæcce26 sweorda ecgum. Modern English Here Athelstan, king, ruler of earls, warriors bracelet-bestow. His brother also, atheling Edmund, lifelong honour struck in battle with sword's edges. The first stanza describes King Athelstan, ruler of earls, as a man who gives rings or bracelets to warriors. That is exactly what happens in Egil’s saga when Athelstan gave Egill his own bracelets after the battle to compensate him for the loss of his brother and for his contribution to the battle. The poem that Egill made after the battle in honour of the king is such; Mailed monarch, god of battle, Maketh the tinkling circlet Hang, his own arm forsaking, On hawk-trod wrist of mine. I bear on arm brand-wielding Bracelet of red gold gladly. War-falcon's feeder meetly Findeth such meed of praise. So already in the first two lines of the poem, there is a direct link to Egil’s saga and to a poem in the saga. There is also a description of similar gifts in the Völuspá poem. In stanza 29 of the poem it is said that the god Óðinn gave the Valva rings and bracelets with the words: Valdi henni Herföðr hringa og men, which can be translated as: Gave her Warrior-father rings and bracelet, This is an exceptional similarity in these three different sources. Later in this book, in chapter 13 “Brunanburh”, we look at what the word Brunanburh could mean. The word is a compound of “Brunan/Brunnan” and then “burh”; burh as a name for a stronghold or a fort is commonly agreed upon. Brunan/Brunnan is more elusive as it can refer to lot of things such as, a well or a fountain, a bridge, an edge, an eyebrow and anything brown and anything burned or burning. 26 63 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Anglo Saxon 2. Ymbe Brünanburh, Bord weal clufan, heowan heaþolinde hamora lafan. afaran Eadweardes, swahi geæþele wæs fro cneomægu Þhi æt campe oft. Modern English Surrounded by Brunanburh. broke shield wall, hew with hero spirit hammering swords. Ancestors Edward's, Like him noble were To knees in kin oft on campaign. “Ymbe” confirms to the Icelandic word ”Um”, which means around. Ymbe is a version of the word Ambi in Latin or Ampi from Greek like in Ampitheater. That is to be surrounded by a half ring or more, or two sides or more. According to this stanza the battlefield was most likely surrounded at least on two sides by burning fires. There the brothers broke down the shield wall and hew with their swords and with a hero spirit. King Athelstan was noble and royal but he was only Edward’s half-brother as Athelstan was Edward’s illegitimate half-brother, that means they were only brothers up to their knees (cneomægu). It can be assumed that Ymbe Brunanburh means that on the night before and in the early morning there were fires along the battle-site, as both camps were preparing for a battle surrounded by the Burningburgh. According to Egil’s saga and other sourcesxlvi this fire was possibly lit for two weeks or even longer while peace was negotiated between the parties. There is more information in Egil´s saga which gives us a description of a campsite by the battle-site both for Athelstan’s men and for the Northern Alliance who were camped for two weeks before the battle. These camp-sites would have needed fires to keep the army warm in the cold autumn time. If the battlesite was by a place where coal was easily available such as by Hunwick, then such fires would be lit early in the morning and late at night for fortnight or longer and would have been a magnificent sight. These fires at the camps around the battle-site could be a good reason for the name Brunanburh/Brunnanburh as Burning-burgh. In Icelandic it is either Brennandiborg, Brennuborg or Brunaborg. This next stanza describes the situation in more detail. The first stanza is wide and gave us the reason for the battle, the royal brothers’ interest, and the second stanza is narrower and tells us the place of the battle and of the coming sacrifice that accompanies battle and the third stanza goes into the detail of the result from those two factors. Anglo Saxon 3. Wiþ laþra gehwæne, Lan deal godon, hord and hamas. Hettend crungun, Sceotta leoda and scipflotan, fæge feollan. Feld dænede. Modern English By land-road fine, Land-part good, herd and homes hated ones crushed. Scots-folk and ship-men fated fell. Field thundered. 64 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Laþra is most likely the same word as “látrar” in Icelandic, which means roads. Mostly used in place-names like Seallátra or Whalelátra and Látrabjarg is the largest cliff inhabited by seabirds in the Atlantic. The composition of this word is possibly “láð” for land and “þra” for trodden. In this respect it is worth noting that both the words hord and herd are related to the rune “fé”. This rune means either money or sheep. But in this case the meaning is livestock rather than money. This part of the stanza could then mean: “By the great or long road, a land part good and by livestock and farms, there the hated ones were crushed“. “Scots and ships men died in their fate and the field thundered“. It is worth remembering here that Scots most likely refer to the Irish as Ireland was known as Scotia at the time of the battle. It can therefore be deduced that the battlefield was by one of the best roads at that time and that would be a Roman road. Land can be both read as land or lund as an area that is supposedly surrounded by woods mostly. Land is a neutral noun but “lundur” is a masculine noun and the word is in the accusative form of inflection. But, most likely, it should read landæl meaning land-part and to be read as: “landeal godon” not as “land eal-godon”. landeal godon From the Parker script. Corpus Christi, Cambridge. It is therefore quite possible that the battlefield was in Hunwick, just by the old Roman road, as there is a site that fits perfectly the description given in Egil's saga as well as the description given here in the poem. There is a specific reference in Egil´s saga where it is described as such: “En þar er skemmst var milli skógarins og árinnar, og var það mjög löng leið“. That reads as: But where shortest was between the woods and the river, and there was a long way. This describes the Roman road from the Helmington Beck to the woods east of the field. Anglo Saxon 4. Secga27 shwate siðþan sunne up onmorgentid. Mære tungol, glad ofer grundas, Godes condel beorht, eces drihtnes28, oð sio29 æþele gesceaft Modern English Men sweated, since sun rose in morning time. Mighty sun, glided over ground, gods’ bright candle, our lords’ oath it noble obliges. 27 Seggjar in Icelandic, means men. Means Lords’. See Dryhten in second line in the first stanza. Drihtnes could therefore be plural here. The poet might have been heathen, and not Christian. There is some indication in A/S that Drihtnes is singular, but in Icelandic it is always in the plural except in the Dative sense. 29 Could be translated as “see or seen”, but here it is assumed that sio is same as “sig” meaning it. 28 65 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Gesceaft is like occupied. The sun was occupied in honouring its oath with the Gods. The oath between the sun and the Gods is when the sun goes from one sign in the landscape to another, as each segment was dedicated to each god. If stanzas 5 to 7 are read carefully there are many similarities to lines four and eight in the sense of men fleeing, dying or being humiliated and then also the contrary. These lines are more a statement and framing if the previous lines or the whole stanza. Anglo Saxon 5. Sah to setle. Þær læg secg mænig garu ageted, guma30 Norþerna. Ofer scild scoten, swilce Scittisc eac, werig, wiges sæd, Wes Seaxe forð. 6. Ondlongne32 dæg eorodcistum on last legdun laþum þeodum. Heowan here fleman hindan þearle mecum mylen scearpan. Myrce ne wyrndon 7. Heardes hond plegan hæle þa nanum33 þær mid Anlafe ofer æra gebland. On lides bosme land gesohtun, fæge to gefeohte, fife lægun. 8. On þam campstede cyninges giunge, sweordu answefede, swilce seofene eac. Eorlas Anlafes. Unrim heriges, flotan and Sceotta. Þær gefiemed34 wearð. Modern English Sat to its setting31. There they lay many stabbed by spears Northern men. Over shield shot, so Scots also, wearied, of killing sated, to West, from Saxons fled. All day long mounted warriors on back laid enemy people. Hew here fleeing ones from behind felled With swords well-sharpened. Mercians none spared. Hard hand play heroes then dear there with Anlaf over seas sailed. In ship's sides sought land, fated to fight, five lay dead. On that battle field young kings with swords they killed, also seven more, Anlaf's earls. Unnumbered slain, sea-men and Scots, there routed to flee. 30 Guma is Men. It is part of the word Magum earlier in the poem in the second Stanza. When the sun sat to its setting 32 Notice ondlonge here means end-long. The day from one end to another. Later in the poem in stanza 14 there is the word "ondinges" which has same root for the first part. 33 Nanum is close friends or family. We can then expect that King Olaf lost five close relatives or personal allies. 34 This word is possibly gefliemed and that gives the meaning: “there the men fled”. 31 66 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga The word answefede means to kill is also used in Egil’s saga (sæfðist) when Earl Hringur was killed by Thorolf in the battle before the big day at Brunanburh. This word is very rare in Icelandic or in OE, but these words have the same root. Stanza number eight is the final stanza in the first set of stanzas. That makes it a full set describing the brothers and their deeds on the field. It begins with praise to the brothers, then a description of the field and what they did to their enemies. The next eight stanzas have a different aspect to them as they describe what happened to their enemies. The perspective is on them and of their ill fate and humiliation. The ill fate of the enemies begins with the Northern princes and their shame. It is the standard in this set of stanzas to show the enemy in a derogatory way and to belittle them. The princes had themselves to bend under their ship’s prow to put their ship to sea, a task usually performed by their many troops, who are now few. Their pride had been destroyed and their hope diminished. The misfortune and the humiliation of the enemy continues. Anglo Saxon 9. Norðmanna bregu, nede gebeded35, to lides stefne litle weorode; Cread cnear on flot, cyning ut gewat on fealene flod, feorh generede. 10. Swilce þær eac se froda mid fleame co on his cyþþe norð, Costontinus, Har hilde ring, hreman ne þorfte mæcan gemanan; he wæs his mæga37 sceard, 11. freonda gefylled on folcstede, beslagen æt sæcce, and his sunu forlet on wælstowe wundum fergrunden, giungne æt guðe. Gelpan ne þorfte. Modern English Northern36 princes, down bent to ship’s prow with few troops. Put ship to sea, king waded out on fallow flood, saving his life. So, also the wise one fled away to his northern country, Constantine. Hoary battle-man, he need not boast of that meeting of swords he was severed from kin38. Forfeiting friends on that field, slain at battle, and his son lost, on the death-ground, destroyed by his wounds, young warrior, he need not to brag. 35 gebaeded is more like down they had to bend. This is a position of men bent down to push boat out to sea. Most likely northern men, and not Norwegians. 37 Mæga, is the same as in Cneomægu earlier in the poem. Here it means son but in Cneomægu it means brothers. 38 Constantine lost his son in the battle. Constantine farm is about one mile west of the field in Hunwick. According to the poem in Egil`s saga the men fled westward from the field. 36 67 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga It is more likely that Northern men in stanza 9 is referring to the Scots and the people coming from the north, but not Norwegians as we can expect that the Scots are the Irish in the earlier stanza. Anglo Saxon 12. Beorn blandenfeax bilgesleh tes, eald inwidda, ne Anlaf þy ma. Mid heora herelafu hlehhan ne þorftun, þher beaduweorca beteran wurdun. 13. On campstede cumbol39 gehnades, garmittinge, gumena gemotes. Wæpen gewrixles, þæs hi on wæl felda wiþ Eadweardes afaran plegodan. Modern English The grey-haired warrior, sword-wielding torn, the old evil, nor Anlaf slaves neither. With his army smashed laugh he does not need, that their praying-work better should have. On the battlefield banners were crashed spears clashed in meeting of men. Weapon-wrestled, there on the death-field with Edward's off-springs play masters. Freonda could also mean relatives as it does in Icelandic, as frændur. Later in the poem it is said that King Constantine lost his son on the field and his body was not recovered. A demeaning description is in the last three lines of stanza 12. The old man has nothing to cheer about and he should have said better prayers. The more he was praised the greater was his downfall. Constantine II was born in the year 879 so he would have been 58 years old at the time of the battle. According to John of Worcester, King Constantine was King Olaf's/Anlaf's father-in-law. This demeaning poetry is also in the poem of the Battle of Hafursfjord. In Heimskringla written by Snorri Sturluson there is the description of the fleeing men as followsxlvii: Slogustk und sessþiljur, en sárir váru, Letu upp stjölu stupa, stungu í kjöl höfðum The men fought for shelter under the seats, with their ass up in the air and their head down into the keel. Coincidentally the battle of Hafursfjord is described in detail in Egil’s saga, as it was a part of Egil’s family history. Þy is same as Þý in Icelandic and means slaves or unwillingly taken. This word is only known in two Icelandic sagas; Egil’s saga and in the saga Hlöðskviða according to Torfi H. Tulinius’ researchxlviii. According to the Bosworth’s Anglo-Saxon Dictionary this word might be related to the word “Þeówan” which means to press. That gives the line “ne Anlaf þy ma” the meaning that King Olaf did not die, but his slaves, the 39 Same as Symbol. 68 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga suppressed and his unwilling battle folk did die this day on the battle-field. It is confirmed by other sources as King Olaf fought with Vikings in Northern Ireland and forced many of them into his army when he initiated his campaign in Englandxlix. This stanza is highly related to the words and content of 5 stanza in the Drápa Höfuðlausn in Egil’s saga. There we have these lines: Icelandic Vasat villur staðar vefur darraðar of grams glaðar geirvangs raðar. Modern English, meaning The War banner stands firm under the Kings’ shield wall, in the battle. In stanza 13 in the Brunanburh poem there is repetition of the content with reference to action like in stanza 5 earlier in the poem. Both these stanzas are about the fight in the battlefield. As the fight was described in Egil's saga then each earl had his own banner either in front of him or behind him if he was in the front line of the action. The 14th stanza is without a doubt the most debated stanza in the poem. Anglo Saxon 14. Gewitan him þa Norðmen nægled cnearru, dreorig daraðalaf, ondinges40 mere ofer deop wæter Difelin secan, eft hira41 land æwiscmode.42 Modern English Northerners43 then went off in nail farer, bleeding spear fight offers, endings mere over deep water seeking Dublin, for dear land, ashamed. It starts with description of the Northmen sailing off in “naegled-cnearrum“. John Osborn translates this as “nail-bound ships”. Cnearrum, or in Icelandic “knerrir”, is the name of a specific type of a Viking ship. It is a large merchant ship or a transport ship, meant to sail across open oceans powered by sails. It was not considered a battleship as it could not be rowed and therefore a slow sailing ship. 40 Ond here is same word formation as Ond in Ondlongne in stanza 6. It means end and ending is the last breath. Endinges mare is the last breath mare as in night mare. 41 Hira is dear. In Icelandic “hýra” 42 Æwiscmode is dishonored and ashamed. 43 Northerners, rather than Norse. 69 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga In a heathen context, we have the description of the “Naglfar” but in that context the ship was supposedly entirely built from dead people’s nails and it was the ship that carried soldiers that would fight the gods at Ragnarök. Again “nail-farer” is attested in the Poetic Edda in the Old Icelandic poem Voluspa. This book is thought to have been written by Snorri Sturluson.44 This indicates that the origin of the Brunanburh poem is partly heathen. In the Tullstorp Runestone in Scania in Sweden there is also a reference to the “Naglfar”.45 The other meaning of “Naglfar” can be explained as of nail scratching from a dying man, in his last grasp for his life. Reading the poem with that in mind, we have the description of the Northerners who wanted to sail to Dublin, but they were in the nailfarer on their way to the eternity. The meaning of the word Ondingesmere has been much debated. One popular suggestion is that it means “on things mere”. Thing or Þing refers to the old gathering place of Vikings as well as of the Anglo-Saxons. The connection of making the word Ondingesmere = on things mere, has quite a few assumptions: The Tullstorp Runestone in Scania, Sweden4 Ondingesmere From the Parker script. Corpus Christi, Cambridge. 1) Splitting the one word into three words. If the writer of the poem wrote the word wrongly in one word instead of three separate words. 2) Assuming that the writer of the poem mistakenly wrote a D instead of Ð. Looking at the structure of the poem, the two words in the line above are dreorig and daraðalaf, both with the needed D but not Ð or Þ. 3) Assuming that the writer of the poem did not know the difference between Ð and Þ. The letters Ð, Þ and TH have all the same sound, that is why Ð and Þ died out in the English language when printing came into use. It was too expensive to make a special letter and the printers used TH instead of both Ð and Þ. At the beginning of printing Þ was used. However, Þ was sometimes replaced with Y, as in “ye” (the) old pub” or “hear ye”. The rule is that Þ/þ starts words and Ð/ð usually finishes them. There has never been a word that starts with Ð. In that case Thing was written Þing (with Þ) as bath would have be written as Bað (Ð). The assumption of the writer not knowing the difference between Ð and Þ is not farfetched one as it is the same sound, but what makes it farfetched is that the writer of poem did know the letter Þ. He used it 44 times in the poem, furthermore he also uses the letter Ð 14 times and correctly applies the rule. The conclusion is therefore most certainly that Ondingesmere does not mean Þing. 44 45 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Naglfar https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Naglfar 70 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga For a more plausible meaning, one possibility is understanding onding in similar manner as Ondlongne dæg earlier in the poem, meaning the day from one end to another or from sunrise to sunset. Mere could to be understood as a near sinking feeling as is expressed in stanza 56 in Völuspá: Icelandic: Sól tér sortna, sígur fold í mar, English: Sun blackens, earth sinks into sea, This is the final stanza in Völuspá expressing Ragnarök in the Prophecy of the Vala in Völuspá, and has the same meaning as Ondingesmere which is therefore the final Armageddon of the dying men seeking Dublin in the Brunanburh poem. This part of the poem describes the last trip of the dead people to the other world. Similarly, Endings mere could be a description of men dying, as can be seen in last line in stanzas 7, 9 and 10, in fourth and last line in stanza 11 of the poem. Endes maere can also be seen in the Nieblungenlied with the meaning: that there did his mære end. Mare in Icelandic is both a verb and a noun. If a boat capsizes and part of the keel is above water, then it is described that the boat "marar" in the sea. In the plural as a noun, then it is "mara". Endings mere is therefore a skaldic kenning with a double meaning. People are dying and people experience the feeling of dying where their honour has been heavily compromised. Another more distant possibility is that ondinges can be understood as a kenning itself indicating a possible meaning of breathing. According to Bosworth-Toller, the Anglo-Saxon dictionary, breath is andan. Anda is still widely used in Icelandic in the context of breathing and there is a saying in Icelandic “að standa á öndinni” describing someone who has a difficulty breathing, öndinni and ondinges being quite similar. The composition with mere as a mare in nightmare then is a description of the last breaths of dying men. They seek to go to Dublin but are sailing with the nail-farer, the transporter of the dead. Breathings-mare is a kenning that suits well the words possible meaning, its meaning in the context of the verse and in the context of the sequence of events in the Drápa. All these plausible meanings of Ondingesmere suggest a description the last moment of the dying men. The last debated word in the Stanza is “Hira land”, most often translated as Ireland as they are going to Dublin, but more likely it should be translated as beloved land similar to the Icelandic Hýra land. There is always this possibility that Ireland was known as Scotia at the time of the battle. Anglo Saxon 15. Swilce þage broðer begen æt samne, cyning and æþeling, cyþþe sohton, Wes Saxena land, wiges hramige. Letan him behindan hræ bryttian46. 46 Modern English Then the brothers both together, king and atheling, country sought. In the West land Saxons, fighting arms, left behind them corpses butchered. Brytjað in Icelandic means butchered. In plural it is “brytjuð”. 71 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga “Country sought” in the poem can be understood as a country visited. Northumbria was assumed to belong to the Royal brothers as it was theirs by marriage. The old society was based on the decision of the field and a vote by the landowners and free men of the region. When the old king died the field decided upon a new king. This does not conform to the royal rule that King Alfred and his successors sought to uphold. This difference in view might have led to a disagreement between the Royals and the Northumbrians at the time of the battle and the Northerners might have had some support from the people in Northumbria at the time of the battle. At the same time the Royal brothers were defending their own home state as the invasion was threatened their rule in the south. The 16th stanza is very interesting, it is the end of the second æht or sequence. Anglo Saxon 16. Salu47 wig padan, þone sweartan hræfn hyrned nebban, and þane hase pan padan, earn æftan hwit, æses48 brucan49, grædigne guð hafoc, and þæt græge deor, wulf on wealde. Modern English Dusk-dressed one, that dark raven, hard beak of horn, and the hoar-coated one, white-tailed eagle, lords’ labour, greedy god hawk, and that grey beast, the wolf of the wood. Further heathen and pre-Christian connections can be found in the description of the animals overseeing the battle; the raven, the eagle, the hawk and the wolf. These animals are all known scavengers of the battlefield. In the Poetic Edda, by Snorri Sturluson, there are two birds in the poems related to blood and carcasses, those birds are eagles and ravensl. Both of these are in the poem “The battle of Brunanburh”, the black raven “sweartan hræfn” and the white-tailed eagle “earn aftan hwit”. The poem also mentioned a “guð-hafoc” or a gods’ hawk. That is very similar to Egil’s use of hawk-trod and war falcon in his poem. The last description of animal scavengers of the battlefield in the poem Brunanburh was of “the grey beast, the wolf of the wood”. In Egil’s saga there is this description of Egill himself: “He was well-built, more than commonly tall, had hair wolf-grey and thick, but became early bald.” In the poetic Edda the wolf is also counted as one of the animals feeding on blood and carcasses of the dead men of the battlefield. There is even reference to a wolf from the woods as “wulf on wealde”li. Thus, there might be an indirect reference to Egil’s name in the poem of Brunanburh, that is if he was the author of the poem, then he might have hidden his name in this stanza. The reason this being brought up is that in the Íslendingadrápa, poem written in Iceland probably in the middle of 12th century, Egill is compared to both a wolf and a raven: 47 Black. Referring to the Viking gods of Æsis. 49 Same word as “brauchen” in German or brúka in Icelandic meaning used or be useful. That is in his killings he was useful to the gods. 48 72 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Egill50 fekk unda gagli51 ulfs kom hrafn at tafni52. In the Poetic Edda the eagle and the falcon also symbolize the watchfulness of the gods lii. That in itself reflects its relation to a poem in Grímnismál, a string of poems that describe the heavenly geographyliii. There is this poem: Easily known to Ygg’s chosen are the heavenly halls a wolf hangs over the western gate, there hovers an eagle on high. Ygg is another name for the god Óðinn. The animal is waiting for food under the watchful eye of the eagle. The eagle is here a metaphor for the gods. The words "æses brucan" in the poem “The battle of Brunanburh” are probably the most interesting of all. It has been translated to “enjoying carrion” but it is possible that should be translated as being used by the gods, referring to the heathen Viking gods or in the Old Icelandic “Æsis”. It can be assumed that the poet saw himself as the “one used by the gods”. It can be assumed that æses is here in the plural sense. By referring to himself as an animal of the battlefield and as an instrument in the hands of the gods, then he is alienating himself from his deeds on the field. It is therefore a good argument to give Egill Skallagrímsson the chance to be considered as being the poet of the Brunanburh poem. This alienating himself from his actions also reflects the respect for the field that was fought on. As this was most likely a holy field designated to the gods, then it was necessary to alienate himself from his deeds and justify his actions. Be favourable to the gods, because the last thing the warrior wanted was a revenge from the gods. This alienation can be seen in other poems by Egill such as in the Drápa; Höfuðlausn. The final two stanzas round up the poem. One line in both of them as in stanza 16 are two times longer than it should be. The text in these two last stanzas is loose and each stanza is not as well bound as the others. That begs the question whether a big part is missing from the poem. The poem would have been complete with 24 stanzas. There might have been five to six extra stanzas here with praise to King Athelstan; praise to his spirit, how he would have encouraged his men and to his wisdom among other qualities, that the poet would emphasize. 50 Egill Skalla-Grímsson Unda Gagli is raven. Unda is wound. 52 Similar kennings of the animals of the battlefield in the Brunanburh poem. 51 73 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Anglo Saxon 17. Ne wearð wæl mare on þis eiglande æfer gieta folces gefylled beforan þissu sweordes eegum, þæs þe us secgað bee, eald uðwitan, 18. Siþþan eaftan hider Engle and Seaxe up becoman, ofer bradbrimu53 Brytene soltan. Wlance wigsmiþas, 54 Weealles ofer coman, eorlas arhwate eard begeatan. Modern English Nor was many more on this isle ever yet, folk felled, before those swords edges, written in books, of the old wise men. since from the east Angle and Saxon arrived together over broad briny (Humber) British sought. Battle of lances govern Welsh over come Earls for glory, gained a land. In the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles poem “Capture of the Five Boroughs” there the River Humber is described as: "Eá bráda brimstreám". That means a river with strong surfing streamliv. There is a possibility that the river Humber is the meaning of “bradbrimu” in this stanza. It means that the battle of Brunanburh was north of the River Humber. That is in good accordance with Egil´s saga and the accounts given by Simeon of Durham. Magnus Olsen from Norway did show how the poems in Egil’s saga are related in that manner that the first line in the second poem refers to the finish of the former poem lv to make a set of poems in one combination. In some instances, the content in the last line of one stanza is quite related to the first line in the following stanza in the Brunanburh Poem. This characterizes the relation between stanza 4 and 5, 6 and 7 as well as 7 and 8. Here is an example of how the relation between Egill Skallagrímsson and the Brunanburh Poem is established. It is a challenge to work out if this is the second stanza in the third set of eight stanzas or if these two stanzas have been cooked up from the last eight stanzas supposedly there originally. 53 54 River Humber. Wigsmiþas is compound word of “víga” and smith which describes them as warriors or even more as generals. 74 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga The poem of Brunanburh – a missing ending 18 verses instead of 20 or even 24 verses could lead to that assumption that there is missing an ending. This Drápa should have been at least two verses longer or even six verses longer. The end of the Brunanburh poem. From the Parker script. Corpus Christi, Cambridge. Circa 955. As a Drápa there should have been more praise to king Athelstan and glorifying of his victory and his rule over the country in the last verses. As the king dies shortly after the event it is likely that it was in favour of the young ruler or the clergy that this praise was deleted, washed from the script and from history. Looking at the manuscript it is possible that the last word in the poem was written in a different style than the poem itself. Looking at the manuscript it very much looks like something was written in the large space between the year 937 and 940, something that possibly has been erased. Corpus Christi College Cambridge provided pictures of the Parker script taken under UV light, as below. 75 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga The end of the Brunanburh poem. From the Parker script. Corpus Christi, Cambridge. Circa 955. Under UV light. Looking at these pictures it is clear that there was something written in the large space between the entry for the year 937 and 940, furthermore it is also clear that there was something written under the entry for the year 940. It is very difficult to make out what is written there. It is highly unlikely that this is a smudge from the opposite page. Many of these “smudges” have italic the wrong way to the opposite page. The obvious evidence of a text has been erased is after the entry DCCCXXXVIIII, or the year 939. There is clearly erased text of XXX, that is an entry for nine hundred thirty something. The thing is that there should not be any XXX in an entry after 939 as the number 40 is XL in Roman numerals. 76 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Comparison between The Brunanburh poem and Völuspá Völuspá55 is the first and best-known poem of the Poetic Edda, written by Snorri Sturluson in 13th century Iceland. The poem tells the story of the creation of a society and its coming to N end. The poem is preserved whole in the Codex Regius and Hauksbók manuscripts while parts of it are quoted in the Prose Edda. The poem is assumed to be older than the Brunanburh poem. Comparison of Völuspá and the poem of Brunanburh, indicates that Völuspá had substantial influence in the making of the Brunanburh poem. The majority of the words in both poems are the same. Even when the words in the Brunanburh poem are not in Völuspá almost all the them are closely related to old Icelandic words or appear in Egil’s saga and in the poems in that saga. There are 302 different words in the Brunanburh poem but Völuspá is longer with 871 different words. The Same words: Of the 302 different words, there are 181 words also in Völuspá or 60% of the total. There are in a few instances a slight deviance in the meaning of the words and in exceptional, few cases the words in the Icelandic poem do not have the same root. Brunanburh Poem And Beforan (see æfer) Beorht Beorn, beorna Beslagen, geslogon, gefeohte Bilgesleh Bord-weal Bradbrimu Broðer, broþor Bryttian Bæhgiefa Clufan Cneomægu Co, coman Condel Dæl Deor59 Dreorig Dæg Eac English and before bright born fought sword shield-wall River Humber58 brother butchered armlet-give broken knee-brother come candle dale animal bloody day and/also Völuspá ok fyr bjartur borinn, borna sló (it is in another meaning) Billingur (swordsman) – Bíldur (knife/Dwarf)56 Borðveggur57 Brimir, brimi bræður, bræðra, bróðir brotinn (broken) gefna – gáfu – gaf klofnar – klofnir kná (see mæg) kemur, kom, koma, komnar and kvámu kyndisk dala valdýr dreyra dag ok 55 Völuspá https://is.wikisource.org/wiki/V%C3%B6lusp%C3%A1 Bíldur for one of the Dwarfs but the meaning represents a sharp knife or short sword. 57 These composite words are rather uncommon in both languages, but it appears in the Battle of Maldon poem. 58 Brada brimstream refers to the River Humber in the poem: “Capture of the Five Boroughs“. 59 Deor is used in Brunanburh for an animal in this instance for a “wulf on wealde“, and in Völuspá there is valdýr used for the animal of the battlefield. This is one of the unique use for both words in both languages. 56 77 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Brunanburh Poem Eal Eald60 Ealdor Eard Earn Ecgum, eegum Eorodcistum Fealene, feollan, gefylled61 Feld, felda Feorh Folces, folcstede Forð Forlet and letan Fro Froda Fæge Garu, Garmittinge Gebeded, beaduweorca Gebland, Blandenfax Gelpan Gewitan Gieta Godes63 – guð – guðe Godon Grundas, fergrundan Hamas He, hi, him, han and his Heardes Heora, here, herelafu, heriges Her Hilde Hindan, behindan, æftan Hleh English all old longevity earth eagle edge horse-riding-flock falling field live people, meetingplace old days let from learned dying spear – spear-meeting praying, prayin-work blended gray-haired boast wise said or informed gods good grounds homes he hard army hear battle behind laugh 60 Völuspá Allar, allir, allr, allra, alls, allt, alt aldni – aldna aldurdaga jörð, jörðu örn Eggþér (Egg is used for urge) Ámátkar (same use of prefix) ríða as riding falla – fellur – féllu fold – völl – völlu - völlum fjörvi fólk forðum lætur frá fræða, fregn and (fregnið as learning) feigra geirum, geir62 bið Blandið (blended) geyr vitur gættust goð – goðin – Goðþjóðar góða64 grund heima hann harðgör Herjaföður – Herjans hljóðs65 hildur aptan hlakkar Eald uðwitan in one of the last lines in the Brunanburh poem accords further with Völuspá as that poem might not have been that old at the time of the battle of Brunanburh and there is nothing like this battle in that poem, talking of Ragnarök. The poet lets the Vala use the image that she is this all-knowing prophet and that conforms with the use of the words uðwitan in the Burnanburh poem. 61 Also the composition of þearle which probably should read þear le or as: there lie. 62 Geirskögul is also once in Völuspá as a name for a Valkyrie. 63 It is not certain whether Godes is in the singular or plural form in the Brunanburh poem but guðe is in the plural. 64 Alþjófur (same use of prefix but different word) 65 The Brunanburh poem begins with the word Her as the poet asks for people to listen, to hear him which has the same meaning as Hljóðs in Völuspá as she asks for silence at the beginning of the poem 78 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Brunanburh Poem Hond Hord Hwit Hyrned Hæle Land, Eiglande Langne, afaran, Ondlongne66 Laþra68 Legdun, læg, lægun Leoda Litle Mære Mare Mecum Mid Mæcan gemanan Mæga Mænig Nanum Ne Nebban Nede Norð, Norðmen, Norþerna Norðmanna Nægled cnearru, cnear Oð Ofer Oft On Onmorgentid Plegan, plegodan Ring Sah to setle Scild Scoten Se Secg and secga Secgað Sio English hand herd white horned men Land, island long time road lay people little good more much with matching of men sons many close to neither nose down Völuspá hendi – hendur hirðir (shepherd) hvíta horn halir landi langniðja67 troða lá – liggja lýðir lítt mæra, mæran, mæri and mæstur meire mjög – mikill – mikli með Manlíkun mögu – mögur margs náinn né neppur as a fealing fear69 neðan (below) North, northerner Nailfarer, ship oath over often on on-morning-hour play – play-masters ring sat to settle shield shot “the one” I seen shine norðan – norður and Norðri (dwarf) Naglfar70, knörr óð yfir opt á morgin leika hringa Situr skildi and skildir (plural) skaut sá, sú sér sá skein With the prefix ond- it is in this instance the day from “one end to another”. Langniðja has the same meaning as afaran that appears twice in the Brunanburh poem. 68 Laþra is a combination of the words láð for land and troð for tredding 69 Similar meaning can be assumed here. 70 Nailfarer is a ship of the dead men going to Hel. It refers to dead men‘s nails or a nail-scratch that can come in the dying moment 66 67 79 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Brunanburh Poem Sohton, gesohtun, soltan, secan Sunne, sunu Swahi Sweartan Sweorda, sweordes, sweordu Swilce Sæcce Tes To Tungol Up Ut Wearð and becoman Weorode Werig Wig, wiges, wigsmiþas Wiþ Wulf Wurdun Wyrndon Wæl, wælstove73 Wæs Ymbe Þa, þe, þher Þage Þearle Þone, þane, þam Þis, Þissu and þhi Þær, þæs Æfer Æses75 Æt Æwiscmode76 English seek, sought sun as black sword also battle torn to sun up out become under command weary battle, general by wolf should spare dead was around they then there lay that this their before gods family live-dismay Völuspá sóttu sól – sólu sem svört sverði – sverðum auk sökkvask (sinking) tér til tungl is moon71 upp – uppi úti verða, Verðandi, verðast and verður Ráðsviður and afráð orðinn is similar word is in Völuspá vígbönd and vígspá við úlf varð, verða and Verðandi72 þyrma valdi, Valföður, valtíva, Valkyrjur and valdýr74 var, váru and vera um þau þá Þar lá, liggja þat því þær, þærs áður æsir ætt and ættar æva means live. 71 The bright Tungol appears once in the Brunanburh poem as the sun but tungls appears in the Völuspá poem meaning the moon, which is the common meaning of tungl in Icelandic. The bright tungol is a skaldic kenning for the sun. The “bright moon” as in the sun being like a moon, only bright. 72 Verðandi was one of the Norns of fate mentioned in Völuspá. These were to decide the fate of men in a battle. 73 Wælstove is a killingfield 74 Valdi means choosing, Valföður is a name for the god Óðinn, valtíva is a name for the battlegods and the Valkyrjur are the maidens who choose who will live or die in a battle. Valdýr is then the deor or the animals that are related to the battlefield and all these words appear in Völuspá. 75 Æses is most likely gods in a plural form as it is in Völuspá. 76 Scmode is shamed or smáður in Icelandic 80 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga There are a few very interesting names that the poems have in common. Nægled cnearru, cnear in the Brunanburh poem corresponding with Nailfarer in Völuspá and knörr in Egil’s saga. Nailfarer is referenced in a couple of places but it is in Völuspálvi where it is explained that it is the ship made of nails of dead people that transports the dead to hell. The use of the words “and“ and “eac“ is very interesting. The poem of Brunanburh uses the word “and“ 8 times and “eac“ 4 times. Eac means the same as “and“ or “also“, The old equivalent of “and“ and “eac“ is “ok“ in old Icelandic or “og“ in modern Icelandic (auch in German), “ok“ being used 49 times in Völuspá. The pronunciation of eac and ok would probably be the same in the Anglo-Saxon period. It is strange that the poem of Brunanburh uses these two different words for the same thing. It is possible that it was “ok“ or “eac“ in the original poem but the scribe forgot to change the four of those “eac” to “and“. 23 personal names and specifics in the Brunanburh name There are 23 nouns that are specific for the Brunanburh poem or numbers that are specific for the poem. Mostly these are names of the main characters in the story and reference to their status as well name of places and nations involved. Then there are then numbers five and seven that refer also to the main characters. Brunanburh Poem Anlaf, Anlafe and Anlafes Brunanburh Brytene Costontinus Cyning, cyninges Difelin Eadmund Eadweardes Engle Eorla, eorlas Fife Myrce Sceotta, Scittisc Seofene Weaxena Weealles Wesseaxe Æþelstan 77 English King Olaf Brunanburh The Brits King Constantine Kings Dublin King Eadmund King Eadward English Earls Five Mercians Scots seven In the west, Saxons Wales West-Saxons King Athelstan Völuspá Brendu, (brunni, brúni)77 There are also the words Brunni for fountain and brúni for brown in Völuspá 81 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 8 words referring to specific weaponry terms: There are eight words for weaponry terms that do not relate to Völuspá. As these words relate to specific weapons or the battle site then these do not have any reference to Völuspá. Brunanburh English Icelandic: Cumbol Daraðalaf Campe Campstede Mylen Seaxe Wlance Wæpen Symbol Battle-survivors Battle Battle-site Swords Axes Spears Weapon Merki Darraðarleyfar Kampur Kampstaður Mýli Sax Flensa, kesja Vopn This would suggest that the author of the poem would have been a warrior himself. In Egil´s saga most of these words are used that is, battle site, weapon, spears, axes, sword, battles and even the symbols of chiefs in battle. 11 words that refer to specific marine terms: The following are 11 words for seamanship that do not relate to Völuspá. As these words relate to seamanship it can be deduced that the poet was a seafarer or a sailor himself. Brunanburh English Icelandic: Bosme Cnear Deop Flod Flot Flotan Gewat Lides Scipflotan Stefne Wæter Bosom Viking ship Deep flood launch fleet wade glides Shipping-fleet bow Water Baðmur or baðmr Knörr, knerri Dýpi Flóð Flot Floti Vaða Líður Skipsfloti, skipaher Stefni Vatn The words: baðmur, knerri, stafni, floti and vatn all appear in poems in Egil´s saga and in the saga itself are also the words: flóð, floti, líður, skipaher and stefni. 82 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Stanza 16 and the poet Stanza 16 in the Brunanburh poem is a one off in the poem. The Stanza describes animals of the battlefield and most likely hides the name of the poet. This description fits Egill Skallagrímsson rather well. Following 12 words used do not show any relation to Völuspá and are accounted for here separately. Brunanburh Poem English Icelandic Brucan Eaftan Grædigne Græge Hafoc Hase Hræfn Pan Padan Salu Wealde Þæt tool Back greedy greedy Hawk hoar Raven pan/head Bug Dusk Wood there brúka German = Brauchen aftan gráðuga gráðuga Haukur hár Hrafn panna/haus padda Svarta Viður - Skógur þat (old icelandic), þar Anglo Saxon 16. Salu wig padan, þone sweartan hræfn hyrned nebban, and þane hase pan padan, earn æftan hwit, æses brucan, grædigne guð hafoc, and þæt græge deor, wulf on wealde. Modern English Dusk-dressed one, that dark raven, hard beak of horn, and the hoar-coated one, white-tailed eagle, lords’ labour, greedy god hawk, and that grey beast, the wolf of the wood. In the sub-chapter “The poem of Brunanburh – alternative presentation and meaning“ it is examined how these two birds, eagle and raven are related to blood and carcasseslvii in the Poetic Edda. It is also shown how similar the use of a “bush hawk” or a war hawk is to the Egil’s use of hawk-trod and war falcon in his poem. The last description of the animal scavenger of the battlefield in the poem Brunanburh was of “the grey beast, the wolf of the wood”, which is exactly how Egill is described by various sources. 83 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 6 unspecified words with German or Saxon prefixes There are 6 different words with the German or the Saxon prefix ge-. This might refer to the one who does the writing of the poem. All these words also have a root in the Icelandic language. Brunanburh poem: gemotes gefiemed gehnades Gesceaft Gehwæne Gewrixles English: meeting fleeing conflict/fall create wheen/fine/few exchanges Icelandic mót flótti hnjóta skipti fáeina/fína/væna/langa víxlast Most of the words are also used in Egil´s saga, that is: flótti, móti, skipti, vænsti and víxl. 21 Nouns not accounted for There are as well 21 nouns that are not accounted for in Völuspá, but most of these have a common roots in Icelandic as well as Old English. Brunanburh poem: Bee Bregu Cyþþe Dryhten, Drihtnes Fleame Fleman Freonda Guma, Gumena Heaþolinde Hræ Tir- Æra and arhwate Þy, þeodum Wundum Æþele, geæþele, æþeling English: book ruler country god flight fleeing men friends men hero spirit corpse glory people wounds Noble Icelandic bók bragi heimkynni Drottinn – Drottnar flótti flýjandi, flýðu frændur Gumi – gumar hetjulund hræ tír – æra þý – þjóðum undum Eðlu, aðal The words: bragi, dróttinn, aðal and hræ all appear in the poem in Egil´s saga and in the saga itself are also the words: flótti, flýðu and frændur. Attention should be drawn to the word “þy”. It also has the meaning of being born illegitimate and this has a special reference to Egil’s saga as there are three chapters of the story devoted to that in the saga. This word is only known in two Icelandic sagas. Egil’s saga and in Hlöðskviða according to Torfi H. Tulinius’ research.lviii The use of Þy in the Brunanburh Poem could well refer to the Vikings who fought there because they were taken hostage in the west of Ireland at the beginning of King Olaf’s adventure to Englandlix. 84 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 16 Verbs not accounted for The following 16 verbs are not accounted for in Völuspá, but most of these have a common roots in Icelandic as well as Old English. Brunanburh poem: Answefede ageted begeatan cread crungun dænede generede glad hamora heowan hramige hreman lafan last sceard Þorfte, þorftun English: Put to sleep, kill Pierced gained pushed crushed thundered saving glided hammer hew grabbing boast let load notched needed Icelandic Sæfðist ágatað geta kremja kreista dynja næra líða hamra höggva hremma hreykja78 létu lesta / hlaða skarða þurftu In the Brunanburh poem the word “answefede” is used to describe how the enemies were killed or put to a long-lasting sleep. It is also used in Egil’s saga when Earl Hringur is killed by Thorolf in the battle before the big day at Brunanburh. The word answefede or sæfði in Icelandic means kill, but is very rare in Icelandic or in OE. After that he lunged with his halberd at the earl's breast, driving it right through mail-coat and body, so that it came out at the shoulders; and he lifted him up on the halberd over his head, and planted the butt-end in the ground. There on the weapon the earl breathed out [sæfðist] his life in sight of all, both friends and foes. 78 Hróður in Höfuðlausn by Egill Skallagrimsson 85 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 12 Adjectives not accounted for: There are only 12 adjectives in the Brunanburh poem that are not accounted for in Völuspá, but most of these have a common roots in Icelandic as well as Old English. Brunanburh poem: Beteran Giunge, giungne Har Hettend Hira Inwidda Laþum Scearpan Shwate Sæd Unrim English: better young hairy hated Beloved evil loath sharp sweat met un-numbered Icelandic betra ungir hærði hataða hýra óvandaða leiða skarpa sveitta saddur órímanlegt 10 other words not accounted for There are only ten words of other types in the Brunanburh poem that are not accounted for in Völuspá, but most of these have a common roots in Icelandic as well as Old English. Brunanburh poem: Begen Eces Eft Ondingesmere Hider Ma Samne Siðþan, siþþan Us Uðwitan English: both ours after Endings mare here to neither together since us knowing Icelandic báðir/beggja okkar eftir Endings mara hingað né saman síðan okkur vitandi Previously the phrase “Ondinges mere” has been discussed as having the meaning endings mere. Uðwitan might have a relation to Völuspá as it refers to the ones who know which has a strong relation to how the Vala or the prophet is described in the Völuspá poem. 86 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Summary of the comparison There are 302 different words in the Brunanburh poem but Völuspá is longer with 871 different words. Of the 302 different words, there are 181 words also in Völuspá, or 60% of the total. Some of these words are very specific and some of the word combinations are very rare like Bord-weal and Nail-farer. Others are interesting in that they have a Norse or Icelandic connection like the Viking gods Æsis and the use of “eac” instead of “and”. It is not only important to look at the words that are in common with Völuspá, it is just as important to look at the words that are not in common. There are 8 words that are specific to weaponry and 11 words specific to marine terms. That might suggest that the author of the poem could have been a warrior and a sailor and quite possibly a Viking. There are also very rare words that are not in Völuspá but have a significant meaning in Egil´s saga. One of these words is “Þy“ or unwilling. It has also the meaning of being born illegitimate and this has a special reference to Egil’s saga as there are three chapters of the story devoted to that in the saga. This word is only known in two Icelandic sagas, Egils saga and Hlöðskviða. In the Brunanburh poem the word “answefede” is used to describe how the enemies were killed or put to the long-lasting sleep. It is also used in Egil’s saga when Earl Hringur is killed by Thorolf in the battle before the big day at Brunanburh. The word answefede or sæfði in Icelandic means to kill or to die, and is very rare in Icelandic or in OE. The one-off stanza 16 describing animals of war, eagle, raven, war hawk and the wolf are also detailed in the Poetic Edda and Egil´s saga. It is possible that the author is hiding his name in the Stanza, coincidentally Egill is described as having wolf grey hair. That description is made in the eighth chapter of the story of his deeds in England. In Egil´s saga there is a claim that Egill had composed a Drápa, that is now lost, for King Athelstan in the winter after the battle of Brunanburh. What if the Drápa is not lost? Could the poem of Brunanburh be the Drápa, which Egill composed for Athelstan? Considering the strong connection of the structure of the poem of Brunanburh to the Poetic Edda, makes it plausible. The two poems, the Brunanburh poem and Völuspá, are closely related. It is high time we looked at this Anglo-Icelandic heritage as a special term in historical research as it might give a deeper meaning to what “Anglo” is in historical meaning and explain the special relationship in history between these two countries and their culture. It is likely that this Anglo-Icelandic relationship had a heavy influence in the making of the Icelandic sagas and the old Icelandic poems. At the same time, it seems that there is some influence from Icelandic poets as might be the case with the Brunanburh poem and possibly other Old English poems. Research in the Mythology and in the Ethnology might reveal further influences between these two cultures. 87 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga The poem of Sonartorrek – comparison In Egil’s saga there is a Drápa called Sonartorrek, written by Egill after the tragic death of his son. As it is a Drápa, as suggested that the poem of Brunanburh is as well, there are similarities in the structure of the two poems can be found. When a poem is made as a Drápa, then the lines in the verses are shorter than in short poems and the structure is not as strict as in a short poems, that is it is not always two letter calling for the same letter in the first word in the line below. Following is the poem in the original Icelandic. 1. 1. 2. Mjök erum tregt tungu at hræra eða loptvætt ljóðpundara; esa nú vænligt of Viðurs þýfi né hógdrægt ór hugar fylgsni. 2. Esa auðþeystr þvít ekki veldr höfugligr, ór hyggju stað fagnafundr Friggjar niðja, ár borinn ór Jötunheimum, 3. lastalauss es lifnaði á Nökkvers nökkva bragi. Jötuns hals undir þjóta Náins niðr fyr naustdyrum. 4. Þvít ætt mín á enda stendr, hræbarnir sem hlynir marka; esa karskr maðr sás köggla berr frænda hrörs af fletjum niðr. 5. Þó munk mitt ok móður hrör föður fall fyrst of telja, þat berk út ór orðhofi mærðar timbr máli laufgat. 6. Grimmt vörum hlið, þats hrönn of braut föður míns á frændgarði; veitk ófullt ok opit standa sonar skarð, es mér sær of vann. 7. Mjök hefr Rán ryskt um mik, emk ofsnauðr at ástvinum; sleit marr bönd minnar ættar, snaran þátt af sjölfum mér. 8. Veist, ef þá sök sverði of rækak, vas ölsmiðr allra tíma; hroða vágs bræðr, ef vega mættak, fórk andvígr ok Ægis mani. 9. En ek ekki eiga þóttumk sakar afl við sonar bana, þvít alþjóð fyr augum verðr gamals þegns gengileysi. 10. Mik hefr marr miklu ræntan, grimmt es fall frænda at telja; síðan's minn á munvega ættar skjöldr aflífi hvarf. 11. Veitk þat sjalfr, at í syni mínum vasa ills þegns efni vaxit, ef sá randviðr röskvask næði, uns Hergauts hendr of tæki. 12. Æ lét flest þats faðir mælti, þótt öll þjóð annat segði, mér upp helt of verbergi ok mitt afl mest of studdi. 13. Opt kömr mér mána bjarnar í byrvind bræðraleysi, hyggjumk um, es hildr þróask, nýsumk hins ok hygg at því, 14. hverr mér hugaðr á hlið standi annarr þegn við óðræði; þarfk þess opt of þvergörum; verðk varfleygr, es vinir þverra. 15. Mjök es torfyndr, sás trúa knegum of alþjóð Elgjar galga, þvít niflgóðr niðja steypir bróður hrör við baugum selr. 16. Finn ek þat opt, es féar beiðir ... 88 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 17. Þat's ok mælt, at engi geti sonar iðgjöld nema sjalfr ali enn þann nið, es öðrum sé borinn maðr í bróður stað. 18. Erumka þekkt þjóða sinni, þótt sér hverr sátt of haldi; burr's Bileygs í bæ kominn, kvánar sonr, kynnis leita. 19. En mér fens í föstum þokk hrosta hilmir á hendi stendr; máka'k upp jörðu grímu, rýnnis-reið, réttri halda, 20. sís son minn sóttar brími heiptugligr ór heimi nam, þanns ek veit at varnaði vamma varr við vámæli. 21. Þat mank enn, es upp of hóf í goðheim Gauta spjalli ættar ask, þanns óx af mér, ok kynvið kvánar minnar. 22. Áttak gótt við geirs dróttin, gerðumk tryggr at trúa hánum, áðr vinan vagna rúni, sigrhöfundr, of sleit við mik. 23. Blætka því bróður Vílis goðjaðar, at gjarn séak, þó hefr Míms vinr mér of fengnar bölva bætr, ef et betra telk. 24. Göfumk íþrótt ulfs of bági vígi vanr vammi firrða ok þat geð, es ek gerða mér vísa fjandr af vélöndum. 25. Nú erum torvelt: Tveggja bága njörva nipt á nesi stendr; skalt þá glaðr með góðan vilja ok óhryggr heljar bíða. Here there are 25 stanzas as can be expected from a Drápa as the Brunanburh poem might be classified. This Drápa does also have the sequence of eight (æht) stanzas as the first eight is about himself the poet, the second æht is about his adventures in his life and then the third sequence of eight is about him and his son. Then the Drápa is wrapped up in stanza 25. 89 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 13 Brunanburh The battle of Brunanburh fought in 937 is mentioned in numerous medieval texts, the trouble is that there are many versions of the name. 79 Year Source Name Location Ca. 955 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (version A) ymbe [around] brünanburh N/a Ca. 977 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (version B and C) embe [around] brunnanburh N/a 10th C Irish Annals of Ulster Bellum: a huge war N/a Mid/late 10th C Welsh chronicle Annales Cambriae Bellu brune [war at brune] N/a ca. 980 Æthelweard's Chronicon Brunandune80 N/a, but it describes how after the battle the barbarians dominated no more, suggesting Northumbria 10th C Egil´s saga – poems Vínu nær [near Vínu] The enemy had taken half of Álfgeirs land (Northumbria) before the battle, suggesting the battle was in Northumbria. After the battle it is said that “The land/earth is under the control of the descendant or successor of Ellu/Ællu”. Most likely referring to King Ællu of Northumbria who killed Ragnar Lóðbrók. very late 11th c. Eadmer of Canterbury's Vita Odonis 1104–15 Simeon of Durham's Libellus de Wendune which is exordio ecclesiae Dunelmensis called by another (1104–15) name Et Brunnanwerc or Brunnanbyrig, 79 But trusting in the protection of St Cuthbert. The district of the church of St Cuthbert was between the River Wear and the River Tyne in Northumbria. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Brunanburh Anonymous.”Scottish Chronicle". In The Battle of Brunanburh. A Casebook. Ed. Michael Livingston. University of Exeter Press. 2011. pp.132–3 80 90 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Year Source Name Location mid-12th C Simeon of Durham's Historia Regum Wendune N/a mid-12th C Estoire des Engleis, by the Anglo-Norman chronicler Geoffrey Gaimar Bruneswerce N/a early 12th century William Ketel's De Miraculis Sancti Joannis Beverlacensis Brunanburgh Relates how, in 937, Æthelstan left his army on his way north to fight the Scots at Brunanburh, and went to visit the tomb of Bishop John at Beverley north of the River Humber to pray for his help in the forthcoming battle. In thanksgiving for his victory Æthelstan gave certain privileges and rights to the church at Beverley. early 12th C John Worcester,'s Chronicon ex chronicis brunnanburh Anlaf, the pagan King of the Irish and many other islands, incited by his father-in-law Constantine, King of the Scots, entered the mouth of the River Humber with a strong fleet. 1127 Gesta regum Anglorum by William of Malmesbury Bruneford Anlaf, the son of Sihtric, with Constantine, had entered his territories under the hope of gaining the kingdom. Athelstan purposely retreated. Unlawful conquests, Anlaf had now proceeded far into England. 1133 Henry of Huntingdon's Historia Anglorum brunesburih mid-12th c Estoire des Engleis, by the Anglo-Norman chronicler Geoffrey Gaimar Bruneswerce late 12th C the Chronicle of Melrose Brunanburch 91 The river Humber Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Year Source Name Location Ca. 1225 Egil´s saga – text Vínheiði við Vínuskóg [Wineheath or Winemoor by Wineforrest] In or near Northumbria. The enemy had taken the whole of Northumbria before battle late 13th C Robert of Gloucester's Metrical Chronicle ca. 1300 Peter of Langtoft's Chronique Bruneburgh 82 on the Humber 1338 Robert Mannyng of Brunne's Chronicle Brunesburgh83 on the Humber ca. 1400 Pseudo-Ingulf Croylandensis Historia Brunford In Northumbria invading army arrived "south of the Humber"81 Athelstan levied an army and led it into Northumbria. Athelstan offered his poniard upon the holy altar at Beverley north of the Humber, and made a promise, if the lord would grant him victory over his enemies 1527 Hector Boece's Historia Claims that the battle was fought by the River Ouse, which flows into the Humber estuary.84 1695 Map of Ango Saxon Heptarchy by Robert Morden Brunanburh Near Bebbanburh or Bamburgh in Northumbria Unknown English transl. 1627 Annals of Clonmacnoise, Irish Annals plaines of Othlynn n/a Robert of Gloucester.”Metrical Chronicle". In The Battle of Brunanburh. A Casebook. Ed. Michael Livingston. University of Exeter Press. 2011. pp.84– 82 Peter of Langtoft.”Chronique". In The Battle of Brunanburh. A Casebook. Ed. Michael Livingston. University of Exeter Press. 2011. pp.90–7 83 Robert Mannyng of Brune.”Chronicle". In The Battle of Brunanburh. A Casebook. Ed. Michael Livingston. University of Exeter Press. 2011. pp.126–33 84 Hector Boece.”Historiae". In The Battle of Brunanburh. A Casebook. Ed. Michael Livingston. University of Exeter Press. 2011. pp.146–53 81 92 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Year Source Name Location Unknown Scot chronicon Brounnyngfelde85 n/a Unknown Canu y Dewy Cad Dybrunawc86 n/a Unknown Scottish Chronicle Duinbrunde87 n/a Old English and Icelandic have a high proportion of common lexis and a very similar morphology. Therefore, it could be beneficial to try to make sense out of the word Brunanburh by considering what it could mean in Icelandic. The Icelandic language is more complex than English in the sense that each word can be in the Nominative, Accusative, Dative and Genitive form with and without “the”. Adjective changing with the gender of the noun; male, female or neuter. As shown above, the battle has a lot of names: Brunnenburth, Brunanburh, Brunandune, Brunnanwerc, Brunnanbyrig, Bruneford, Brunefeld or Bruneford, Brun, Duinbrunde, Brounnyngfelde and Cad Dybrunawc. When we consider the word Brunanburh then it is obvious that it is compound of “Brunan” and “burh”. Burth, burh, werc, wc, byrig, feld, ford and even duin are all names that mean a stronghold or a fort, this is commonly agreed upon. Duin can also mean a hill. The Icelandic words for a fort are quite similar for instance: borg, vígi, virki, byrgi or hamrar. The Icelandic word “virki”, is quite similar to “werc” as is “byrgi” to “byrig” and “borg” to “burh” or “burth”. The other component of the battle name; Brunan, Brunnan, Brunnen, Brune, Brun, brunde, brunde and brunes are more elusive and the words can refer to lot of things, a lot. Walter Bower.”Scotichronicon". In The Battle of Brunanburh. A Casebook. Ed. Michael Livingston. University of Exeter Press. 2011. pp.138–9 86 Gwynfardd Brycheiniog.”Canu y Dewi". In The Battle of Brunanburh. A Casebook. Ed. Michael Livingston. University of Exeter Press. 2011. pp.66–7 87 Anonymous.”Scottish Chronicle". In The Battle of Brunanburh. A Casebook. Ed. Michael Livingston. University of Exeter Press. 2011. pp.132–3 85 93 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga The following list shows just a few versions of what the name can possibly mean in the Icelandic language, the list is not exhaustive: 1) A fountain, a well or a bath (Icelandic name is brunnur). The first possibility is that Brunan means a well, bath or a fountain. A well is brunnur in Icelandic, brunnen in German, brunn in Swedish, brønn in Norwegian and brønd in Danish. The variation of brunnan with two -nn or Brounnyng points towards that interpretation. If brunan means a well then, the Icelandic version for brunanburh would most likely be brunnaborg/Brunnaburh or brunnsborg/Brunnsburh, depending if there is only one well or many. Nominative Accusative Dative Genitive Singular A well/ fountain brunnur brunn brunni brunns The well/ fountain brunnurinn Brunninn brunninum Brunnsins Plural Wells/ fountains brunnar brunna brunnum brunna The wells/ fountains brunnarnir brunnana brunnunum brunnanna 2) A bridge or the bridge (Icelandic name is brú or brúin). The second possibility is that Brunan means “the bridge”. The Icelandic name for bridge is brú or brúin, bro or broen in both Norwegian and Danish. The variation of brunan with -ü points towards that interpretation. If brunan means the bridge then the Icelandic version for brunanburh would most likely be brúnaborg, brúarborg or brúnnaborg. Nominative Accusative Dative Genitive Singular A bridge brú brú brú brúar The bridge brúin brúna Brúnni brúarinnar Plural bridges brýr brýr brúm brúa The bridges brýrnar brýrnar brúnum brúnna 3) Top edge of a hill or a mountain (Icelandic name is brún). The third possibility is that Brunan means the top of a hill or mountain. The variation of brünan with -ü points towards this interpretation and it also corresponds well with all the variations of the name that contains -duin or -dune in this context. If brunan means a top of an edge, then the Icelandic version for brunanburh would most likely be brúnaborg or brúnarborg. Nominative Accusative Dative Genitive Singular An edge brún brún brún brúnar The edge brúnin brúnina brúninni brúnarinnar Plural Edges brúnir brúnir brúnum brúna The edges brúnirnar brúnirnar brúnunum brúnanna 94 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 4) An eyebrow (Icelandic name is also brún) In a poem written to honour King Athelstan, Egill uses the word “Gerðihamrar”, when describing his eyebrows. Gerðihamrar could have the same meaning as Brunanburh. Similarly, the variation of brünan with -ü could points towards this interpretation. If brunan means an eyebrow, then the Icelandic version for brunanburh would most likely be brúnaborg or brúnarborg. Nominative Accusative Dative Genitive Singular An eyebrow brún brún brún brúnar The eyebrow brúnin brúnina brúninni brúnarinnar Plural eyebrows brúnir / brýr brúnir / brýr brúnum brúna The eyebrows brúnirnar / brýrnar brúnirnar / brýrnar brúnunum brúnanna 5) Ásgard the home of the gods Amazingly the name Brunanburh lives in various names in Egil’s poems as a metaphor. It could mean the name of his wife Ásgerður. The same name in the male form can also mean the home of the gods at Ásgard, the place where all Vikings went if they died heroically in battle and the place where Thorolf would go. 6) Armour (Icelandic name is: brynja or Byrnie in old English) It could refer to a shielded wall of armour on the slope that hindered the scots and the invaders from getting into their camp. If brunan means armour, then the Icelandic version for brunanburh would most likely be brynjuborg or brynjaborg. Nominative Accusative Dative Genitive Singular An armour brynja brynju brynju brynju The armour brynjan brynjuna brynjunni brynjunnar Plural armours brynjur brynju brynjum brynja The armours brynjurnar brynjurnar brynjunum brynjanna 7) It could refer to all things brown The Icelandic for brown is brúnn. However, as brown is an adjective it changes with the gender of the noun it follows that is, male, female or neuter. There are thus many possibilities that could also be multiplied by three stages, that is; Brown, browner, brownest. The following table only shows the possibilities for the one stage of brown. Male Nominative Accusative Dative Genitive Singular A brown brúnn brúnan brúnum brúns The brown brúni brúna brúna brúna Plural A brown búnir brúna brúnum brúnna 95 The brown brúnu brúnu brúnu brúnu Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Female Nominative Accusative Dative Genitive Neuter Nominative Accusative Dative Genitive Singular A brown brún brúna brúnni brúnnar The brown brúna brúnu brúnu brúnu Plural A brown brúnar brúnar brúnum brúnna The brown brúnu brúnu brúnu brúnu Singular A brown brúnt brúnt brúnu brúns The brown brúna brúna brúna brúna Plural A brown brún brún brúnum brúnna The brown brúnu brúnu brúnu brúnu If brünan refers to the colour brown it would follow the main noun of the fort or in Icelandic borg, virki or birgi. It is unlikely the name describes many brown forts it is reasonable to ignore the plural. However, it is necessary to take into the account the gender. In Icelandic borg is feminine when both virki and birgi are neuter. Thus, the Icelandic version for brunanburh would most likely would be; brúnuborg, brúnavirkið or brúnabirgið. It has also been suggested that the brown in question does not describe the fort but the river by the fort, by the “Browney”. The river being feminine in Icelandic thus the Icelandic version of the name would most likely be Búnárborg. 8) It could also refer to all things burned The verb to burn is in Icelandic “að brenna”. However, the verb can also be an adjective in past tense and thus changes with the gender of the noun it follows whether that is; male, female or neuter. Male Nominative Accusative Dative Genitive Female Nominative Accusative Dative Genitive Neuter Nominative Accusative Dative Genitive Singular A burnt brunninn brunninn brunnum brunnins The burnt brunni brunna brunna brunna Plural A burnt brunnir brunna brunnum brunninna The burnt brunnu brunnu brunnu brunnu Singular A burnt brunnin brunna brunninni brunninnar The burnt brunna brunnu brunnu brunnu Plural A burnt brunnar brunnar brunnum brunninna The burnt brunnu brunnu brunnu brunnu Singular A burnt brunnið brunnið brunnu brunnins The burnt brunna brunna brunna brunna Plural A burnt brunnin brunnin brunnum brunninna The burnt brunnu brunnu brunnu brunnu 96 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga If brunnan refers to the something burnt it would follow the main noun of the fort or in Icelandic borg, virki or birgi. It is unlikely the name describes many burnt forts so it is reasonable to ignore the plural, however it is necessary to take into the account the gender. In Icelandic borg in considered feminine while both virki and birgi are considered neuter. Thus, the Icelandic version for brunanburh most likely would be; brunnuborg, brunnavirkið or brunnabirgið. Brunan could also refer to the verb to burn, that is “að brenna” in Icelandic. That provides possibilities to consider at other potentialities such as what was happening at the battle site both prior to and while the battle was fought. 1. person 2. person 3. person Singular Present tense brenn brennur brennur Past tense brann brannst brann Plural Present tense brennum brennið brenna Past tense brunnum brunnuð brunnu This would come out as Brennuborg or as a Brunaborg in the meaning of burning-campfires. As can be seen above there are countless possible locations in Britain that can connect with a well, a bridge, an edge of a hill, the colour brown and something notably burnt. That is the reason so many locations of the battle site have been suggested. The other option is to put more focus on the alternative name given by Simeon of Durham, Wendune or Weondune and Egil´s saga near Vínu. Note that in the mind of Simeon, Wendune is the proper name for the battle site and Brunnanwerc or Brunnanbyrig is the alternative name. 97 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Original text of the sources and where to find them Year Source Ca. 955 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (versio n A) Name https://parker.stanford.edu/parker/catalog/wp146tq7625 f. 26r Text in English: See chapter 12 and: http://mcllibrary.org/Anglo/part3.html Ca. 977 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (versio n B and C) http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=cotton_ms_tiberius_b_i_f141r Cotton MS Tiberius B I, f. 141r ca. 980 Æthelweard's Ch ronicon 10th C Irish Annals of Ulster Only 17th century copy of the text does exist: Text in English: https://celt.ucc.ie/published/T100001A.html Mid/late 10th C Welsh chronicle Annale s Cambriae http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=harley_ms_3859_fs001r Harley MS 3859, f. 193r 98 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Year Source Name very late 11th century) Eadmer of Canterbury's Vita Odonis https://parker.stanford.edu/parker/catalog/xn117yn5845 1104–15 Simeon of Durham's Libellu s de exordio ecclesiae Dunelmensis (1104–15) http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=cotton_ms_faustina_a_v_f061v Cotton MS Faustina A V, f. 61v mid-12th C Simeon of Durham's Histori a Regum Text in English: https://archive.org/stream/churchhistorpt203unknuoft/churchhistorpt203unknuoft_djvu.txt early 12th century William Ketel's De Miraculis Sancti Joannis Beverlacensis The ‘De Miraculis’ is given in the ‘Acta Sanctorum published in 1643. http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=cotton_ms_tiberius_a_iii_f178r MS. Faustina B. iv. ff. 164 b–178 a early 12th C John Worcester,'s Chr onicon ex chronicis Text in English: http://www.bsswebsite.me.uk/History/JohnofWorcester/Chronicle_John2.html https://parker.stanford.edu/parker/catalog/wz774ws7198 ff. 129r 99 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Year Source 1127 Gesta regum Anglorum by Will iam of Malmesbury Name http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=cotton_ms_claudius_c_ix_f018r Cotton MS Claudius C IX, ff 18–103, Bruneforde: 39v Text in English: http://www.gutenberg.org/files/50778/50778-h/50778-h.htm 1133 Henry of Huntingdon's His toria Anglorum http://manuscripts.thewalters.org/viewer.php?id=W.793#page/114/mode/2up fol. 53v late 12th C the Chronicle of Melrose B. J. Stevenson https://books.google.is/books?id=gvQHAAAAQAAJ&printsec=frontcover&hl=is&source=gbs_ge_summa ry_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q=brun&f=false 100 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Year Source Name Ca. 1225 Egil´s saga - text Text in Icelandic and English: http://sagadb.org/egils_saga.is http://sagadb.org/egils_saga.en Þetubrot (AM 162, around 1240-1260: https://handrit.is/is/manuscript/imaging/is/AM02-0162A-theta#page/1r++(1+af+17)/mode/2up Möðruvallabók (AM 132, around 1320-1350): https://handrit.is/en/manuscript/imaging/is/AM02-0132/62v-99r#page/62v++(1+of+74)/mode/2up Unknowne nglish transl. 1627 Annals of Clonmacnoise, Irish Annals 101 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Transcript: 1695 Map of Ango Saxon Heptarchy by Robert Morden 102 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 14 Hunwick In chapter 5 it was shown that nearly all the older sources claim that the battle of Brunanburh was fought in Northumbria. It was also reasoned that in Egil’s saga as the story unfolds, it points towards it being fought in the land of St Cuthbert, that is the area between the rivers Wear and Tyne. That links the name of the battle of Vínu in Egil’s saga and Weondune by Simeon of Durham to the area around the old Roman fort of Vinovia in Hunwick. In this chapter we want to show how the field in Hunwick has all the qualities to be expected of field of utmost prominence to host a battle of such a magnitude; key elements being: • • • • • • • • • • Transportation Centrality A burh or a fort – Vinovia fort Directions Neutrality and borders Landmarks Level field Water - Wells Fire Burials In chapter 5 “Of the gathering of the host” it is reasoned that the main target of the invasion, so late in the year must have been York. Hunwick the proposed battlefield would have been the place where the advance of the coalition was stopped. The proposed field The first place north of the Vinovia fort on Dere Street is the town of Hunwick. Overview of Hunwick. Picture by Google Maps. This little town is the first stop on the old Roman road north of the bridge by Vinovia. There is only one mile from the bridge over the River Wear to Hunwick. It is one mile north of one of the oldest Anglo-Saxon church in England in Escomb. 103 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga On the following map we can see an overview of the possible battleground north of Hunwick. On the north western side, the battlefield is limited by the Helmington beck which runs into the River Wear. On the following illustration to the right we have the overview with the field area marked in the red polygon, the red line is the Roman road, Dere Street (B6286). On the picture to the left there is close up of the battlefield. Proposed battlefield Proposed battlefield Vinovia fort Picture by Google Maps and openstreetmap.org of the proposed battlefield in Hunwick Transportation At the time of battle there were not many options for mobilizing and moving an army from Scotland to England, it was either by sea or by the Roman road of Dere Street. That is if the target was to take York. Hunwick is by this main road from York to Scotland and it is reasonable to assume that it would suit both armies for the battle of Brunanburh. 104 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Vinovia The red line shows Dere Street.88 Northumbria and main Roman roads in England89 This advantage was used by armies in early battles between England and Scotland as can be seen on the following list of battles in tenth to twelfth century: The following is a list and short notes of early battles between England and Scotland. 90 Year Name Notes 937 Battle of Brunanburh Anglo-Saxon victory over the combined armies of the kingdoms of Scotland, Dublin and Strathclyde. 1016/1018 Battle of Carham Victory for Malcolm II over Huctred, son of Waldef. Believed to have won Lothian for Scotland. 1093 Battle of Alnwick While besieging Alnwick Malcolm III was killed by knights led by Robert de Mowbray and his army fled. 1138 Battle of Clitheroe An English army was routed by William fitz Duncan. 1138 Battle of the Standard David I routed by an army led by William of Aumale. Also known as the Battle of Northallerton. 1174 Battle of Alnwick William I of Scotland was captured by a small English force led by Ranulf de Glanvill. 88 https://www.openstreetmap.org/relation/7615495#map=13/54.7562/-1.6352 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roman_roads_in_Britannia 90 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_battles_between_Scotland_and_England 89 105 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 1016/1018 Carham 1093 and 1174 Alnwick Vinovia - Hunwick 1138 Northallerton 1138 Clitheroe Map by Google Maps: Battles in the north The battles of Carham and Alnwick are easily explainable, they were for the control of northern part of Northumbria or old Bernicia. The seat of Northumbria was at Bamburgh and they used the field in Carham for battles later the seat of the Duke of Northumberland moved from Bamburgh to Alnwick Castle. That makes the battles in 1138 much more interesting in relation to the Battle of Brunanburh, two centuries earlier. It seems that the Scottish campaign in 1138 by King David I is remarkably similar of how Egil’s saga describes the campaign of King Olaf of the battle of Brunanburh or Vínheiði. The first step was to get control of the northern part of Northumbria or Bernicia. Luckily for David, Eustace fitz John had declared for him and handed over Alnwick Castle in Northumberland or in fact the control of northern part of Northumbria91. Egil´s saga only mentions King Olaf but he and thus King Constantine of Scotland had to fight earl Álfgeir and earl Goðrek for this land came out victorious. The next step differs slightly as King David was already the prince of the Cumbrians from 1113 to 1124 and later King of Scotland from 1124 to 1153 and therefore had control of the Cumbrians. According to Egil’s saga it says the Britons; presumably the Strathclyde Britons and Cumbrians, joined the forces of King Olaf [and King Constantine] after they had gained control of northern Northumbria or half of Álfgeir’s land as it is portrayed in the poem. As King David had control over the Cumbrians, he split his army into two forces. One of them, commanded by William fitz Duncan, marched into Lancashire and won battle at 91 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_the_Standard 106 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Clitheroe before joining the main army at Northallerton. Though controlling the Cumbrians, David and his main force of Scots used Dere Street and ended up at Northallerton. That is the Scots used the main road. Thus, there is a good reason to assume that the forces of Olaf and Constantine also used Dere street and likely ended up somewhere close to Northallerton. Kirsten Møller has suggested that Northallerton was the battlefield of Brunanburh. She pointed out a story in a rhymed chronicle by the Anglo-Norman author Peter Langtoft who wrote at the beginning of the 14th century: French original V rays et VII countes of lur garnisoun, Sunt de Danemark venuz en Alvertoun. Northumberland ount pris et fet destruction Jekes en Everwik ount tot en baundoun, Assemblez sunt les freres attyrent lur dragoun, Et vount á la bataylle et fount occisioun Sur les rays Danays .. Le terce jour pur veir, après le Assencioun Furent les Daneis en perdicioun; Tuez sont les rays et counte et baroun. Elfred prent sun frére, Of grant decocioun. Vers Everwik s´en vount processioun. English translation V Kings and VII earls with their forces are come from Denmark into Alverton. they have taken Northumbria and made destruction; they have all as far as York at their will. The brothers are assembled, raise their dragon, and go to the battle, and make slaughter on the Danish kings. The third day in truth, after the Ascension, The Danes were in perdition; The kings were slain and earl and baron. Ethelred takes his brother, with great devotion. They go to York in procession. Alvertoun is Northallerton, but the king mentioned is Æthelred who reigned from 865-871. Kirsten suggests that the name Æthelred is a mistake, it should be Æthelstan as Æthelred had no business fighting up north. This theory is worth investigating. Northallerton is North of the River Humber and South of the River Tyne as is Hunwick and only 28 miles southeast of Hunwick. Northallerton was close to the Roman Road, and possibly there was a field of prominence here too. As this poem is a much later and is only partly confirmed in other sources, this makes it difficult to validate the location at Northallerton. Others claim Carham to be the battle site of Brunanburh. Robert Morden made a map of the Anglo-Saxon Heptarchy that he published in 1695. On that map he places Brunanburh near Bebbanburh or Bamburgh. It is not known what information Robert had when he placed it there but he must have been confident it was in Northumbria, confident enough to put it on his map. Notice how few places are listed on the following map in Northumbria, Brunanburh is one of them. 107 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Map of the Anglo-Saxon Heptarchy by Robert Morden, drawn and published in 1695. Imaged by Heritage Auctions, HA.com With similar reasoning, professor Andrew Breeze has argued for Lanchester, since the Roman fort of Longovicium overlooks the point where the road known as Dere Street crossed the River Browney.lx The river Browney is a largest tributary of the River Wear. He interprets 'Brunanburh' as 'stronghold of the Browney', referring to the Roman fort of Longovicium. Lanchester is only 11 miles north of Hunwick. Also, with similar reasoning has David Shotten reasoned for Durham. 108 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga As this book uses Egil´s saga to locate the battlefield, Carham was more likely to be the place of the first battle when the English lost half of Northumbria (see Chapter 5). Hunwick is located 90 miles south of Carham and is only 40 miles north of Northallerton. Hunwick seems to have a stronger connection to key elements in Egil´s saga and older sources like a river or a large forest etc. These key elements will be covered in more detail in following subchapters. Interestingly the main road Dere street was not the only way to Hunwick. There is a medieval source from 153392, that describes ten barrels of herrings being shipped from Berwick to Durham.lxi Furthermore in Hunwick parts of pillars of a harbour that are thought to be of a Viking origin have been found. That would suggest that at the time of the battle the River Wear could have been used to transport supplies. Topology map of Hunwick: https://en-gb.topographic-map.com/maps/aqu3/Hunwick/ It is possible the River Wear was navigable as far as to Escomb. Os or Aesc can have meaning as (ás), comb meaning backwater, suggest that Escomb to be the end of navigation. By Mount Tallon there is Osmaril that might have similar meaning and reference to the gods as os. More importantly Hunwick was a junction of two or even possibly three Roman roads. Vinovia and the bridge over the Wear formed a node of the Roman road system in the North. Dere Street (Margary 8) was joined to the south of the bridge by M820 from Barnard Castle and the cross-Pennine route M82. Northward M83 leads from Dere Street to Durham eventually to join M80 which runs north-south parallel with Dere Street93. So, it can be said that all roads in the area lead to Hunwick 92 93 David Shotten. David Widell using the map http://keithbriggs.info/images/Roman_roads_Margary.png 109 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Roman roads around Vinovia/Binchester.94 Centrality Interestingly Hunwick and Vinovia are halfway from the most northern part of Scotland and to the most southern part of England. Google map Picture showing the location of Vinovia or Binchester fort. 94 http://keithbriggs.info/images/Roman_roads_Margary.png 110 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga The fort of Vinovia near Hunwick was of a great importance to the Romans. The fort was presumably a great administration point for centuries. The administration of the whole of Northumbria would have been easy from there, as most areas could be reached in a day’s ride. The field in Hunwick opposite the fort might have been used for the governance of local matters that did not interest the Romans such as burials, some court rulings and other local governing and religious activities. The Romans were also known for siting their forts and burhs close to important local sites. There is a long history of industrial and mining activity in Hunwick and in nearby districts, far older than the Roman occupation. This is the area where coal mining was initiated by mining the coal from the surface of the earth. There is the Roman Road cutting through and the crossing over the River Wear. This suggests the meaning of Hunwick or as known in some documents and charters as: Hunewice. The meaning of the former part of the word Hun/Hune has not been established, but is thought to refer to unknown man of the name Huna and some milk farm in the Dictionary of British Place Names. We assume that it is a possible that the name Hunewicke derives from the Anglo-Saxon word “heonan“. Heonan describes a location were a motion comes from, that is from this place or spot to there. It is also where distance is measured from or direction is determined from. Hiona and ðona is the same as in Icelandic “héðan and þaðan“. That matches the theory, that Hunewicke was the field from which all the settlement in Northumbria south of the River Tyne was determined and organized by. Wicke then drawn from the word “Vígi” for a battle. It was so in the Germanic sacred places that two people might have to fight for their right and that is called “hólmganga” or “einvígi” and places of prominence might draw their name from this event. In the chapter “15 - Alignment to Northumbria - The land of the gods” it is reasoned and shown how Hunwick could have been the central point for the old settlements in Northumbria. A burh or a fort – Vinovia fort The second part of the name of Brunanburh has been written many different ways. Burth, burh, werc, byrig, ford and even duin. Though it varies greatly they all mean the same thing; that is a stronghold or a fort. This is commonly agreed upon. The Icelandic words for a fort are for instance: borg, vígi, virki, byrgi or hamrar. Near Hunwick there is the old Roman fort of Vinovia this is remarkably similar to the alternative name of the battle of Brunanburh of Weondune given by Simeon of Durham and Vínu in Egil´s saga. Refer to the subchapter “Vinovia or near Vínu” in the chapter 5 “Of the gathering of the host” for more detail. 111 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Directions Hunwick is by the large forest of the north Pennines and the River Wear. It is on the high path on the Roman Road leading to Hadrian’s Wall. In his poem of praise for King Athelstan after the battle of Brunanburh, Egill claims that now is the highest path, where stag trod, under the control of King Athelstan. English translation by W. C. Green 'Reindeer [Stag-trod] hills obey Brave Athelstan's high sway.' Meaning in English Icelandic original text Now is the highest path where stag [male reindeer or a male deer] trod under the control of brave Athelstan Nú liggr hæst und hraustum hreinbraut Aðalsteini. It is believed that reindeer once roamed Britain but that wild populations were wiped out 10.000 years ago. Some concluded that the reindeers still roamed in Scotland 1.000 years ago because of the following line in Orkney saga: „Þat var sidr jarla nær huert sumar at fara yfir a Katanes ok þar vpp a merkr at veida rauddyri edr hreina.“95 The sentence would translate as: It was the custom of the earls to go nearly every summer over to Caithness and there up on the moor hunting for red-dear or (reindeer) stags. The direct translation of “hreina” is reindeer stags but on the context, it is most likely just stags or stags of red-deer, meaning the red-deer to be the female deer. That would be consistent with “hreinbraut” in Egil’s poem meaning stags, that is the word hreinn is used as a stag of a deer whether it would be a reindeer or other kind of deer. It was also poetic need to have a word with an h to it. Comparing the two stags, there is not much difference between the two. Image of a reindeer stag by Are G Nilsen96 Image of red deer stag by Lviatour97 Due east from Hunwick there is the Hartlepool Abbey of St Hilda were the sun rises right at the equinox, at 33 km. distance (20.5 miles). The Northumbrian chronicle writer Bede referred to Hartlepool as the 95 https://www.heimskringla.no/wiki/Orkneyinga_saga 96 By Are G Nilsen, CC BY-SA 3.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=52946318 By Lviatour - Own work, CC BY-SA 3.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=16566391 97 112 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga place where “deer come to drink” 98, thus the name Hart (hjört in Icelandic) for deer and the pool they drank from. Due south from Hunwick there is Richmond Castle also at a 33 km distance (20.5 miles). The name for the place before William the Conqueror gave it to Alan, his kinsman for his service in the battle of Hastings, was Hinderlag. The former part of this word refers the female word of deer which is called “hind” and the latter one relates to place where the hinds stay. It is clear that the Hart and deer signified direction in the old society. This can see from this part of the old Drápa in Egil’s saga and in the description of the Yggdrasil’s ash. This is signified by the setting of places around Hunwick. The directions from Hunwick and the prominence of the field is further explained in chapter 15 – The land of the Gods in Northumbria. Neutrality and borders According to Egil´s saga: The council sent messengers to king Olaf, giving out this as their errand, that king Athelstan would fain enhazel him a field and offer battle on Vinheith by Vinewood; meanwhile he would have them forbear to harry his land; but of the twain he should rule England who should conquer in the battle. If it is to be believed that the two parties agreed upon a battlefield, then it must be on a neutral ground. Such a neutral ground would most likely be near a border of the old settlements or in a field in the centre of a community or a county. It is completely in character for Athelstan to have the battle near a border. Many important events in Athelstan’s life seems to happen around borders. Firstly his coronation took place at Kingston upon Thames, a symbolic location on the border between Wessex and Mercia. Finally, he was buried at Malmesbury Abbey on the border between Wessex and Mercia. Interestingly Hunwick is in the land of St Cuthbert, the ultimate area of neutrality and border between Northumbria and York. The district of neutrality was between the River Wear and the River Tyne and was agreed upon by King Guthred and King Aelfred, in the year 882 AD; that this district was given to the church by both parties and the church would become a safe place of a refuge for fugitives. The asylum should not be violated upon any pretence whatever. This sanction was reinforced by King Athelstan after the pagan King named Reingwald broke the sanction when he advanced into York and seized the whole of the land of St Cuthbert around 910 AD. lxii St Cuthbert (c. 634-687 AD) was a saint of the early Northumbrian church. After his death he became one of the most important saints of Northern England, with followers who rated highly his tomb at the Durham Cathedral and Chester-Le-Street.99 Convincing evidence is in the writing of Simeon of Durham in his history of the church of Durham, with the following text in translation from Latin by the rev. Joseph Stevensonlxiii. 98 99 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hartlepool https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cuthbert 113 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga In the fourth year after his, that is to say, in the year nine hundred and thirty-seven of our Lord´s nativity, Ethelstan fought at Weardune [Weondune in the original Latin text] (which is called by another name Aet-Brunnanwerc, or Brunnanbyrig) against Onlaf the son of Guthred, the late king, who had arrived with a fleet of six hundred and fifteen ships, supported by the auxiliaries of the kings recently spoken of, that is to say, of the Scots and Cumbrians. But trusting in the protection of St Cuthbert, he slew a countless multitude of these people, and drove those kings out of his realm; earning for his own soldiers a glorious victory. Though he was thus formidable on every side to his enemies, he was peaceful towards his own subjects, and having passed the remainder of his life in repose, he left the monarchy of the kingdom to his brother Edmund. Simeon of Durham is directly stating that the battle was fought in Northumbria or more accurately in the district of the church of St Cuthbert. Landmark It is important that the battle was set at a known landmark for both parties to navigate to. According to Egil´s saga the organization of the battle-site was set as such: The council sent messengers to king Olaf, giving out this as their errand, that king Athelstan would fain hazel him a field and offer battle on Vinheith by Vinewood; meanwhile he would have them forbear to harry his land; but of the twain he should rule England who should conquer in the battle. King Athelstan proposed that they would meet at a specific battlefield by “Vínheiði”. Such a chosen place would need to have a distinctive landmark. The old and ruined fort of Vinovia and the bridge over the River Wear would surely be considered such a landmark, a place both sides would know and could easily navigate to. That could make it possible that Brunan means “the bridge”. Referring to the fort of Vinovia as it was a fort by the bridge over the River Wear. Here it is interesting to view the oldest map of Britain, the Matthew Paris map of Great Britain. St Albans from c. 1250. 114 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Image of Matthew Paris map of Great Britain. St Albans, c. 1250lxiv Dunelmu is a known reference to Durham and fits well with its place in the map. Next to Dunelmu to the west is a place named “duo brach” on the map. This place has never been located, but was important enough to be shown on the map. Brach is probably related to; Bryggja in Icelandic, Brücke in German, Brugge in Belgium and Bruges in French which all mean a bridge or harbour in English. Thus, brach is most likely reference to a bridge or a quay. The Icelandic name for bridge is brú or brúin (brúin, brúna, brúnni, brúarinnar), bro or broen in Danish. Duo is two in Latin, possibly referring to two bridges over the River Wear. The main bridge was at Vinovia on Dere street, but some have speculated that there was another bridge crossing the river bit further down. The plural of bridges in Icelandic are brýrnar, brúnum, brúnna. The second bridge in this instance might be a at the harbour sites by Hunwick in the River Wear. Bryggja means also a quay or a harbour. There are some old harbour poles in the River Wear at Hunwick, that local people are certain are of the Viking era. The meaning might have been two quays as the landing at Hunwick might have been a busy place with all this coal around. Level field The text in Egil´s saga describes the field as follows: North of the heath stood a town. There in the town king Olaf quartered, and there he had the greatest part of his force, because there was a wide district around which seemed to him convenient for the bringing in of such provisions as the army needed. But he sent men of his own up to the heath where the battlefield was appointed; these were to take camping ground, and make all ready before the army 115 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga came. But when the men came to the place where the field was hazelled, there were all the hazel poles set up to mark the ground where the battle should be. The place ought to be chosen level, and whereon a large host might be set in array. And such was this; for in the place where the battle was to be the heath was level, with a river flowing on one side, on the other a large wood. But where the distance between the wood and the river was least (though this was a good long stretch), there king Athelstan's men had pitched, and their tents quite filled the space between wood and river. The Cambridge dictionary defines “heath” as “an area of land that is not used for growing crops, where grass and other small plants grow, but where there are few trees or bushes”. In the original Icelandic original text, the word is “heiði”. Of similar definition as heath but “heiði” is also associated with area of higher altitude, that is you go over the “heiði”. A moor would probably be a more accurate translation of “heiði” than heath, but the Cambridge dictionary defines a “moor” as “an open area of hills covered with rough grass, especially in Britain”. The area between Hunwick and Durham/Lanchester would perfectly fit the description of the Icelandic word “heiði” or moor and it is no surprise that place names in that area are filled with Moors like Spennymoor, Langley Moor and Ushaw Moor. Map by: Google maps showing moors around Hunwick Egil´s saga gives the name of Vínu for the battle place in the poem but Vínheiði in the text which could even be rephrased as the heath by Vínu. Simeon of Durham gives the battle of Brunanburh an alternative name as Weondune. In old English dune means a hill, so dune in old English and heiði in Icelandic have a similar meaning. 116 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Vínu in Icelandic means wine, same as vino in Latin and it is not a big leap to assume that Weon also means wine. Looking from the perspective of Durham, Hunwick is on the heath/moor/dune towards the fort of Vinovia or the area of Vino. The meaning of Vínu is described in more detail in the subchapter of “Vinovia or near Vínu” in the Chapter 5 “Of the gathering of the host”. The saga also describes also a river and a forest. Hunwick is near both; the Roman road crosses over the Helmington beck and then the road lies southward to a forest that was there in earlier times. It was known as the Bayerle forest. The beck turns by the proposed battlesite, very similar to the description in Egil´s saga “distance between the wood and the river was the least.” Proposed battlefield Vinovia fort Picture by Google Maps and openstreetmap.org of the proposed battlefield in Hunwick Also described in Egil´s saga the place ought to be level and the field in Hunwick happens to be naturally levelled. In matter of fact it so level that the locals have put the cricked field on it and a football pitches on it as shown in the following picture. Overview over the field in Hunwick. Photograph by Stefán Björnsson 117 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Water - Wells One of most important resources needed was water, the most basic human need. There is a strong remanence of the area around Hunwick being associated with a well or even numerous wells and in Hunwick there is easy access to fresh water in abundance and the town was known for its water supplies. A well is brunnur in Icelandic, brunnen in German, brunn in Swedish, brønd in Danish. So, all this water supply in Hunwick could link the area to the name of Brunanburh. There are two wells in Hunwick these are thought to be of a Roman origin and both of these are close to the Roman Road as well as the proposed field itself. Both these wells might have been part of the Brunanburh set up. According to Egil´s saga the line-up was from the river to the wood and it was a long way. The two wells close to the old Roman Road are shown on the map below. Proposed battlefield The two ancient wells in Hunwick. Map by: Google maps. Red lines show possible line where the king’s men camped on the slope on the Roman Road between the two ancient wells. One of the wells is not visible now but it is on the corner to the entrance of The Quarry Burn. The well would have been next to Dere Street and right on the spot where we expect the king’s men met their adversaries when they came from the north to camp. We show a possible line up (in red) of the Kings men from this point and southeast on the slope north of the Roman road. The eastern well in Hunwick. Map by: Google maps. Red line shows possible defence line. Blue arrow points to Roman well. 118 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga The well is close to the Helmington Beck and is located where a bench on the green is shown with a blue arrow. The location of this well is where we suppose that the two armies met when the northerners arrived at the battle site and came to meet an armoured human shield that did not allow the men to get into the town of Hunwick. According to a local resident the well was excavated in the 1980s and found two wells on the spot. This slope is close to the proposed battlefield. Roman well in Hunwick. Photograph: Björn Vernharðsson The other well is also nearby the proposed battlefield in Hunwick. This well may also have been of a Roman origin. The well is now disused but still partially visible, now with a later design of a Victorian construction. Second well in Hunwick. Map by: Google maps Red line shows possible defence line on the slope. Alister Ruddick, a local of Hunwick, said there were even more wells in the area at least one of them thought to be from the Iron age. 119 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga There is also an area named Holy Well that is in close proximity north of Constantine farm. Google map showing Holy well in relations to the proposed battlefield. It is a distant possibility that the Holy Well might have some significance in the naming of Brunanburh. It could have some significance in healing the wounded and therefrom the name of Holy Well Burn. As the Scots and their allies fled north-westward according to the story, they might have camped by the Holy Well to heal the wounded before they could leave for home. There are numerous wells around the proposed field and in other fields in Hunwick around the main field, as expected these wells did serve people coming from afar to take part in festivities in the main field. This supports the theory that there was a field of high prominence in Hunwick. People came in flocks and from away to stay for some days for festivities, the market, court duty and other social activities. It begs the question why did the field in Hunwick not show in Royal rolls, which gave licence for such markets in Medieval England. The answer to that is this place was in an independent area in Northumbria and was not part of England, that is in the land of St Cuthbert. This field was taken out of use after this battle, because it signified the law and the court. It signified the parliament and the freedom of the people. There was no building there because this field was dedicated to the gods. No one owned this field and there was nothing there. Hyde Park is an attempt to imitate this with its observatory and a free and open field. All information that could lead to this field in Hunwick was destroyed, because that threatened the Royalty and the Roman Catholic Church. 120 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Fire As the battle took place in autumn it would be crucial that the camped army would have material to make camp fires for warmth and cooking. As Hunwick was near the forest it would be possible to gather wood but coal would be much better. Luckily Hunwick is known for its coal, at the time of the battle there was large amount of it there. Ymbe Brunanburh, around Brunanburh: what a magnificent sight it must have been if the camp was in Hunwick or around it, numerous fireplaces fuelled by coal that lit up the cold nights before the battle. So magnificent that even the battle could have been named after it. One possibility is that Brunan refers to brenna or brunnin in Icelandic meaning burnt or burning like burning campfires. The coal in Hunwick was valuable as it was used to make iron. So valuable in fact that it was one of the main reasons why the Roman empire decided to invade Britain. Caesar wrote that, "The Britons have a huge number of cattle, they use gold coins or iron bars as their money, and produce tin and iron." 100 There is an old furness mill or smelting house by the field in Hunwick dated from the iron age, well before the time of the Romans according to local sources 101. The road north of the field down to the River Wear is also thought of being from Anglo/Saxon times according to local sources 102. There is also local information that claim that there was made geophysical survey on the land by the River Wear that indicate the existence of possible circular structure which could be of Iron Age or even Saxon in origin. An archaeological dig was to be organised but it is on hold due the covid-19 situation103. It is no coincidence that the biggest Roman fort was placed in Vinovia near Hunwick, it was to dominate the area where the coal and iron making was, as it was so valuable for the Romans. The coal was even valuable in the 16th to the 18th century, so much so that in this area rail roads were widely used leading to the development of the Railways. Rail roads were used to transport coal it to the harbours on the coast. The area near Hunwick was an early user of the rail roads. “As early as 1671 railed roads were in use in Durham to ease the conveyance of coal; the first of these was the Tanfield Wagonway. Many of these tramroads or wagon ways were built in the 17th and 18th centuries. They used simple straight and parallel rails of timber on which carts with simple flanged iron wheels were drawn by horses, enabling several wagons to be moved simultaneously.” 104 Another strange link in Egil´s saga to Hunwick regards Coke and iron making. In Egil´s saga there is a description of the industrious Skalla-Grim, the father of Egill and Thorolf: Skalla-Grim was a good iron-smith, and in winter wrought much in red iron ore. He had a smithy set up some way out from Borg, close by the sea, at a place now called Raufar-ness. Also, his father Kveldúlfur was also known for his skill as a blacksmith. 100 https://bam.files.bbci.co.uk/bam/live/content/zc6w7ty/transcript Alister Ruddick, Ian Richardsson. (2019). Verbal account on site. 102 Alister Ruddick, Ian Richardsson. (2018). Verbal account on site. 103 Alister Ruddick. (2020). Email on the 26.10.2020. 104 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_rail_transport_in_Great_Britain 101 121 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Burials If Hunwick is truly to be a contender for the battle of Brunanburh then there must have been burials there. The problem is that no one has ever looked seriously for burials in or near Hunwick. Map by Google: proposed battlefield in Hunwick and possibly Anglo-Saxon graveyard The red polygon on the map shows the area of the proposed battlefield but the blue square north of the field is a site thought of as being of Anglo-Saxon origin. The site bear marks of being a possible AngloSaxon cemetery, as can be seen on the picture below, as there are small mounds in the area. Proposed Anglo-Saxon cemetery north of the sports field in Hunwick Photograph by: Björn Vernharðsson 122 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga If the field at Hunwick was a place of battle it is likely that there are a graveyards close to it. According to Egil’s saga and the Brunanburh Poem the Northerners and their allies fled to the West from the field. The following poem by Egill describes the men fled west and were killed there in their attempt to escape. Icelandic original text 1) Valköstum hlóðk vestan vang fyr merkistangir. 2) Ótt vas él þats sóttak Aðgils bláum Naðri. 3) Háði ungr við Engla Áleifr þrimu stála. 4) Helt, né hrafnar sultu, Hringr á vápna þingi. Meaning in English 1) I stacked up dead people, west of the marked battlefield. 2) There was a fierce battle where I sought out (killed) Adils with my blue sword “Naðri”. 3) Young Olaf battled with the English. 4) The ravens did not starve. Hringur dedicated himself (died) in battle. There are three possible sites for graveyards directly West of the field, serving three different religions and people of different origins. These sites are the Oak´s Row church, the Constantine and the cemetery in Howden le Wear. One-mile due south from Hunwick there is Escomb, which is the one of the oldest Anglo/Saxon church in England. Google map showing five possible graveyards and Holy Well West of the field One-mile due West from the possible Anglo-Saxon graveyard in Hunwick, there was a church on a site called Oak’s Row. This old church was taken down and moved around 1870s 105. Oaks have a special meaning in Anglo-Saxon mythology as being the focal points of reverence. That refers to places in which 105 Stephen Wragg. (2019). Verbal note 123 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga people gathered to stave off terrors and appease their anxieties. They would come to the oak to pour out the desires of their hearts and to seek comfort and help in sadness. It is possible that this old church at Oak’s Row was used as a graveyard for the local folk as it was the closest to the battlefield. Further due West by half a mile from the site of the church at Oak´s Row there is a farm named Constantine. The name is not common in the Anglo-Saxon or Nordic languages, so it begs the question why there would be a place that bears such a name? Unfortunately, there are no sources for the origin of the name or how old this place is. The oldest source known for the name is that it was just called Constantine in the Ordnance Survey and the Ordnance Survey of Scotland’s First Series from 1804. Very close to Constantine there is a place referred to which is even on older maps as Castles at Hallow or Holy Well Lane. There are ruins of an old structure that has not been investigated. Refer to the map above for better overview of these sites mentioned. Proposed battlefield Ordinance Survey of Scotland First Series from 1804 Older map provided by Alister Ruddick This farm and the ruins north of it could relate to King Constantine (Constantín mac Áeda) of Scotland who fought in the battle of Brunanburh. In Egil’s saga and in Ingulph’s chronicle it is written that the leader of the Scots was killed in the battle, but in the annals of Clonmacnoise from Ireland it is stated that it was the prince of Scotland Cesallagh who was slain. The poem Brunanburh states that King Constantine was severed from his kin in the battle. There might have been a burial at Constantine for the Scots and hence the name for this place is a possible memorial site for the lost son and a burial site for his dead men. Due West of Constantine and yet in a half mile distant again there is a place called Howden-le-Wear. According to the “A Dictionary of Place-Names, Giving Derivations“ from the year 1887 the place name of Howden is comprised of How meaning haugr or mound and den meaning a valleylxv. Similarly How Tallon for the burial mound on the Tallon near Helwith. Haugr is the name of the burial used by the Vikings. It can be argued that instead of a Valley, den refers to Dene or Dena which means Danes in Anglo-Saxon.lxvi Therefore it is likely that original meaning of Howden was literally the burial of the Danes. The invading army from Dublin was mostly of Danish Vikings. Therefore, it is important to search further into Howdenle Wear for possible sites for Viking burial mounds. If the meaning is valley but not Dane as suggested in the old dictionary, then that makes it even more interesting, as it would refer to be the “Valley of the Dead”. One mile south of Hunwick there is the very old church of Escomb, which also could have served for burying the dead men probably the King’s men, rather than the northerners. These three possible burials site west of Hunwick, strengthen the theory that the battle of Brunanburh was fought there. It is an important sign that there are three different possible burial sites, each connected to different segments of the invading army and all of them in a straight line west of the field. This line West of Hunwick ends in the mountaintops of Chapel Fell in the Pennines which is 20.5 miles from the possible Anglo-Saxon graveyard. Further West in the Pennines is the mountaintop of Cross Fell. 124 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Due East from the possible graveyard in Hunwick there is the St Hilda’s Abbey at the harbour site in Hartlepool also at 20.5 miles distance. Map of Cemeteries around Hunwick with directions to Chapel Fell as St Hilda Abbey in Hartlepool. Only one-mile due south of Hunwick there is the church in Escomb. This church is one of the oldest AngloSaxon church in England founded about AD 670–675 built in the time of the battle of Winwæde. In thanksgiving for his victory at an unknown stream at Winwæde in 654, King Oswiu donated 12 royal estates, 6 in Bernicia and 6 in Deira, as foundations of monasteries that were to be always free from military service to the kingdom and he ordered this first church in England to be built. The old Anglo-Saxon church in Escomb.106 The location of the church indicates that the battle by the River Win-wæde was close to this church. The similarities of the names Weon-dune and Win-wæde also indicate that these two battles were fought at the same place by the River Wear. There is also a clue given by the fact that the stones used to build the 106 Photograph from: https://escombsaxonchurch.co.uk/ 125 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga church came from the Vinovia fort. It is possible that here might also had been buried some of the victims from the Brunanburh battle due to the close proximity to the field and the significance of the church. Refer to the subchapter on “Winwede” in the chapter 5 “Of the gathering of the host” for more details. Close to Hunwick there is Sedgefield, 15 miles distant. There is an old folk tale of a royal burial near Sedgefield, just a few miles directly east of Hunwick. The folk tale might not have anything a do with the battle of Brunanburh but in this battle many royals died. It is not far-fetched to assume that the royal remains would have been moved a few miles from the battlefield to get a proper burial in a chosen site. Sedgefield is over the river from Hunwick and would be considered in the land of York or the old Deira whereas Hunwick was in the land of St Cuthbert. A little further from Hunwick there is St Andrew´s Church in Pentrih or Eamont Bridge only 56 miles to the West, where the “The Giant’s Grave” is located. Eamont Bridge is the place were in the year 927 King Constantine of Alba (part of Scotland), King Hywel Dda of Deheubarth (Wales), Ealdred of Bamburgh (northern part of Northumbria), and King Owen of Strathclyde (part of Scotland and Cumbria) met to accept King Athelstan as their overlord. Map by: Google maps. 56 miles long Road from Hunwick to Penrith. It is thought that this collection of hogback tombstones and two ancient crosses, shown on the illustrations below are to be from the 10th century. One of the suggestions is that this was the resting place of King Owen of Strathclyde, who accepted Athelstan as his overlord at Eamont Bridge in the year 927 and was considered of have died in the battle of Brunanburh in the year 937. A journey of 56 miles would not be considered a long distance to move the remains of a king to provide him a proper burial in Cumbrian soil. 126 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Pictures by H.E. Bulstrode, Facebook; British Medieval History Pictures of the Giant’s Grave, St Andrew Church, Penrith When the burial plot was opened in the seventeenth century, it was found to contain two exceptionally long leg bones together with a broadsword. When the neighbouring church was rebuilt in 1720 the churchwardens initially ordered that the monument be demolished. However, the indignation of the people of Penrith forced them to renege upon their decision, and forced them to return the stones to where we see them today, which is where they had been arranged in the preceding century. Unfortunately, the condition of the carvings on this group of stones has deteriorated greatly in recent decades, as can be seen from the drawings here shown, made by Professor W.G. Collingwood in 1921.107 107 H.E.Bulstrode. (2020). Facebook. The Ghostlore and Strange Lore of Britain and Ireland.29th of April, 2020. 127 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Eamont Vinovia Malmesbury Roman roads from Vinovia to Malmesbury108 At this point it is necessary to address the sources of William of Malmesbury and in the Ingulph’s Chronicle both claiming that Athelstan buried his two cousins who died in the battle of Brunanburh in the abbey of Malmesbury, the same place as his own burial.109 The abbey of Malmesbury is in Wessex, right by the borders of Mercia. If the battle was indeed in Hunwick then the question should be raised as to why their remains would have been moved 250-300 miles from Hunwick to Malmesbury. Looking at the map of the Roman Roads it is less strange, following the main Roman roads from Vinovia to York using Dere street, then from York to Lincoln using Ermine street, then this journey will end up in Malmesbury near Gloucester using the Fosse Way. Malmesbury is the first stop on the main Roman roads into the land of Wessex. It seems not unreasonable that the remains of Wessex royalty, dear to Athelstan, should have been moved to receive a proper burial in a Wessex soil. 108 109 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roman_roads_in_Britannia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C3%86thelstan#cite_note-148 128 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Findings and interesting sites in Hunwick and around Local residents in Hunwick have pointed out fascinating facts and various findings and stories that could have some importance in our quest to locate the battle of Brunanburh in Hunwick. Amongst others Mr. Alister Ruddick has been the most involved. 1. Saxon spear heads There have been reports of Saxon spear heads found in the vicinity of the battlefield. We have not been able to find an appropriate registration for these finds. 2. A necklace A Necklace was dug up down at Railway Terrace that looked Saxon in design. Unfortunately, we cannot contact the owner and the finder of this necklace. 3. Roman Coins Roman coins have been dug up in Hunwick by a metal detectorist. This suggests that the Romans had more contact with Hunwick in earlier times and their activity was obvious in the area. 4. An Axe A Neolithic or Bronze Age axe was found in Hunwick. Indicating that people were using this area long before the Romans came there. Again, a registration of this find is unknown. 5. Cropmarks, humps and ridged land by the Helmington Beck – Dead´s man drop Helmington is an interesting name for a small beck in this landscape. The beck is immediately west of the field in Hunwick. There could have been a guard post on the beck on the old Roman road. This might be the first outpost from the main fort at Vinovia as Helmington refers to Helms or Heads and “ton” to an outpost or small living quarters of few people and from that the name Helmington might have originated.110 In the Dictionary of British Place Names the name is thought to be drawn from a row of houses by a helmet-shaped hill. Helmington Beck in Hunwick has the look of an innocent and charming little creek. There might have been more water running through in the year 937 when the Battle of Brunanburh was fought and the area around it more wet than it is today. Local farmer said to our local sources that this area and the area north of the filed has been confirmed to be wetter in former times 111. The local nick name for this innocent looking river is “Dead man‘s drop“, but that name came much later. 110 111 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Helmington_Row Alister Ruddick, Ian Richardsson. (2018). Verbal account on site. 129 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Helmington beck. Hunwick field to the left in the photograph. Photograph by: Peter Hughes. Some un-investigated crop/field marks close to the battlefield that could have some relation to the battle, such as in Rough Lea and close to Helmington beck. Un-investigated humps and mounds near to Helmington Beck could produce some artefacts in relation to the soldiers who were killed in their escape westward. Photograph of a mound by Helmington beck on Hunwick side of the beck. This shows the immediate western side of the proposed battle-field. Photograph by: Peter Hughes 6. Cropmarks south of the field There are some crop marks and circular ground signs on the earth south of the site and close to it that could be interesting to uncover, as these marks might explain some of the history of this area and the field. 130 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Circular ground signs inside marks near the field in Hunwick. Picture from Google Maps. It is unclear what is inside the marks. The white areas look like sub-soil on a slope exposed by overploughing or if these signs will reveal ancient dwellings is a reasonable question to research. 7. Registered cropmark southeast from the field in the Haugh by the River Wear. 8. Field marks by the River Wear close to the bridge by Vinovia. These marks are in a field down by the river. Field marks by the River Wear. Photograph by: Peter Hughes. Close by are further marks and mounds that indicate ancient building sites. 9. Furness mill farm Furness Mill Farm is so called due to Iron Age furnaces or smelting house that was once down there. We can expect that this mill and this ironwork might have had some relation to the field and the fort at Vinovia. 131 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 10. Circular ground signs near the old church site in Hunwick. There are considerable signs in the field close to the old church site in Hunwick close by Firwood Groove and Church Lane. Picture of earth marks in a field close to the old Church site. Photo: Google Maps The red sign shows semi-circular marks. The yellow is a cross shaped form. The blue is double circular feature and the orange one is a long house similar in shape as the old Viking long houses. 11. The treasure: There was a great amount of Viking silver coins dug up in close proximity to Hunwick in the year 2019.112 Local sources say that this was found in Toronto just one-mile south of Hunwick. This hoard is thought to be from the time of the battle of Brunanburh. 12. The Yarm helmet: The famous 10th century Viking helmet was unearthed in Yarm, Stockton-on Tees, only 18 miles from Hunwick. The helmet is undecorated and practical, and such helmets rarely survived as they were recycled and not buried as grave goods. The helmet has only one equal in the world that is the Gjermundbu helmet found in Norway.113 112 Viking coin haul 'of historical significance', https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-tyne-48462460 https://www.prestonparkmuseum.co.uk/preston-park-museum-britains-first-ever-viking-helmetdiscovered/?fbclid=IwAR3i7mnhITC7yKncO3oOmCau8dEzqzyNOaOofc0vFjVA-AVoq-NgpWABH50 113 132 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Picture of the Yarm Helmet, Preston park museum114 Picture of Gjermundbu Helmet, wikpedia.org Helmets are so rare to find as these must be tailor made for the wearer, as ancient swords and weaponry is more common due to its uniformity in making. Norse settlement, Wikipedia.org It can be concluded that a Norse Viking warrior died in the area of Yarm in a battle in the 10th century. Why is that important? Yarm is not in the area of Norse settlements in Britain, see red on the picture above. The Norse, from Norway and Iceland were creating a lot of havoc in Ireland and Scotland in the period. It has also reported that there were two battles in the 10th century; these are the battle at Chester in the year 905 and the great battle of Brunanburh in the year 937. Added to that there is also a possible battle at Stanmore where Eric Bloodaxe it has been suggested died in the year 954. 114 https://www.prestonparkmuseum.co.uk/preston-park-museum-britains-first-ever-viking-helmet-discovered/ 133 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 15 The Land of the Gods in Northumbria We modern people often have just a vague idea of how important directions like the sunrise and sunset and the alignment of the stars were to our forefathers. Due to modern technology such as GPS, most of us could not even point to the right direction even if our lives depended upon it. Important dates like the Solstices and Equinoxes were also important to daily decisions, marking the seasons and days of celebration as well. Thus, we have lost much context when we investigate the lives of our forefathers when we are trying to understand an old society. There is a limit to the information given by history and other sciences. Thankfully modern technology can help us re-learn their ways of thought and give us some the context of old sacred texts, place names and archaeological finds. The land north of the River Tyne and south of the River Swale Pétur Halldórsson and Einar Pálsson have put forward a theory that settlements in the ancient period were aligned in a circle, 33km or 20,5 miles radius from a centrelxvii. The theory is based on Medieval Cosmology. Usually such a cosmic image was set up in a landscape in a circumference that reached to the highest mountains and spiritual places at the time. It seems that it was common practise that in the centre of such a ring there was a field used for an assembly, as a court, for sacrifices and other gatherings like sports or even as a local market. By organizing the settlement in this manner using medieval Cosmology, the heaven is mirrored on the land. Usually these fields were on an open area with good views over the surroundings. From there the sunrise and sunset at both the summer and Winter solstice were measured. The size of the geographical diameter of such a circle was approximately 66 km around 40 miles or half of 432.000 feet from one end to another. Practically why the diameter of such a circle which is close to 66 km, or 33 km radius, is not understood, but it could be related to how far a person could travel on foot in a day. That is, you could travel from each settlement to the centre and back again in a day’s travel. Also, it can be close to one’s horizon on a clear day from the central site. Society was then aligned to the needs of everyday life of the common man as well as for the governing of the county. Völuspá or the Prophecy is an ancient Icelandic poem that is first referred to in the year 960. There are many references in this old poem that seemingly relate to the Northeast England, and the poem could explain how society in the southern part of Northumbria developed throughout the ancient period. In this chapter we will follow the Prophecy in Völuspá and refer to the situation in the Northeast and the Medieval Cosmology as described in Halldórsson work on the subjectlxviii. Readers should be aware that the interpretation of Völuspá in this chapter is unorthodox and linking it to Northumbria is more if philosophical thinking. The translation of Völuspá is the work of the authors. The Prophecy in Völuspá describes how people organized and sensed their environment. They did not create the nature or rule over it, but they sensed it and had to organize the land to make a society that could thrive in this land, and how they could communicate and trade. These people wanted to have justice and fairness among themselves. These were free and independent and saw themselves as equals to other people. The people sensed that they did not own nature, so they created gods who owned it so there would be peace amongst people in the society about the ownership of the common land. 134 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga The origin of the name Vala is uncertain, but it could be closely related to the Anglo-Saxon word walalxix which either means root or richeslxx. Both these names could explain the name of this prophet as it describes the roots of people at a certain time or the riches of the history of the people at a given time. Völuspá Stanza 2 - Nine worlds I remember Below is a map showing most places mentioned in the Prophecy as we can relate them to the Northeast. To the North we have the land of the Etins. This is the site of the land where the sun never shone over the horizon, but it stayed below the horizon even at the longest day in summer. That part of the land is from Hexham to Jarrow. To the West there is the land of the sunset. This is the part of the land where the sun died every day and therefore this part of the land is designated for burials, in this case from Helwith to Hexham. The East side seems to be what the Prophecy refers to as Niðavellir and is Blachamor on the map of UK drawn by Matthew Parisi in the 13th century115. Hunwick aligned to Northumbria south of River Tyne. Map by Google. 115 https://www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/onlineex/mapsviews/mapgb/ 135 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga This text of the poem only covers part of the Prophecy that the authors could relate to the Northeast with some certainty. The second stanza in Völuspá tells us about the Etins (Jötna) as well as the Valva or the Prophet remembered nine worlds with nine wooded rooms and the bright wise tree on the ground below. This stanza is actually the first description of the old world. Etinworld is the place where the sun rests from sunset on Summer Solstice to sunrise the next day. This is the place on the horizon where the sun never passes over. Icelandic original text Eg man jötna ár um borna, þá er forðum mig fædda höfðu. Níu man eg heima, níu íviði, mjötvið mæran fyr mold neðan. English translation I remember Etins early born, those who me former fostered had; Nine Worlds I remember, nine wooded rooms, Wise Tree Bright (Yggdrasil’s Ash) ground below. The possible meaning of this stanza describes well how Pre-Christian England civilizations managed their settlement or shire. The Wise Tree Bright on ground below is refers to the Yggdrasil Ash. It is like an imaginary clock or a map that is laid over the ground from your standpoint to help you to understand directions and the year’s calendar, as well as the time of the day. It was also to organize the community into nine segments of the daytime and one for the night time in relation to the path of the sun. In the Gospel of St John there is Jesus described as a wine tree; “15.1 I am the true vine; and my Father is the master gardener“ the Gospel states. Similarly, the Yggdrasil‘s Ash was important in the old world, even though it was never personalized as was done in Christianity. The most prominent site in the centre is like a pivot that holds both hands of a clock that represents the Wise Tree Bright (Yggdrasil’s Ash) in the poem. These are the directions from the centre site to its border at given time of the year. The alignment to the sun at solstices, equinoxes, and other important dates or important directions such as North and South or East and West. Hunwick serves this alignment perfectly and aligns the country around it from the River Tyne to the River Swale and from the North Sea to the Pennines. 136 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Hunwick cantered as Yggdrasil’s Ash in Northumbria south of the River Tyne. Map by Google. The Nine Worlds are the nine segments that represent the parts of the land from sunrise at the Summer Solstice to Sunset at same time. In each segment there are nine wooded rooms that are temples or Hörg. In this respect there might have been three kinds of important sites in the settlement. Those that mark a border like the coastline, mountaintops, castles or market towns on the border to the next region. The other type might be a religious site that may be on the way from the most prominent sites to the other (like Chester-le-Street from Hunwick to Jarrow) or it might represent a suitable sæte or thing for the segment in question (such as Stanwick on the line from Hunwick to Richmond). The most important one was then the Mithgard or the central park as in Hunwick. In the North East these nine segments run from Jarrow/Sunderland to Hartlepool, to Middlesbrough to Hornby, to Richmond (previously Hinderlage), to Helwith, to Whitley Chapel/Hexham which is the Western side of the land of the Etins. Jarrow is where the sun was first sighted and Sunderland was where the sun was fully up, this is the same with Whitley Chapel, it is the site where the sunset began and Hexham was where the sun was fully set seen from the central site in Hunwick. One quarter of the horizon was the home of the Etins, which was Tindale from Hexham to Jarrow and represented the place where the sun went below the horizon during the night of the longest day. The root of the word tin in Tindale possibly stems from Etin and hence the old meaning might have been Etindale. This mutation might stem from Roman influence as the stress moves from the first syllable to the second and in the way the E is mutated. The River Tyne marks the land of the day and night. South of the river belongs to the day and the North belongs to the night. The lines of the Yggdrasil might not cross over the River Tyne to the North in this respect. These Etins have been represented as Hrímþursar in the Edda’s Poems or as the Frost Giants and the last segment of the longest day is marked by Cold Fell in the Pennines in the North West of the area. 137 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga That is how the land of the Etins and the nine worlds were possibly organized with nine wooded rooms of worship in each segment and possibly nine other sites on the border. These segments are set up and aligned to the central site with the Yggdrasil Ash, the Wise Tree bright, with Hunwick as the Mithgard in the centre. Stanza 4 - Mithgard created The fourth stanza in Völuspá describes how Mithgard was created. Icelandic original text áður Burs synir bjöðum um ypptu, þeir er Miðgarð mæran skópu; sól skein sunnan á salar steina, þá var grund gróin grænum lauki. English translation Earlier Bur's sons burden lifted, they who Mithgard mighty created; Sun shone from south on temple rocks, then ground was grown with green onions. The positioning of the sun to the South was done by establishing sites that represented the South seen from the Mithgard. These sites were either set up with one site due south or two sites a bit off to East and West and these two sites framed the sun in a due south position seen from the place of prominence. The oldest writing of Hunwick was Hunewicke in the charters. In: Histora regum Britannieae there is a chapter about Huneland north of the River Humber where King Humber (Humla) reigned in ancient times. Hune most likely means Heona which translates to; here from. A similar name for a central site can be seen in the name of Hereford and that name has exactly the same meaning as; here from. And Hereford is similar to Hunwick in that respect that it is in the centre of its county. It is therefore possible that the name of those “Huns“ might have been drawn from the name of Mithgard, the Thing site or the central and most prominent site of the county. Salar here in the poem could refer to the country side around or the site itself. Bur’slxxi means cottage people, who are sons of the poor people who lived in the cottages. So, the poem reads: Earlier the sons of the poor cottage people organized their society with a most prominent central site and head directions for marking the solstices and equinoxes. The sun shone from the south on the country side then the world was green and people lived from the land. Ask and Embla established In the seventeenth stanza in Völuspá there is a further description of how the naming of the land signifying Ask and Embla as the direction of south. Icelandic original text English translation Uns þrír kómu To three there came úr því liði from the Gods öflgir og ástkir high and mighty æsir að húsi, Aesir to a house, Found on a land fundu á landi lítt megandi less mighty Ask og Emblu Ask and Embla örlöglausa. short of destiny. 138 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Ask and Embla have been shown to be the two sites that frame in the sun seen from the thing site at noon. The south determined with Richmond and Scorton framing the sun at Noon seen from Hunwick Map by Google In Hunwick there are two sites representing the South framing the sun in that position, Richmond (whose earlier name was Hinderlage) and Scorton at about 20 odd miles. Richmond is just to the West of South and Scorton just to the East of South. Both sites are about 20.5 miles distant from Hunwick. Between these two sites there are Easby Abbey and Catterick. The main lines south was reinforced with Stanwick about two thirds of the way from Hunwick to Richmond and Coniscliffe, halfway to Scorton. That is how Mithgard was further established and due South was signified with Ask and Embla as Richmond and Scorton. A scientific method was used to establish in the settlement, a clear view of these directions from this central and most prominent site in Hunwick and there from the whole settlement around was organized. 139 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Stanza 5 - The sun, the moon and the stars were used for organisation As the Mithgard had been established, it enabled segmentation and to track the path of the sun, the year‘s calendar by the moon and the directions by the stars. Icelandic original text Sól varp sunnan, sinni mána, hendi inni hægri um himinjöður; sól það né vissi hvar hún sali átti, stjörnur það né vissu hvar þær staði áttu, máni það né vissi hvað hann megins átti. English translation Sun warped south, moons companion, the right hand around heavens rim; Sun knew not what temples she had, moon knew not what power he possessed, stars knew not what places they had. This description in the fifth stanza of the poem gives the indication that the land around the central site in Hunwick was an independent country. It was not part of England and it had its own church and had its own organization that was later destroyed and all signs of this old society was eradicated and changed. Hunwick and Humber We assume that the name Humber means around and stems from the Greek word Amphi as in Amphitheatre116. In the beginning of the settlement it was Heona for the central site and Humber for the area around. This can be seen at the beginning of the poem of Brunanburh with the words: “Ymbe Brunanburh”, meaning; Surrounded by Brunanburh. This is close to the description given in the Prophecy of the Valva about the situation before it was named. That meant to carefully align the times of the day with the whole settlement in mind. As the Mithgard or Hunwick had been established, then it was possible to align other sites to it all the way to the border. The sun did not know its place in the poem means that the time of day had not been allocated to some deity or segment of the horizon. 116 This is not the conventional view of the name as it is assumed to be drawn from a name of a person with the name of Huna and possibly as a dairy according to Dictionary of British Place Names, by A. D. Mills. 140 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Map by Google showing Durham, Houghton-le-Spring and Sunderland in the direction from Hunwick. Later this was given a special meaning for example when the sun shone over the countryside in the northeast towards Durham seen from the central site this part of the country was allocated to the god Thor. And so was the whole settlement area was organized in twelve segments. Stanza 6 - Names given The gods meet and decided to name the parts of the day as well as set standards for the months and most important dates of the year. Icelandic original text Þá gengu regin öll á rökstóla, ginnheilög goð, og um það gættust; nótt og niðjum nöfn um gáfu, morgun hétu og miðjan dag, undorn og aftan, árum að telja. English translation Then all reigns went to ruling seats, high-holy gods, held council; Night and descendant names they gave, morning they named, and midday, afternoon and eve; years to count. 141 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga In stanza number 6 in Völuspá the Valva emphasizes the importance of setting standards for the directions and the time of day as well as standardizing the calendar in the settlement as well as setting a standard for counting the years. The poetic description given could mean that the allocation of the land was due to the gods as the land was a communal source and there was no one who actually owned it, but each segment was organized amongst the people who lived in that segment and the distribution of food and execution of justice was done locally unless it was taken to a central court in the centre Thing site or the most prominent site, in this instance Hunwick. Later in the poem in stanza 14 of the Prophecy there is a description of what might have been a power grab by of one of the leaders in one of the segments and they took over the rule of the whole settlement by force and much of smooth talking but the settlement was still organized as before and the segments and the open spaces still allocated to the gods. This segmentation and the difference between the fields in the segments and the most prominent field can still be seen in the court system with lower courts and a higher courts. This can also be seen in the Parliamentary system with the commons and the lords. Stanza 19 - Yggdrasil’s ash In the nineteenth stanza in the Völuspá there is a description of Yggdrasil’s Ash. This tree represented the main direction from the Mithgard, based on the sunsets and sunrises on the solstices in Winter and Summer. Icelandic original text Ask veit eg standa, heitir Yggdrasill, hár baðmur, ausinn hvíta auri; þaðan koma döggvar þær er í dala falla, stendur æ yfir grænn Urðarbrunni. English translation Ash I know standing, named Yggdrasill, a lofty tree, watered with white muddy water: thence comes dew that in dales fall; stands always over green Urður’s well. That the tree was watered with white muddy water according to Gylfaginning in Snorri’s Edda was to protect the tree from rotlxxii. This might be a reference to Whitley Abbey as it is in the line of the sunset of Summer Solstice seen from Hunwick. Urður’s well is below or on one of these lines out from Mithgard. As Urður’s well is supposed to be under the Yggdrasil’s ash then it can be expected that the well is in the direction from Mithgard to sunrise or sunset on the solstices. 142 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Map from Google Map: Map shows lines of sunrises and sunsets at Solstice seen from Hunwick. This map shows a proposed Yggdrasil’s ash with Hunwick set in the middle and sunrises on the Winter and Summer Solstices by the line of sight from there. It is 20.5 miles from Hunwick to all the places except Hexham which is about 25 miles. Houghton-le-Spring is on the line to St Peter´s in Sunderland. The old dome in Durham is also on the line of the sunrise. To Sunderland or Monk Wearmouth there is the St Peters church, which is one of the earliest churches in England and most likely erected on an earlier religious ground is exactly 20.5 miles from Hunwick. One would say that it is impossible to see Sunderland from Hunwick, but the line is taken over the old dome in Durham and from Durham to Houghton and from there to Sunderland. It seems that there was also taken into consideration the first sight of the sun as this is the line to Jarrow seen from Hunwick and the beginning of the sunset that is Whitley Chapel seen from Hunwick. Sunderland is at full sun up and Hexham is at full sun down at the Summer Solstice seen from Hunwick. Seen from Hunwick the Yggdrasil’s ash begins with sunrise over Chester-Le-Street and then directly to Jarrow. This marks the first sight of the Sun at the Summer Solstice. 143 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Hartlepool with the Abbey of St Hilda on the coastline is due east from Hunwick at 20.5 miles as well. This line was important for the calculation of the spring rituals that later became Easter. Again, Middlesbrough is about 20 miles South-East of Hunwick. Hornby (Horn means corner) was in the direction of the Sunrise at the Winter Solstice seen from Hunwick. Hornby is also 20.5 miles from Hunwick as is Catterick. This line crosses Newton, Neasham and Sockburn. All these places can be referred to as ancient religious sites. Due south was marked with Scorton and Richmond framing the sun at noon. The old fort in Stanwick is on the direct line to Richmond. There are rather interesting circular signs in the landscape close to Hornby that require further research. It is therefore interesting to see how this Holy Ash was transformed in Christianity when Jesus was represented as the Vine with the Holy Father as his gardener (Vernharðsson, 2020). This simulation with the Vine might be an older belief system amongst the Romans when they named their fort Vino-via in close proximity to the Holy Ash of this part of the Northeast of England. Stanza 31 (Grímnismál) - Helwith to Hexham the land of the dead For the Anglo – Saxons and the Vikings alike the importance of the western direction was associated with death. The sun dies every day at sunset. In stanza 31 in the poem Grímnismál in the Poetic Eddaslxxiii there are the following lines that clearly describe this situation of how the settlement was organized: Icelandic original text Þriár rætr standa á þriá vega undan aski Yggdrasils; Hel býr undir einni, annarri hrímþursar, þriðio mennzkir menn. English translation Three roots do spread In threefold ways Beneath the ash of Yggdrasil; Dwell etins neath one, Neath the other, Hel, Neath the third, Mithgard’s men. Three roots beneath the ash of Yggdrasil mark three positions. First was the position of sunset on the summer solstice, which is Hexham (Etins are Hexes) seen from the Mithgard which was the central site for the settlement as is explained in stanza 4 in the Völuspá. The second root was Hel or in this case Helwith which marked the line of sunset at the Winter Solstice and at a same time, the southern border of Hel in the land of the Dead. The land of the Dead was where the sun went down from Helwith in the South and Hexham in the North. Helwith is about 20 miles distance from Hunwick. In Icelandic the name for hell is “helvíti” in Danish it is “helvede”. Helwith is only a hamlet today. This was a very important place in the mind of the people at that time in Northumbria. This is the place where the sun went down on the shortest day of the year. This was how far south the power of the night had, but no further south than that. The third root was the site of Mithgard’s men which was the field in Hunwick. The West was also marked by Baldersdale but Baldur was the blind god who was killed with a mistletoe arrow described in the text in Völuspá. And finally, the mountain tops High Cup Nick, Cross Fell and Cold Fell mark the border of the rest of the land of the Dead. Hexham was then the Western side of the land of the Etins with Jarrow on the Eastern side. These segments had to be organized according to the path of the sun. The calendar year had to be organized according to the moon. These people also learned to use the stars to organize directions at night. These places marked most likely the border of the settlement of the Brigantes cantered on the most prominent site at Hunwick. 144 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Neolithic Burial Mound in How Tallon by Helwith There is a Burial Mound from the Neolithic period on the top of How Tallon, just East of Helwith. Photograph: Edward Milbank. Replica Urn from the Bronze Age, possibly a food vessel with cord-like impressions. There were fragments of Bronze Age pottery found in a Burial Mound and from these fragments a replica was produced as shown in the picture above, it is thought to be a Bronze Age food vessel used for burials. Close to the Burial Mound there is an ancient Stone Ring. How Tallon Stone Circle There is a Stone Circle in How Tallon that is open to the view to Hunwick. Picture: Stone Circle 117 Looking north from the middle of the circle with a pair of boulders flanking a smaller stone in the centre of the picture. The dip in the hills is the narrow and rocky Osmaril Gill with Eel Hill the dark area to the left and the hill to the right being the north-western edge of How Tallon itself. Osmaril could be Celtic or Anglo – Saxon for the composite word „Godsboundry“ as Os for the Gods and maril could be a formation from 117 http://www.stone-circles.org.uk/stone/barninghamcircle.htm 145 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga mæran (Icelandic mæri as in the composition of landamæri) or as a boundary. According to the website http://www.stone-circles.org.uk/ there is this description of the How Tallon Stone Circle. Picture of a circle in the stone118 “The position of the circle at the head of Osmaril Gill cannot surely be a coincidence when we consider the large number of carved rocks on the moor below, could it be that the circle marked an entrance to the moor, or to the stone circle from the moor perhaps standing beside an ancient trackway that passed over the higher land to the south or from the centre site in Hunwick to the mound in How Tallon? The circle measures around 13 metres in diameter and consists of seven blocks of eroded sandstone some like the ones above stand about half a metre tall while others barely reach above the short grass. It could be that some of these stones are actually larger but due to subsidence of the underlying limestone have been slipping below ground level for some time. This seems to be the case in the stone below where a scatter of chocking stones is evidence of efforts to keep the stone upright.“ Beyond these two ridges is the main area of Barningham Moor with the Tees Valley stretching away to the horizon and Hunwick to the Northeast. Stanza 21 and 22 - Billing´s daughter In stanzas 21 and 22 in Völuspá the Valva tells about the woman Gullveig who was Billing's daughter. Billingur was the name of one of the dwarfs accounted for in the Prophecy of the Valva. Icelandic original text Það man hún fólkvíg fyrst í heimi, er Gullveigu geirum studdu og í höll Hárs hana brenndu, þrisvar brenndu, þrisvar borna, oft, ósjaldan; þó hún enn lifir. 118 119 English translation She119 killings remembered, the first in the world, when Gullveig spears supported, and in Hárs hall they burn her; Three times burned three times born, often, not seldom, yet still she lives. www.stone-circles.org.uk The valva, the prophet. 146 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Gullveig has also been thought to represent gold and its power over people. Its power over people has been won according to the poem, but its power comes back again and again. Gullveig used her magic and favoured the evil maiden as further described in stanza 22. Icelandic original text Heiði hana hétu hvar er til húsa kom, völu velspáa, vitti hún ganda; seið hún hvar er hún kunni, seið hún hugleikin, æ var hún angan illrar brúðar. English translation Heiði120 her called where to houses came Völva foresaw, magic with wand; Magic she knew, magic she played, she always favoured evil maidens. Gullveig was the source of evil in the world. There are references to Billing in Hávamál and Völuspá that indicate that the meaning of the word was related to men with power and had some substance in the society. In stanza 13 in Völuspá there is a reference to Billing as one of the dwarfs. These dwarfs were thought to represent personalities of the human race. The society became vulnerable as Gullveig arrived in Iðavellir (Mithgard), the home of the Aesir‘s. She was killed three times and she was reborn each time, and still she lives. She was evil minded; she used her magic and favoured the evil maiden. The beginning of the end Hávamál was the first poem in Konungsbók (Kingsbook)lxxiv thought to be written in Iceland in the year 1270 or thereabout but the poem is older. The stanzas in Hávamál tell us about Billing’s daughter Gullveig in a chapter that is known for Óðinn’s Quests for Love. Óðinn was passionately in love with Gullveig, but she betrayed him. The stanzas in the sequence in Hávamál finish with the advice to men to avoid deceitful maidens. But in her Prophecy the Valva continues with her description of the old society and in stanza 24 she describes the beginning of the end, when the god Óðinn threw a spear at the flock of people and that was the first killing in a war, in the old society. Icelandic original text Fleygði Óðinn og í fólk um skaut, það var enn fólkvíg fyrst í heimi; brotinn var borðveggur borgar ása, knáttu vanir vígspá völlu sporna. English translation Threw Óðinn and in the flock shot, then there was killing, first in the world; Broken was board-wall121 in Aesir’s place, Vanir war mood, on plains tempered. Óðinn was therefore responsible for the first killing amongst men in a war. In his anger he shot at a flock of people who did not behave according to the rules of the society, them becoming the adversaries of the 120 121 Gullveig again. In the Brunanburh poem “bord weal clufan” 147 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga gods. But the Vanir tempered his war mood and a total war was avoided. There were escalating differences between men in the field of Mithgard. One of the flocks of men had taken over the leadership on a permanent basis, there was a difference between men on splitting the harvest among the people and there was an escalating difference amongst the religious ones. As early Christianity evolved it showed tolerance to the old organization built around the old gods who kept their importance. Christianity evolved around the old temples and took over the religious side of society, but left secular organization intact. Billingham According to Völuspá and Hávamál we might expect that Billing’s daughter was living in high places and the Billings were people of means. Hunwick to Billingham. Map by Google. Billingham in the North East has a special connection with Hunwick as the site of Billingham marks sunrise at Halloween seen from Hunwick, which seemed to have been a special marker in the ancient society. Billingham represented Halloween and the site might have been both religious and festive at the time of Pre - Roman Britain. The town of Billingham in County Durham was founded in the middle of the seventh century. There is a seventh century grave-marker from St Cuthbert’s Parish Church in Billingham in the British Museum and evidence of elements from the late seventh or early eighth century in the Nave of the Church.122 The root of the word Billing might relate to a legal process, as Bil means distance and the word Billigen is used in Germanic languages to approve, affirm or consent123. Probably the name has a root in the word “bil” for a distance. Bill-gesliht is a clashing of swords in the Bosworth Anglo-Saxon Dictionary.lxxv Bill in this instance is a sword and Billing is likely: “a swordsman” or Billing might relate to the word bíldur in Icelandic which means a sharp knife. Billings might therefore have been the men who specialized in working on the harvest with their sharp knives. Their work finished at Halloween and was marked with 122 123 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Billingham Stella Mengels. (2020). Facebook 8. April 2020. Anglo-Saxon History and Language. Comment 148 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga obsessive wine drinking and accompanying of deceitful maidens. Billing is likely: “a swordsman” as is indicated in the stanza in Hávamál describing the god Óðinn visiting Gullveig, the Billing’s Daughter: When I arrived able warriors were all awake. It is most likely that Billingham relates to the men of the swords, warriors and like. It is likely that sites that refer to Billing were Sæte, Thing sites or Frithgeards where in one place, there were communal meetings or a Thing, even a place of execution, a market place and a place of worship with a cemetery and Billingham in County Durham was certainly one of these places of prominence in the old society. The making of the society progressed with establishing the Sun at noon with its time of rest and refuelling for the day. The Yggdrasil’s ash was established around sunrises and sunsets at Solstices. Then comes Gullveig, Billing’s daughter, and with her the evilness that leads to the destruction of Iðavellir (Mithgard) the home of the Aesir. Óðinn shot in his anger at the people who were under the spell of greed and Gullveig. On her account the first sequence of bad luck happened in the old world and the Aesir lost their homestead Iðavellir quite possibly Hunwick. This bad luck ended with the destruction of the pre-Christian society. Stanza 25 - Freyja sold out The first one to be sold out in the Christian development was the goddess Freyja. In the Völuspá there is a description of how the gods sold out the goddess to an Etin as a payment for rebuilding the Mithgard which was ruined after the god Óðinn started the war. And in the next stanza 25, in the prophecy this evil deed of the gods is described as: Icelandic original text Þá gengu regin öll á rökstóla, ginnheilög goð, og um það gættust hverjir hefði loft allt lævi blandið eða ætt jötuns Óðs mey gefna. English translation Then went reigns all to ruling seats, earliest holy gods held council: Who had all atmosphere? with evil mixed, or Etin's kin Óð's maid124 given? Óð’s maid was the goddess Freyja. She was supposed to be a payment to the Etin who rebuilt the gods’ home. Ód’s maid is the godess Freyja. In Gylfaginning there is a story of a Giant who rebuilt Iðavelli, the city of the Gods. He was supposed to get Freyja as a payment, as well as the sun and the moon if he would finish the job on time. Loki gave him the horse Svaðilfara to help with the building. When it was obvious that the Etin would finish the work in time the Gods demanded Loki to find a way out. 124 149 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Map from Google Maps. Sunrise at Halloween. Freeborough and Billingham seen from Hunwick. The map above shows how Freeborough Hill which is supposed to be Freyja’s home (named Fensalir) was in a direct line from Hunwick over St Cuthbert’s Church in Billingham. Below is a picture of the hill that resembles Silbury Hill in Wiltshire, but Freeborough Hill is natural. Picture of Freeborough by Ironopolis. 125 125 https://teessidepsychogeography.wordpress.com/2015/01/16/freebroughhill/?fbclid=IwAR0Hmp1IW7ALjeRcaagolhdyqr74tSiqImO2dH0iX_WzKxHAYoMVH44GHOU 150 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga The hill was supposed to have been created by Wade, the giant of the Moors. His wife was named Bell which is generally unknown but they were primal deities, responsible for the creation of some of the landscape features in the North York Moors126. That description is close to the description given in the prophecy. The home of Freyja was Fensalir. Fen means moor and sometimes fen refers to wetland and salir means either house or countryside. Fensalir is therefore “home in the moors or the wetland“. This stanza has been interpreted in Snorri‘s Edda in a manner that this agreement with the Etins was Loki’s work. If that were so, then it refers to the king of the south who at that time would probably to have been King Æthelwulf (The Noble Wolf). In the year 855 king Æthelwulf went on a pilgrimage to Rome. He spent a year in Rome and on his way back he married Judith, the daughter of King Charles the Bald who was then the king of the West Franks. The reputation of King Æthelwulf was rather poor amongst historians until the 21st century who then saw him as a one who consolidated and extended the power of his dynasty, commanded respect on the continent, and dealt more effectively than most of his contemporaries with the Viking attacks. He is regarded as one who laid the foundations for the success of his son, King Alfred the Great127. The lines in this stanza indicate that he might have been working behind his enemies in breaking down the sovereignty of Northumbria and might have had some assistance from Rome to do so, his stay in Rome might have been more than an exercise in morning prayers. It is likely that the Roman Catholic Church was working alongside with King Æthelwulf in his work to break down the other kingdoms in England and force these under his rule. At the same time, the Roman Catholic church was aiming to strengthening their hold over the Isles. In this instance the reference to the etins, might be the rule of the Northumberland is possibly moved to Bamburgh and the function of the field in Hunwick transferred north. Later in the prophecy the god Thor crushed the head of the Etin, and the problems for the gods and Mithgard continued. There is an indication of some backlash in this royal scheme for some time at least during the reign of the St Cuthbert church was holding to its reign in the County South of the River Tyne. 126 https://teessidepsychogeography.wordpress.com/2015/01/16/freebroughhill/?fbclid=IwAR0Hmp1IW7ALjeRcaagolhdyqr74tSiqImO2dH0iX_WzKxHAYoMVH44GHOU 127 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C3%86thelwulf,_King_of_Wessex 151 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Stanza 27 - Hemdall pledges the sound of his horn Then the god Hemdall pledges the sound of his horn as compensation for gods who have broken their promises. This becomes evident in stanza 27 in the Prophecy of the Vala. Icelandic original text Veit hún Heimdallar hljóð um fólgið undir heiðvönum helgum baðmi; á sér hún ausast aurgum fossi af veði Valföðurs. Vituð ér enn eða hvað? English translation Knows she128 Hemdal's sound is hidden under bright sky of a holy tree, Stream sees she wiggle to muddy falls of Valfathers pledge. Know ye yet, or what? The god Hemdall (Heimdallur) pledges his sound under the bright sky of the holy tree. This is seen in the context of when the god Óðinn (here as Valfather) pledges his other eye for all the wisdom amongst men. Muddy fall refers to the white mud of holiness and we assume that to be Whitley Chapel which is in line when the sun begins its sunset on the Summer Solstice seen from Hunwick or it could be represented by Witton-le-Wear which is an old town very close to Hunwick as can be seen on following map. Map from Google Maps. Witton-le-Wear 4.6 Km Southwest from Hunwick. Witton-le-Wear is only 3 miles South-west from Hunwick and the old church in Escomb is close by, directly south of the field in Hunwick by a mile. The church was founded about AD 670–675 and is one of the oldest churches in England. On the gable of the south porch is a 7th or early 8th Century sundial. 128 The Valva 152 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Sundial from the church in Escomb from the 7th century If we look closely at the dial, it is outlined by a serpent and a horn. Might this be the horn of the god Hemdall which was sacrificed? The development of Christianity does not allow signs like this be represented in the churches at later dates. The Roman Catholic church was not tolerant and understanding to symbols of pre-Christian society. Hemdal’s horn (Hemdal). Map by Google 153 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Heimdallur in Icelandic might relate to a composition of the Anglo-Saxon word hemlxxvi as a border or as a ham as a place and the Anglo-Saxon word dállxxvii as a division. Giving the composite word Hemdál the meaning the border of this world. In this instance it means descendants of the settlements around the centre site. The question is whether that Hemdall horn, belonged to some part of the settlement or was it the borderland in general. Possible meaning is that the borders of this part of Northumbria south of the River Tyne was compromised for the peace. Stanza 28 - The god Óðinn hid his eye in the Well of Mími The god Óðinn appears to the Valva in stanza 28 and she tells him that she knows that he has pledged his eye to Mímir and the eye is kept in his well. Icelandic original text Ein sat hún úti þá er inn aldni kom yggjungur ása og í augu leit: Hvers fregnið mig? Hví freistið mín? Allt veit eg, Óðinn, hvar þú auga falt, í inum mæra Mímisbrunni. Drekkur mjöð Mímir morgun hverjan af veði Valföðurs. Vituð ér enn eða hvað? English translation Alone she sat outside, when in the old came Yggjungur, Aesir’s, and in her eyes looked. What would you ask me? Why test you me? I know all, Óðinn, Where you eye hid, in the mighty well of Mími, Mead drinks Mímir every morning of Valfathers pledge. Know ye yet, or what? Yggjungur Aesir's is the god Óðinn. The Valva refers to the god Óðinn and that she has been able to contact him. It is likely that Mímir is related to the Anglo-Saxon word mimor or memory in English. It is believed that the Valva is adding some trustworthiness to her forthcoming prophecy by quoting that she has been in contact with the god Óðinn directly. But this stanza leads us to the holy wells of the ancient society and two of these types are in the prophecy in Völuspá; Mímir’s Well and Urður’s Well. Mímir’s Well and Urður’s Well seen from Hunwick In Völuspá there are two mentions of a well; Mímir’s Well and Urður’s Well. The description given in Gylfaginning in Snorri‘s Edda is this: Gangleri asks Óðinn where the most prominent place and the most holy place of the gods is. The answer was that it is at Yggdrasil’s ash, where the gods will give their judgement each daylxxviii. That means the sun is aligned truthfully at Mithgard each day, so is the time and the calendar for the year. Such a place can only be a prominent place that is well centred in the community. 154 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Picture: Google Maps. Holy Well and Houghton-le-Spring seen from Hunwick Further it is described: “The ash is highest and best of all trees. Its branches cover the whole world and rise over the sky. Three roots keep the tree up and have a wide following. One is with the Aesir (that is the most prominent site in the centre of the settlement) the second is with the Etins, (that is the line from Hunwick to Hexham sunset at the Summer Solstice). This site represents where Ginnungagap used to be (ginnunga is the same word as beginning and gap is a gap, which means the beginning of measuring). The third root is over Niflheimi, (Helwith is in the line with Sunset at the Winter Solstice seen from Hunwick. Under the root leading to the Etins (Hexham) there was Mímir’s well and here was wisdom and knowledge hidden, Mímir owns the well. He drank from the well from the horn Gjallarhorn. Óðinn came to the well and wanted to drink from the well, but he could not unless he gave one of his eyes as a pledge. In the map above we see that there is a Holy Well North-west of Hunwick which is on the line to Hexham. In stanza 19 earlier in Völuspá there is the description of Urður’s well which was below or on one of these lines out from Mithgard. As Urður’s well is supposed to be under the Yggdrasil’s ash then it can be supposed that the well is in the direction from Mithgard to sunrise or sunset at the solstices. Houghtonle-Spring is on the line to St Peter´s in Sunderland from Hunwick. The old dome in Durham is also on this line. It is therefore possible that Urður’s Well is in Houghton-le-Spring. Metaphorically it is likely that the Urður’s Well explains the words in Hávamál that an early rise is needed for those who want to get things done. It depends on how well the past, the present and the future are understood. But Mímir’s Well is refers to all our experience in the end of the day. Again, in Hávamál it is described that only in the evening do we praise the day. For the god Óðinn it was important to understand the human experience as that was something that the gods could not experience for themselves. 155 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Stanza 31 - Baldur’s death In stanza 31 in the prophecy the Valva describes the death of the god Baldur: Icelandic original text Eg sá Baldri, blóðgum tívur, Óðins barni, örlög fólgin; stóð um vaxinn völlum hærri mjór og mjög fagur mistilteinn. English translation I saw Baldur, bleeding god, Óðinn’s child destiny chosen: Stood there grown, high over field, lean, soft and bright mistletoe. Baldur was a blind god and was killed with a mistletoe. His mother had made a pact with all trees not to harm Baldur, but did not make this pact with the mistletoe as it was not thought to be strong enough to kill him anyway. It happened that the Gods played with throwing sticks at Baldur and none of those harmed him. Then Loki tricked one of the gods named Höður to throw mistletoe at Baldur and that killed him. There are indications in the poem that Loki represents the King of Mercia making inroads into society by dismantling its system. Loki means “closing“ and he could therefore represent the closing down the old parliamentary system of the open field with “one man one vote“ on things that mattered in the society, at the same time providing representation in the inner circle of the Thing-site. The King was able to create some uproar and disagreement among the people in the settlement. It was also important for the rulers to forbid feasts which many people did attend and drinking was common. That was a dangerous place for the ruler and the church alike. The most dangerous and wild was likely the feast at Halloween as there was drinking ale and overindulgence at that time of the year. Baldersdale According to the website „keystothepast.info“ the first occupation in Baldersdale may have dated back as far as the Mesolithic period but no remains have been discovered so far. The description of the dale reads: Although Baldersdale may have no very early prehistoric remains, it contains an important collection of prehistoric rock art. They are found in several groups. Some are found very close to the shallow valley at West Loups, close to the parish boundary with Cotherstone. The other main focus of early rock art is on Bake Hill, on the north side of Baldersdale. They lie on a ridge of sandstone running roughly east-west overlooking Hury Reservoir. A particularly fine group have been found at {How Gill Rocks D6517}. These lie on a flat, marshy area that may include several small springs. The precise purpose of these carvings is of great debate amongst archaeologists. Most believe they may have had some simple religious purpose. They are most likely to have been carved in the late Neolithic or early Iron Age. Despite these early carvings, no actual settlements or burial sites of prehistoric date have been found in Baldersdale, though they have certainly been discovered in the neighbouring parishes of Romaldkirk and Cotherstone. Old West Friar in Baldersdale is about 18 miles South West of Hunwick in the direction of sunset at Halloween, whereas Freeborough Hill is in the direction of sunrise on the same day seen from the field in Hunwick. Baldersdale is in the land of the dead between Helwith and Hexham. 156 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Map by Google. Baldersdale and Freeborough Hill seen from Hunwick The Romans occupied the dale but few Roman objects seem to have reached the native settlements in the surrounding area according to keeystothepast.info. The website makes further claims about medieval settlement in the dale: There is a similar apparent lack of early medieval settlement in the parish, though there was almost certainly some kind of occupation in the area. It has been suggested that the name 'Baldersdale' comes from the Old Norse for 'Baldhere's Valley'. This may mean that a Scandinavian incomer settled the land, sometime in the 9th or 10th century. There is a continued lack of firm archaeological evidence for settlement, well into the medieval period. Apart from a small group of earthworks at West Friar, which may be of medieval date, there are no certain medieval farmsteads. However, many of the small farms which still remain in Baldersdale may well have had a medieval origin. It would be interesting to research this prehistoric rock art to see if these fits to with prophecy in Völuspá. Stanza 36 - The River Slíður or the River Tyne In stanza 36 the Valva describes a dangerous river that runs through venomous dales. It is difficult to cross this river as it was like walking on axes and swords. We can easily imagine what the River Tyne was like in those times. Icelandic original text English translation Á fellur austan River falls east through venom dales um eiturdala söxum og sverðum, with axes and swords; Slíður heitir sú. Slíður is its name. Slíður in Icelandic means sheath in English. Slidor in Anglo-Saxon means slippery, which is a perfect name for a river, but we do not know if that refers to anything in the Northeast. This river was thought to come from the Etins‘ world. That could possibly be the River Tyne. It begs the question was the River Tyne known by the name Slidor in earlier times? Or was it only in Anglo-Saxon times that the name Tyne is used for the river129. The River Tyne must have been difficult to cross in earlier times and must have been a significant boundary between settlements or counties. 129 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/River_Tyne 157 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Stanza 37 - Sindri´s golden hall and Brimir’s beaver hall In stanza 37 there is a description of two halls. In the north there was the golden hall of Sindri’s kin. Sindri was one of the dwarfs but he was not accounted for in the naming of the dwarfs in the prophecy, and the meaning of “sinder“ in Anglo-Saxon is impurity in metallxxix, which is a clear indication of the blacksmith. And in the south, there was a hall covered with beaver-skin. This hall was the property of an Etin with the name Brimir. Icelandic original text Stóð fyr norðan á Niðavöllum salur úr gulli Sindra ættar; en annar stóð á Ókólni bjórsalur jötuns, en sá Brimir heitir. English translation Stood in the north, on Niðavöllum a hall made of gold Sindri's kin; another stood in Ókólni, Etin's beaver-hall, Brimir is his name. The Golden Hall of the Sinders in the North on Niðavöllum could possibly refer to Sunderland as nið means the sound of the river, or it can be the sound of people talking. Sunderland can also have the meaning of the sun rising at the Summer Solstice seen from Hunwick. Sinder in Icelandic, Sindra, means glittering so it can refer to the bright sunrise where the sun rays glitter on one of the most important days on the year in the Summer Solstice. Niði was one of the Dwarfs in earlier stanzas which could relate to Niðavöllum, that is the fields of Niði. Niði could also relate to darkness and from that dark fields, which could be coalfields and blacksmiths‘ workshops. It is most likely that in the very early Iron Age the Northeast was an industrialized society with a lot weapon makers and blacksmiths in the settlements. This area had easy access to coal and iron and other materials for metal making. Niðavellir could also be what Blachamor is in Matthew’s Paris‘ map of Britain from the 13th century. Ókólni in the stanza means south. Etin’s beaver hall is possibly a reference to Beverley by the River Hull which is south-east of Hunwick. Actually, Hunwick is in the direction of sunset at the Summer Solstice seen from Beverley, this line goes straight from Hunwick to Hexham, which is the home of the Etins. The town of Beverley was originally known as Inderawuda (meaning: in the Deira wood), but the town is believed to be founded around 700 AD by St John of Beverley130. But this could be a later Christian reading given to this holy place. Beverly was known as Bevreli or Beverlac meaning beaver-clearing or the beaver-lake in the tenth century as a reference to colonies of beavers (Castoridae) in the River Hull at the time. Beverley is about 8 miles north of the large river, the River Humber131. Brimir is possibly an older name for the River Humber. In the final stanza of the Brunanburh poem it is said that King Athelstan; “up becoman, ofer bradbrimu. That could have meant that King Athelstan had to cross the river Humber to fight the battle of Brunanburh. There is also broad agreement that “Brada Brimstream” means the River Humber in the poem “The Recapture of the five Boroughs”. So, it is likely that Brimir was the former name 130 131 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Beverley https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Beverley 158 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga for the River Humber. Niðavöllum can also be explained as the place of the dead and referring rather to Hexham and beyond, crossing the River Tyne to the Northern part of Northumberland and Etinsland132. The line drawn from Hunwick to Hexham leads all the way to Stirling, crossing Hawick, Cairnpapple Hill and possibly other places of interest. This stanza might therefore refer to settlements North of and South of this part of Northumberland. In the view of the poem it is interesting to match these two halls with Hexham and Beverley. Hunwick lies directly in this line between these two places and there is a “Fridstol” which is a genuine Saxon chair in both of these places. This is a “freedoms seat or Peace Chair”, which is in both places are both associated with St John of Beverley. The chair in Beverley was allegedly used as a coronation chair by the kings of Northumbria133. Map by Google Maps. Hexham to Beverley, via Hunwick All these places, Stirling, Hexham and Beverley as well as Sunderland, were important in Anglo-Saxon times and might have a long history and each became important in early Christianity in the Northeast and as well as the rest of the North right up to Scotland. This stanza is therefore open to some interpretation and further exploration. 132 It is possible that this name for the Giants in the North might be replicated in the name of Edinburgh in a settlement further north of the River Tyne. 133 https://beverleyminster.org.uk/top-10-fridstool/ 159 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Stanza 38 - At Náströndu In stanza 38 there is a description of a Hall entwined with serpents’ spines. This hall is at Náströndu which refers to the beach of the dead. Icelandic original text Sal sá hún standa sólu fjarri Náströndu á, norður horfa dyr. Féllu eiturdropar inn um ljóra, sá er undinn salur orma hryggjum. English translation Hall she sees standing far from the sun at Náströndu, north faces the door; Falls venom-drops from the roof, It is a twisted hall serpents’ spines. Serpentine beasts are often shown in sculptures and displayed as guardians on the threshold of holy places such as on the western entrance porch in St Peter’s at Monkwearmouth. Serpents were popular in medieval mythology and of course there is the Dragon in Welsh mythology. St Peter’s was built in AD 674lxxx on the land on the northern bank of the river overlooking the coast at Wearmouth. This land was granted by the King of Northumbria to Benedict Biscop to build a monastery 134. Today the monastery is one of the most historic Anglo-Saxon churches in England. Benedict brought in masons and glaziers from France and even employed an arch-chanter, from St Peter’s cathedral in Rome.135 Picture above: North side of St Peters Church 136 Picture below from Google maps: St Peters Church in Monkwearmouth 134 http://www.destinationsunderland.co.uk/history/monkwearmouth_biscop_and_st_bede.asp http://www.destinationsunderland.co.uk/history/monkwearmouth_biscop_and_st_bede.asp 136 www.destinationsunderland.co.uk 135 160 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Monkwearmouth is in the North-east as seen from Hunwick and actually marked the sunrise at the Summer Solstice. In fact, there are northern doors on the church and such arrangements were called Devil’s doors. This has an origin in the early Christian era, when pre-Christian worship was still popular. Churches with north facing doors were considered as heathen137. In Snorri‘s Edda there is a vivid description of this hall with a poisonous river running bylxxxi. (We had some difficulties in finding a picture of the Northern side of the church; there are only pictures of the Southern side shown on the net.) Stanza 39 - Loðbróks sons as the wading invasion force In stanza 39 the Valva describes an invasion that possibly came from the direction of Monkwearmouth. Either the Picts or the Vikings invading the land are the most likely to fit this description and to the history of the region. Icelandic original text Sá hún þar vaða þunga strauma menn meinsvara og morðvarga og þann er annars glepur eyrarúnu. Þar saug Niðhöggur nái framgengna, sleit vargur vera. Vituð ér enn eða hvað? English translation She there saw wading heavy streams blood-thirsty men and murderous wolfs and those who seduce pillow friend; there sucks Niðhöggur corpses of the dead, wolfs tear men. Know ye yet, or what? This stanza gives an account of an invasion force coming possibly from the North or from the East using the Monkwearmouth as a landing spot. This stanza refers to serpents, which might refer to the invading force as non-believers. It is in accordance with the former stanza that these heavy streams of the River Wear are close to the hall of serpents. It is interesting that it refers to St Peter’s with Devil’s Doors and Hell Kettles as the two of the most horrible places on earth in Snorri‘s Edda.lxxxii Niðhöggur might relate to the seaside and the mouth of the River Tyne and the River Wear. The life of the monastery at St Peter’s in Monkwearmouth was brought to an end in the ninth century by Viking raids when it was sacked by the Danish pirates Hubba and Ingmar138. How close is this description to the one in Völuspá? The year 865 The winter of 859/860 was harsh and most rivers in Europe were frozen for two months. The frosts and snow began in November and lasted until April. The Adriatic Sea froze and the Ionian Sea froze and people even went to Venice on horseback. There was a great cold and this harsh weather was followed by famine and plagues in the following yearslxxxiii. This might have resulted in an invasion by the Scandinavians in the year 865, fleeing from the harsh situation at home, looking for something better. It was thought that the invasion of the Vikings was on Anglo-Saxon England but here in this stanza it can be assumed that the raid on St Peter’s came from the sea and the year was 865 or possibly some years later. 137 138 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Devil%27s_door http://www.destinationsunderland.co.uk/history/monkwearmouth_biscop_and_st_bede.asp 161 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Stanza 40 - The Old in the East In stanza 40 in the prophecy there is a description of the old one who sat in the East and gave birth to Fenris children, one of whom steals the moon. Fenris‘ children are referred to as wolves that may represent some of the forces in the ancient society of the Northeast. Icelandic original text Austur sat in aldna í Járnviði og fæddi þar Fenris kindir. Verður af þeim öllum einna nokkur tungls tjúgari í trölls hami. English translation In east sat the old in Ironwood and there gave birth to Fenris children; Just one of these from all of them becomes the moon-thief in troll's disguise. It is possible that there rises one King who was born in the east in one of the old sites or King´s seats and claimed the state by force. At least there were many such battles in the Northeast, but now the description in the poem is possibly comes close to the year 865. Part of Matthew Parisi map of UK from 13th century. Járnviður is Ironwood thought to be dark wood and might possibly be referred to as Blachamor in Matthews Paris‘ map above, showing Blackhamor East of Durham (Dunelmu). Blac can also refer to pale in Anglo-Saxon. Duobrach is possibly Hunwick shown immediately west of Durham. Duobrach means double bridge or port, meaning that this place was active as a busy shipping harbour. As the Northeast was likely to have been home to many blacksmiths and weapon-makers who were people of prominence and wealth then the people in the area must have had independence in their riches. There was a new King rising and with him there was a new religion imposed and the old religion was set aside. Counting months by moons became obsolete and the calendar was broken down into months with different fixed dates; this was the new order. The Valva keeps on with her prophecy for this ancient society that broke down with the new King and new law of the clergy. A civil war broke out, the sun became pale and the weather became unstable. There were roosters calling for battle. Brothers fought and the followers of the field lost out to the followers of the Black one or possibly the shining one. 162 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 16 Why the references to the Brunanburh battle were lost? King Athelstan died soon after King Athelstan died in the year 939, only two years after the big battle and that can explain the lack of an official version of the events. It was common practice for kings, and other rulers at that time, to burn all the books and kill all the people who could read and write in their attempt to protect their new governance. So, it is likely that his successor might have just done this and initiated the writing of his version of history. His brother was keener on making his own version of his rule, as otherwise it might cause instability and difficulties. So, to protect his rule he might have done his best to make people forget about King Athelstan. Heathen origin, Christianity takes over The church and the clergy systematically destroyed information about the older society and to their mind secret heathen places. As they wanted full control over religion and faith, even though their oldest churches and holy places developed from such heathen places. Hunwick might therefore have had a different name referred to in medieval texts and older information. The area of Hunwick – Binchester loses its importance Vinovia or Binchester was probably a very important element in the Roman northern defence system. The fort would have been relevant hundreds of years after the Romans left as there was no significant changes in transport until shipping became more frequent and the harbour sites became stronger and more independent. The main road to Scotland moved from being Dere Street through Hunwick to roads to the east closer to the shoreline. When that happened the area of Hunwick lost its importance and was lost to history. Hardship in England In the years 939 and 940 there was a huge volcanic eruption in Iceland (Eldgjá), and it had a devastating effect on the climate in England in the years after. It is assumed that the average temperature would have been lowered as much as 2°C. This might have had an impact on monasteries and cities and thereby the possibility of the poem to being written down or cherished in the literature became less probable. Different regions, different story It is likely that there might have been a huge difference in history and the understanding of events from shire to shire and kingdom to kingdom. So, what was important in one place was not important for others. One universal Royal or Christian history evolves, and regional information gets lost. The Roman Catholic Church was less tolerant to the symbols of the old society and disposed of everything reminiscent of that past The author was a foreigner If the author of the Brunanburh poem was Icelandic, that may explain why important information was lost as it was not in the written text of the autocracy, but lived in its form among the people, who had different names for the event. But this is very speculative assessment. 163 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 17 The reliability of Egil’s saga Egil’s saga has been disregarded as a main source for the battle of Brunanburh. In his paper “The battle on the Vin-heath and the battle of the Huns”lxxxiv L. Hollander writes: It will be noticed at once by one who is acquainted with the factual and highly realistic style and manner of the Egil’s saga, that the above portion of it abounds in passages of conventionalized epic narrative signally lacking the tang of reality for which the saga is famed; that, in fact, this whole "episode" seems quite unhistorical and strongly savours of the folk-tale. Holland holds it against Egil´s saga that the whole sequence of events is centred around Egill. He also criticises the saga as having King Olaf of Scotland as his only opponent. He refers to the schematization of fortified towns both south and north of the battlefield and the story having the three-folded repetition. He tries to confirm his considerations by pointing out the remarkable similarity of features occurring in the Edda fragment of the “Battle of the Huns” preserved in the “Hervarar saga”. He concluded that the saga contains more fiction than truth and finds it suspicious that the saga does not mention a single place-name beside the dubious Vínheiði and Vínuskóga. Unfortunately, his logic is gravely flawed and scholars have since copied, making it their own and discrediting Egil’s saga without having any evidence to confirm their conclusion. It is true that the events of the stalling tactic in Egil’s ś aga and Hervarar saga have quite a resemblance and it is furthermore true that the stalling technique in Egil’s ś aga is not backed up by other factual sources written in the 10th century. Later sources from the twelfth century, however say that Athelstan was late and let his opponents wait for himlxxxv. There are sources that confirm that there was some negotiation going on between the partieslxxxvi Apart from this stalling technique, Egil’s saga and Hervarar saga have very little in common. It is difficult to find the elements of philosophy in the poetry of Hervarar saga139 and the poems are simple and short. The poems do not follow the ancient poetry rules and phrases that Egil’s saga possesses and the vocabulary is very simple. Hervarar saga is a legendary saga of men, gods and dwarfs, combining matter from several older sagas140. If the author of Egil’s saga had used the same source of folk-tale or an older saga as the author of Hervarar saga did that does not lead to the conclusion that the whole saga is more fiction than truth. It is also worth remembering that Ireland was known as Scotia at the time of the battle 141, and the Scots were called Picts. So, that might have had some influence of how the story lived orally in Iceland, until it was written down later in the 13th century. Egil’s' saga is a saga and it should not surprise anyone that it has some resemblance to a folk tale as it was written in the 13th century. The saga is however written in a highly realistic style and manner and is supported by facts. The poetry in Egil’s saga is both philosophical and personal. The poems enlighten the reader with imagination and give reasonslxxxvii to believe that the story is a good provinence for historical 139 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hervarar_saga_ok_Hei%C3%B0reks https://www.snerpa.is/net/forn/hervar.htm 141 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Names_of_the_Irish_state 140 164 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga events. Holland is mistaken in saying the saga contains more fiction than truth as the characters in the saga are real people appropriate to the time period and many of them are listed a census of the time or other sources as we have shown. Most significant events in the saga are also backed up by other contemporary sources. Harald fair-hair did unite Norway under his rule, his son Erik did lose his Kingdom to his half-brother Hakon, the foster son of King Athelstan, and Erik did indeed come to England to become King of York. There are British historical references to a great battle in England at Brunanburh. The description of this event in Egil’s saga has also great similarity to Ingulph’s Chronicle. In the poem The Battle of Brunanburh there is a description of King Athelstan, as a bracelet-bestower to men. That is much in line with the description in Egil’s saga. In the poem it also refers to nail-farer, as attested in the Poetic Edda, which was written by Snorri Sturluson142. This suggests that the origin of the poem is partly heathen and it could be linked to Egil’s saga. Holland’s gravest mistake is however to have overlooked the poems in Egil’s saga. The saga was written around them and should, according to the institute of Icelandic studies, be credited to Egill and a 10th century account. There are seven verses or fragment of verses in Egil’s Brunanburh period in England. In them there are nine names mentioned and the name of a site close to the battlefield. Egill, Þórolfur, Ólafr and Athelstan who is also presented as the descendant or successor of Ellu/Ællu. They are all names of real individuals that can be verified by other sources directly. Then there are the four earls mentioned Gudrek, Alfgeir, Hringur and Adils. All of whom can be matched with similar names in the English Charters and other sources that might not be available to the author of Egil’s saga. Egil’s saga English Charters Gudrek does vary in different version of the saga as Gudrek, Goðrekr, Gudrekr and Guðroðr Guðrum (S 393, S 400, S 401, S 412, S 413, S 416, S 417. S 418, S 418a, S 434). The timeframe fits perfectly with Egil’s saga, as Athelstan appoints him over York after taking it in the year 927 and him dying in the year 937 after which Guðrum is not mentioned any more in the charters. Álfgeir Most likely the same name as Ælfgar but there are several examples of that name used by English royalty at the time. The name Ælfgar has also been linked to the name Wulfgar, that is in a lot of Athelstan´s charters. Adils or Aðgils derives from the Old High German name Aðalgis In the charter for the year 924 (S 388) there is an earl named E∂elsie and he appears again in the charter for the year 937 (S 433) as Æðelsige. He is not mentioned as an earl after that in the Charters. Hringur There is an interesting entry in the charter of 934 (S 425) for an earl named Inhwær. Admittedly not the best match but it is interesting that Inhwær comes up in the charter of the year 934 when Athelstan made his campaign north to Scotland and Æðelsige in the year 937, the year of the battle of Brunanburh but not after that. The poems in Egil´s saga is possibly the only source that was made by a person who actually fought in the battle of Brunanburh and in Egil’s poem he uses the name “near Vínu”. Far from being dubious it hopefully is the name that will help locate the battlefield. 142 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Naglfar 165 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 18 Location of the battle Many places have been suggested where the battle of Brunanburh could possibly have been fought, and here we want to show where these clues can lead us and what places these clues can eliminate. The Northerners advanced into County Durham From a poem in Egil’s saga143 it can be determined that the Northerners had taken half of Northumbria, that is half of Álfgeir’s land. We can therefore assume they advanced to the River Tyne and beyond, further south into what is now known as County Durham and even south to the River Humber. The Welsh king did not participate Other sources are in agreement that the Welsh King Hywel's Dda did not participate in the battle so the battle was probably not on his land or close to it. Other sources agree with the poem in Egil´s saga that the rulers of Cumbria and Strathclyde did participate in the alliance against King Athelstan. A Welsh language poem Armes Prydein144, considered by Sir Ifor Williams to have been written in Deheubarth during Hywel Dda‘s reign which makes it contemporary to events, called for the Welsh to join a confederation of all the non-English peoples of Britain and Ireland to fight the Saxons. The poem may be linked to the alliance of Norse and Celtic kingdoms which challenged Athelstan at the Battle of Brunanburh in 937. Forces from Wales joined this alliance as Strathclyde was referred to as Welsh at this time but Welsh from the south seemed to have kept at peace. This may well have been because of the influence of Hywel Dda. On the other hand, neither did he send troops to support Athelstan145. King Athelstan might have kept the Welsh King away, but in the Brunanburh poem there were Welshmen in the team of invaders, which is confirmation of the Welsh poem and the participation of the Strathclyde earls. So, it is very unlikely and nearly impossible that the battle was fought West of the Pennines. It would have been dangerous to take the king's army and assemble in the West close to the turf of his adversaries and with little assurance from others. The Five Boroughs possibly did not participate Other sources indicate that the rulers of the Five Boroughs were neutral in this fight and did not participate in the battle. According to Christopher Blunt who researched the coinage of King Æthelstan, 70% of the coinage from the Nottingham mint were made of two regular reverse dies combined, which means that the money did not show the king's name. Something similar happened at York and Derby that might suggest that the moneyers in the Northern Danelaw and York avoided using the king’s namelxxxviii. That indicates that the Earls of the Danelaw did not support King Athelstan which shows that they actually were supportive of King Olaf when he came to York in the year 940. This indicates that the battle could not have been near or on their land in the year 937 and certainly not south of their land as that would have required them to take an active part in the battle. So, it is most likely that the big battle of 937 was 143 http://sagadb.org/egils_saga.en https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Armes_Prydein 145 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hywel_Dda 144 166 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga well north of the River Humber. It is more likely that the King Athelstan had control over the roads North rather than the roads to the West. No indication that York was seized There is no indication that York was seized by the invaders. No coinage indicates their rule and no reference to their rule of York in the year 937. If they had lost the battle, then it would have been logical for them to flee to the Burgh of York and fight the battle out there. There is no indication that King Athelstan had to fight for the city after the battle, so it indicates that York was under the rule of King Athelstan at the time the battle was fought and therefore it is likely that the battle was fought north of York. By the Roman road We know from the Brunanburh poem that the battle was near a fine and possibly long road “Wiþ Laþra gewhæne”. That means the Roman road South of the River Tyne and North of the River Humber. A good example of this is the field in Hunwick as it is just by the Roman road, Dere Street. According to Egil’s saga it is possible that the Athelstan’s army might have used the Roman road by the battle site as a campsite. Nice and flat land We know from the Brunanburh poem that there was a good field “Land dæl godon” close to the Roman Road. That means a field of prominence as the field in Hunwick certainly was at this time. This was a centre of Northumbria south of the River Tyne and well located on the Roman road. Egil’s saga confirms this and claims that the field was also hazelled-polled, which can be expected from such an important field. There was a farmhouse and livestock We know from the Brunanburh poem, that there was farmhouses and livestock around the field “Hord and Hamas” just like there is still around the field in Hunwick. Most likely fires around We know from the Brunanburh poem “Ymbe Brunanburh” that the side-fields were most likely lit with camp fires all day and all night long. It is known that there was good access to coal in Hunwick at this time. Ymbe Brunanburh might be translated as “Hemmed by burning fires” Near Vínu, Weondune or Vinovia We know from a poem in Egil’s saga that the battle was “Near Vínu” that is close to the site with the name of Vína. The Vinovia fort is just south of Hunwick by a mile and it is a clear advantage for King Athelstan to have the battle north of the river thus being able to retreat over the bridge there, if he needed to flee from the battle. Vinovia might have drawn its name from the field in Hunwick as it might have been known as the Holy Ash tree of the most prominent sitelxxxix from older times, see more detail in chapter 14 Hunwick, Burials. 167 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga They fled Westward from the field We know that the Northerners and their allies fled west from the field, that is both in the Brunanburh poem and in one of the poems in Egil’s saga. There are possibly three burial sites due west of the field, one immediately north of the field and another at the church in Escomb one-mile due south of the field in Hunwick, each burial site for different people, with different religions, see more detail in chapter 14 Hunwick, Burials. So where was this battle fought? It is likely that going that far north was the best option for King Athelstan. By doing so he might have been able to cut off a possible advance from the Five Boroughs as he could not rely on their support, rather the opposite. He might have kept the Welsh away, but in the Brunanburh poem there were Welshmen in the team of invaders, even though that might only refer to Cumbrians and people from Strathclyde. He might have kept his adversaries as far back as possible, while keeping his way back home open, as he might have had the governance over the Roman road north to Hunwick at least. It is most likely that King Athelstan ruled York at the time of the battle, if York was besieged by the invaders, then we might expect to have an aftermath to the battle, which seemingly there was not. It is an interesting research question to compare information of what happened in York in the year 940 when King Olaf came from Ireland up the River Humber with his force. How was that described in the books of the “eald uðwitans“ as so poetically described in the Brunanburh Poem. How did people react in York and how did the moneyers react? How difficult and eventful was it to drive him out of York? All these assumptions suggest that the battle was in Hunwick in County Durham drawn from primary sources of information; that is the Brunanburh poem and the poems in Egil’s saga and where other sources are in agreement with the events. It is easy to say that there are other places that might fulfil some of these criteria, but hardly do they conform to all of these known facts from contemporary and therefore primary sources for the events. 168 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 19 Timeline Here we put forward an assumed timeline for events in the autumn of the year 937. There are some assumptions here that might need further research, as all the information from this time is limited and often biased. Time Travel Event Aug 700 miles – by sea 1.400 miles back and forth King Olaf – Raiding Limerick • Taking hostages from Limerick and forcing them into his army • These men called: Anlaf’s þy in the Brunanburh poem Sept King Constantine – Gathering army • Likely gathering point was in Perth or nearby. Sept King Athelstan – Gathering army • King Athelstan was searching for mercenaries in the northern mainland of Europe. An offer was made to Thorolf and Egill to come to England. Sept 800 miles – by sea or 200 miles by sea and 60 miles by land Olaf meets up with Constantine • King Olaf met Constantine in Perth or nearby going either by; • A) Sea from Dublin to Perth, possible gathering extra forces from the Hebrides and Orkneys on the way. The downside is in the autumn such sea travel was very dangerous • B) Sea from Dublin and up the River Clyde and walked to Perth. It can be assumed to have been about 2 days walk. • C) It is logical to assume that the two Kings met and combined their forces before going to war and the meeting place was at Constantine’s place as Olaf and his Vikings were the more mobile force. • Thorolf and Egill joined King Athelstan Sept/Oct 120 miles on land to Bamburgh or 100 miles to Carham Olaf and Constantine take Bamburgh • D) Likely battlefield was in Carham • E) According to Egil´s saga the Scots marched into Northumbria. The earls of Northumbria Álfgeir of Bamburgh and Guthrum of York met them in a battle and lost. Guthrum was killed but Álfgeir and most of his men fled to King Athelstan. • F) The foes of England took half of Álfgeir’s land, which would be the northern part of Northumbria. • It is 100 miles from Carham to Hunwick Sept/Oct Cumbria and Strathclyde join the alliance • According to Egil´s saga the Britons had gathered a force and were supposed to join the Northumbrian earls against Olaf and his army. After hearing that the Northumbrian earls had lost the battle, they joined the forces with the Irish and the Scots. Britons were most likely Cumbria and Strathclyde. Oct 14 to 20 days Athelstan war council set up • G) According to Egil’s saga King Athelstan went south to gather an army. • Athelstan had to go to Wessex to gather men. • Athelstan sends an envoy to Olaf and offers him a battle by Vína. The battle would be in a week, counting from when the men would have met on the battlefield • Alfgeir of Bamburgh with his men and Thorolf and Egill with other forces went to Hunwick and made a decoy camp on the Roman road by the field. Oct Oct/Nov 65 miles by land Olaf occupies a city North of Hunwick • Roughly 20 hours walk or 2-3 days from Bamburgh to Durham • King Olaf sent part of his army to the field in Hunwick The delay gave King Athelstan an extra week to gather forces • After 7 days Athelstan sent messengers to King Olaf with an offer and then another offer delaying the battle for a week or more 169 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Time Travel Event Oct/Nov 10 days 300 miles by land The West Saxons • After gathering men in the Wessex. Athelstan and his army marched to Hunwick • It would take 100 hours or 10-15 days to march from Winchester to Hunwick • On the way back to trim down on all forces available for a battle. Oct/Nov Pre-battle • H) According to Egil´s saga there was a skirmish on the day before the main battle Oct/Nov The battle of Brunanburh • In Hunwick as suggested here. Spring 938 Olaf – returns to Dublin • Olaf and Constantine most likely retreated up to Scotland possibly up to Perth after the battle. Most likely they kept their forces together, defending if Athelstan retaliated. • It was common in those times to take the winter off in a different place. • According to Irish annals, Olaf returned to Dublin after Easter 938. What we can though gather from the information available is set out here in the context of the battle. A. Sailing north to Perth from Ireland over the channel between Scotland and the Orkneys can be very dangerous late in the summertime or in the autumn time. These channels are known for difficult currents and rapid changes in the weather. Map by Google Maps. Simulation of sailing from Dublin B. It is possible that such a landing with forces from Ireland could have been in the River Esk. 170 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga C. It is assumed that the gathering of men from all over Scotland, the Islands and even from Ireland was time consuming as this was harvest time, and men are very busy and then suddenly available for other tasks. D. We assume here that the battle was at Carham, even though the king was seated in Bamburgh. E. It is possible that forces from Bamburgh and York had joined their forces in the battle at Carham. The bad news for King Athelstan was that the Earls of Strathclyde betray him in that battle. That does not have to result in the loss of York for King Athelstan. It is quite possible that the King’s court was in York at this time. F. The poem in Egil’s saga states that Alfgeir had lost half of his land, which we assume is the Northumbria north of the River Tyne. G. Sources are in agreement to this course of event. We assume that King Athelstan was forced to guard ports, and roads on this time to prevent his adversaries gathering an army over the roads. He would also have needed to guard ports and important estuaries such as the River Humber. Map by Google Maps. Proposed walk north. This map shows the road from Winchester to Hunwick. Travelling south from York to Winchester on horse might have taken two to three days and then to return to Hunwick might have taken at least ten to twelve days. His task was therefore not the least to gather his men dispersed on guard duties and other official duties all around his kingdom and drive these forces north. It was likely that on the battlefield as it said in the Egil’s saga that while they waited by the battlefield the king’s men were coming there by day and night. H. Other sources confirm that the battle lasted for more than a day. We can see from this that Hunwick was a feasible battle site and the time line as set out here relates well to sources other than Egil’s saga. 171 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga 20 Conclusions Egil’s saga There are good reasons to take the accounts in Egil’s saga seriously and not disregarded them as a folktale as many historians have done for a long time. Egill was a real person born in 910 AD and evidently significant for his time. The saga is written in a highly realistic style and manner and is validated by facts. Most significant events in the saga are backed up by other historical sources. The description of the events of Brunanburh in Egil’s saga shares great similarities with Ingulph’s Chronicle. In the poem The Battle of Brunanburh there is even a description of King Athelstan, as a ”bracelet-bestower to men”. That is closely in line with the description in Egil’s saga. In the poem it also refers to nail-farer, as attested in the Poetic Edda, which was written by Snorri Sturluson. This suggests that the origin of the poem is partly heathen and relates well to Egil’s saga. The saga was written around the poems and it is the official stance of the Institute for Icelandic studies that most of the poems are from the 10th century and should be credited to Egill. The poems in Egil’s saga are the only source made by a person that actually fought in the battle of Brunanburh and Egill used the name “near Vínu” for the battle-site. This is far from being dubious it will hopefully be the name that will locate the battlefield. Egil´s saga claims Egill having composed a Drápa, that is now lost, for King Athelstan in the winter after the battle of Brunanburh. The poem of Brunanburh could be the Drápa Egill composed. Considering the strong connection of the structure of the poem of Brunanburh to the Poetic Edda, this is plausible. There has never been any attempt made to validate the poems in Egil’s saga describing the battle. It seems that most information about the battle given in Egil’s saga has been validated by other sources. The poems in Egil’s saga are extremely historical when describing the situation in England at the time of the battle. The information in the saga should get more attention and given further research. The two poems; the Brunanburh poem and Völuspá are closely related. It is high time that this AngloIcelandic heritage be treated as a special term in historical research as it might give a deeper understanding to what “Anglo” is in historical meaning and explain the special relationship in the history of these two countries. It is likely that this Anglo-Icelandic interactions heavily influenced the making of the Icelandic sagas and the old Icelandic poems. At the same time there seems to have been influence from Icelandic poets as might be the case with the Brunanburh poem and possibly other Old English poems. Mythological and ethnological research might reveal further influences between these two cultures. 172 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Northumbria Nearly all the written sources point to Northumbria or near Northumbria as the place of battle. Ingulph’s Chronicle: “To oppose this King (Athelstan) an insurrection was originated by Analaph son of Sitric, formerly king of Northumbria. Constantine, king of the Scots, and Eugenius, king of the Cumbrians, and a numberless foreign band of other kings and earls, were joined in the closest treaty with him and assembled at Brunford in Northumbria to oppose King Athelstan”. Egil’s saga: Egill saga says that Olaf king of Scots marched upon England. King Athelstan had appointed two earls Alfgeir and Gudrek over Northumbria. King Olaf defeated the two earls in battle, killing Gudrek and forcing Alfgeir to flee. In the saga it says that the enemies had taken the whole of Northumbria. In the poem, a more reliable source, it says however the enemies had taken half of Alfgeir's land. It is logical to assume that half of Alfgeir’s land would be just the northern part of Northumbria not the kingdom of York. In another poem it talks about Athelstan as a descendant or successor of Ellu that could refer to Ællu, King of Northumbria in the middle of the 9th century, whom killed the legendary Viking Ragnar loðbrók and was killed by Ragnar’s sons in turn. Olaf Guthriksson and the kings of York were the descendants of Ragnar loðbrók. The Roman roads: To mobilize large armies at this time it was necessary to utilize the best roads possible and the that would have been the Roman roads. The main road from York to Scotland was Dere Street and it is reasonable to assume that it would suit both armies for the battle of Brunanburh. If it is true as Egil’s saga suggests that the Cumbrians joined the Scots and the Irish after the latter had taken Northumbria, then it is reasonable to assume that the Cumbrian men would have taken the Roman road from Carlisle to Newcastle and met up with their new alliance somewhere in that area. Simeon of Durham in his history of the church of Durham says: “In the fourth year after his, that is to say, in the year nine hundred and thirty-seven of our Lord´s nativity, Ethelstan fought at Weardune [Weondune in the original Latin text] (which is called by another name Aet-Brunnanwerc, or Brunnanbyrig) against Onlaf the son of Guthred, the late king, who had arrived with a fleet of six hundred and fifteen ships, supported by the auxiliaries of the kings recently spoken of, that is to say, of the Scots and Cumbrians. But trusting in the protection of St Cuthbert, he slew a countless multitude of these people, and drove those kings out of his realm; earning for his own soldiers a glorious victory.” St Cuthbert (c. 634-687 AD) is a saint of the early Northumbrian church. Simeon is directly stating that the battle was fought in Northumbria or possibly in the district of the church of St Cuthbert. This district was between the River Wear and the River Tyne. Near Vínu Simeon of Durham uses the name Weondune for the battlesite. Bear in mind that Durham is just a few miles north of Vinovia. Weondune is proposed to be “the hill where there had been a pagan Roman sanctuary or temple”xc. The landscape around Vinovia does fit with that description; Weondune could then mean the heath, hill or dune by Vinovia/Weon/Vínu. In Egil´s poem when burying his brother Thorolf he says “Earth/green/land grows over my noble brother near Vínu.” 173 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga As suggested the River Wear was possibly named Weon or originally named Vino by the Romans, meaning Wine. The Roman name for “Vinovia” appears to be a compound from the words “vino” and “via” or “vium”. The “via” meaning travelling through (a place), a route to a destination or in ancient Rome a main road or a highway. That could easily mean that Vino-via was the road or passing over the river or area of Vino. Thus Egil´s Vína/Vínu would refer to the river or area of Vino but not the fort of Vinovia itself. Vino could refer to the field at Hunwick as the field of the Holy Ash. Brunanburh Burth, burh, werc, byrig, ford and even duin are all names that mean a stronghold or a fort. This is commonly agreed upon. Brunan, Brunnen, Brunnan, Brune, Brun and Brunde could have multiple meanings or just one of them. 1. Fountain, well or a bath (the Icelandic name is brunnur). 2. Bridge or the bridge (the Icelandic name is brú or brúin). 3. Top edge of hill or mountain (the Icelandic name is brún). 4. An eyebrow (the Icelandic name is also brún) 5. Ásgard the home of the gods 6. An armour (the Icelandic name is: Brynja or Byrnie in old English) 7. It could refer to all things brown 8. It could also refer to all things burned. Brunan could also refer to the burning fires alongside the field all day long from early morning to late at night, at least for a week before the battle and possibly for a fortnight or even longer. Hunwick It is evident that the field in Hunwick was important for a long time, possibly before the recorded history in Britain. The field is in the centre of southern part Northumbria between the River Tyne and the River Swale. The field in Hunwick was important due to its reference to the court, execution, as a Thing or assembly, place of sacrifice, measurement of time and the calendar. The field itself might have been used for markets and even for duels or for Thing duty. The area near the field is rich in coal, so rich in fact that the coal could have be picked up straight from the ground without the necessity of mining it. Furness Mill Farm by the field is so called due to Iron Aged furnaces or smelting houses that were once down there. There is evidence that Iron was made in Hunwick since from very early times, when the iron had great value. In the words of Julius Caesar himself; “The Britons have a huge number of cattle; they use gold coins or iron bars as their money and produce tin and iron." Making iron is one of the key reasons why the Romans invaded Britain in the first place and it is no coincident that one of the biggest Roman forts was placed in Vinovia near Hunwick, it was to dominate the area where the coal and the iron was made. There is further evidence of the importance of the field through at least five ancient wells placed in the field and in the fields around it. 174 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga It is amazing that such an important place, could be forgotten. As forgotten as the location of Brunanburh. The area has all the key elements for a field hosting the great battle: • Transportation: It is located by Dere street, the main road which the Scots have always used when battling the English. • Central: Hunwick is halfway from the most northern part of Scotland to the most southern part of England. Hunwick was the central point the old settlements in Northumbria. • Directions: It is clear that the field in Hunwick was a field of the highest importance in the area. All-important sites in the county are in significant directions from the field. • A burh or a fort: Near Hunwick there is the old Roman fort of Vinovia that is remarkably similar to the alternative name of the battle of Brunanburh, Weondune, given by Simeon of Durham and Vínu in Egil´s saga. • Neutrality and borders: Hunwick is in the land of St Cuthbert, the ultimate area of neutrality and the border between Northumbria and York. Simeon of Durham, refers to that King Athelstan trusted in St Cuthbert for his welfare. • Landmark: There are a lot of landmarks near Hunwick, there is the fort of Vinovia, many wells around the field, the bridge over the River Wear and the church of Escomb. • Level field: The place ought to be level, whereon a large host might be set in array. And such was this; for in the place where the battle was to be the heath was level, with a river flowing on one side, on the other a large wood. The area in Hunwick has all these elements described in the saga. • Water – Well: There is a strong reminiscence of the area around Hunwick being associated with a well or even numerous wells and an area in near proximity called the Holy Well that might have had significant importance in the aftermath of the battle. A well is brunnur in Icelandic, brunnen in German, brunn in Swedish and brønd in Danish. Giving the area of Hunwick a strong connection to the name of Brunanburh. • Fire: As the battle took place at autumn it would be crucial that the camped army had material to make camp-fires for warmth. What a magnificent sight it must have been too see the camps in Hunwick and around the field, fuelled by coal in the cold nights before the battle was fought with burning fires around, Ymbe Brunanburh. • Burials: There are three possible sites for graveyards directly West of the field. These sites are Oak´s Row church, Constantine and Howden le Wear. The three possible burials sites west of Hunwick, strengthen the theory that the battle of Brunanburh was fought there. It is an important sign that there are three different possible burial sites, each connected to different segments of the invading army and all of them in a straight line west of the field. Also, the church in Escomb only one-mile south of Hunwick is one of the oldest churches in England. It is amazing that there is no record of a site that is so centrally set in the county. Almost to a meter there is 20.5 miles to St Hilda Abbey in Hartlepool, to Richmond, to the mountaintops of Cross Fell, to the Monastery in Jarrow and to St Peters church in Monkwearmouth and other places like its proximity to the Vinovia fort and the old church in Escomb. This place is as lost in the records as the Brunanburh battle. This was important place in hostile county and after its independence was lost to the reign of the English kings, it becomes important to destroy all reference to its governing. It is likely that all reference to the site is systematically destroyed as well as all reference to the battle of Brunanburh gets lost in the process of elimination. 175 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga Closing words We hope that readers can develop an interest in this eventful and significant battle that was fought nearly eleven hundred years ago. Events leading to the battle and the aftermath had a tremendous effects on the history of England and the British Isles as well as the neighbouring countries. The outcome of this battle was a big factor in determining the rule for all the countries in the North Atlantic today, both how these countries are governed and divided. Egil’s saga has been dismissed by historians for too long and for too many mistaken reasons. There are so many elements in Egil’s saga that it cannot be disregarded. Many people from many countries fought and many of them died in battle and were buried there. We hope that research in the area will uncover artefacts and further evidence that this battle was fought near Hunwick and that it will enhance our understanding of this mighty battle and tenth century society. It is worth remembering that this battle was a battle of a political values. The northerners and the Viking shared their ideology that is precursor to what became the parliamentary view of governing, while the Royalty and the Roman Catholic Church was emphasizing the monarchy and the over lordship. The earlier tolerance of the St Cuthbert’s Church was set aside for stricter rule and limitation to freedom and independence. Open land became the asset of people close to the Royalty and the Church. The chosen ones gained land and with them the church the few gained the former free and open spaces. Hopefully, Thorolf can be discovered with all his weaponry and the two gold rings, or bracelets, that his brother Egill put on his hand before the burial. P.s. The authors want to thank David Windell and Tony Fox for their proof-reading of the text and their encouragement and practical advice given. We are also grateful to Alister Ruddick and Ian Richardson in Hunwick for their assistance and help to source out information from there. Dave Shotten, Andrew Breeze and Michale Wood have also inspired us and given us help to source information on the subject. 176 Brunanburh located through Egil´s saga References i Gísli Sigurðsson, Margrét Eggertsdóttir and Sverrir Tómasson. (2006). Gripla XVIII. Stofnun Árna Magnússonar, https://timarit.is/page/6475153#page/n0/mode/2up ii Michael Wood. (2013). Searching for Brunanburh: The Yorkshire Context of the ‘Great War’ of 937. Yorkshire Archaeological Journal. Volume 85. Issue 1. iii Paul Cavill. (2001). Vikings: Fear and Faith in Anglo-Saxon England. HarperCollins Publishers. iv L. Hollander. (1933). The battle on the Vin-heath and the battle of the Huns. Journal of English and Germanic Philology, 32, pp.33-43. v L. Hollander. (1933). The battle on the Vin-heath and the battle of the Huns. Journal of English and Germanic Philology, 32, pp.33-43. vi R. H. Hodgkin. (1952). A History of the Anglo-Saxxon. Oxford University Press, pp 133. vii Rev. Joseph Stevenson. (1855). 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