Photography in
the Third Reich
Art, Physiognomy and Propaganda
EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER WEBSTER
PHOTOGRAPHY IN
THE THIRD REICH
Photography in
the Third Reich
Art, Physiognomy
and Propaganda
Edited by Christopher Webster
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DOI: 10.11647/OBP.0202
Cover image: Erich Retzlaff, Joseph Goebbels, 1933, reproduced in Wilhelm Freiherr von
Müffling, ed., Wegbereiter und Vorkämpfer für das neue Deutschland (Pioneers and Champions
of the New Germany) (Munich: J. F. Lehmanns Verlag, 1933), p. 11.
Cover design by Anna Gatti.
Contents
Foreword
vii
Eric Kurlander
Introduction
Editor’s Introduction
1
1
Christopher Webster
Photo Lessons: Teaching Physiognomy during the Weimar
Republic
15
Pepper Stetler
STATE
1. Dark Sky, White Costumes: The Janus State of Modern
Photography in Germany 1933–1945
29
31
Rolf Sachsse
LEADERS
59
2. ‘The Deepest Well of German Life’: Hierarchy, Physiognomy 61
and the Imperative of Leadership in Erich Retzlaff’s Portraits
of the National Socialist Elite
Christopher Webster
WORKERS
3. The Timeless Imprint of Erna Lendvai-Dircksen’s Face of the
German Race
95
97
Andrés Mario Zervigón
HEIMAT
4. Photography, Heimat, Ideology
Ulrich Hägele
129
131
vi
Photography in the Third Reich
MYTH
5. ‘Transmissions from an Extrasensory World’: Ethnos and
Mysticism in the Photographic Nexus
171
173
Christopher Webster
SCIENCE
6. Science and Ideology: Photographic ‘Economies of
Demonstration’ in Racial Science
203
205
Amos Morris-Reich
Conclusion
239
Bibliography
List of Illustrations
Index
257
275
283
Foreword
Eric Kurlander
Most scholars will recall Walter Benjamin’s observation that fascism is
defined by the ‘aestheticization of politics’. What fewer remember is that
Benjamin first floated this argument in a Weimar-era book review. The
review dealt with a collection of essays titled War and Warrior, which
were edited by the well-known nationalist writer, Ernst Jünger. ‘The
inner connection which lies at the basis of the essays collected in this
volume’, Jünger explained, ‘is that of German nationalism’, a nationalism
‘that has lost its connection to both the idealism of our grandfathers
and the rationalism of our fathers’ and sought ‘that substance, that
layer of an absolute reality of which ideas as well as rational deductions
are mere expressions’. ‘This stance is thus also a symbolic one’, Jünger
continued, ‘insofar as it comprehends every act, every thought and
every feeling as the symbol of a unified and unchangeable being which
cannot escape its own inherent laws’. No wonder that Benjamin titled his
review of Jünger’s collection, ‘Theories of German Fascism’.1 For Jünger
had articulated well, already three years before Hitler’s rise to power,
the relationship between art, myth, and politics in radical nationalist
thinking. It was a relationship that sought to escape the realm of
empiricism by symbolically uniting the racial and the metaphysical in
order to reveal that ‘layer of absolute reality’ that ‘rational deductions’
could never suffice to express.
The essays in this volume work to uncover this ‘layer of absolute
reality’ in the realm of National Socialist photography, namely
‘the stylised representation of the body as constituent parts of the
1
See Ansgar Hillach, Jerold Wikoff and Ulf Zimmerman, ‘The Aesthetic of Politics:
Walter Benjamin’s Theories of German Fascism’, New German Critique 17 (1979),
99–119.
© Eric Kurlander, CC BY 4.0
https://doi.org/10.11647/OBP.0202.08
viii
Photography in the Third Reich
Volksgemeinschaft’. More specifically, these essays trace the Third Reich’s
creation of a ‘visual myth of the “master race”’ through the use of
physiognomy — the science of judging character through facial features
and other ‘racial’ characteristics. Although its theoretical premises were
not explicitly supernatural, physiognomy belongs epistemologically
to other ‘border’ or ‘fringe’ sciences (Grenzwissenschaften) popular in
interwar Germany and Austria. These faith-based, supernaturallyinspired sciences included astrology, radiesthesia (‘pendulum
dowsing’), characterology, graphology, cosmobiology, and biodynamic
agriculture — together constituting an important element of what I call
the ‘Nazi supernatural imaginary’.2 Combined with racialist (völkisch)
esotericism, neo-paganism, and Germanic folklore, the border sciences
helped the Third Reich square the circle between claims that National
Socialism was a scientifically sound doctrine based on ‘applied biology’,
in the words of Hitler’s Deputy Rudolf Hess, and the blood-and-soil
mysticism that undergirded National Socialist perceptions of race
and space, culture and aesthetics. National Socialist attitudes toward
photography, informed as they were by so-called pseudo-scientific
doctrines such as physiognomy, might therefore be placed in the context
of a broader supernatural imaginary that informed many aspects of
German culture in the interwar period.
The authors in this volume recognize that the National Socialist
preoccupation with a faith-based, quasi-religious conception of blood
and soil was not the only element determining the aesthetic character
and cultural trajectory of photography in the Third Reich. As Alan
Steinweis, Michael Kater, Pamela Potter, and others have shown in respect
to music, theatre, and the visual arts, one cannot ignore the continuities
between Weimar and National Socialist-era aesthetic traditions.3 Most of
the contributors to this volume recognize such continuities in the realm
of photography as well — between the ostensibly völkisch, romantic,
racially organicist photography of the Third Reich and the highly
modern, experimental culture of the Weimar Republic.
2
3
See Eric Kurlander, Hitler’s Monsters. A Supernatural History of the Third Reich (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 2017).
See Alan Steinweis, Art, Ideology, and Economics in Nazi Germany. The Reich Chambers
of Music, Theatre, and the Visual Arts (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina
Press, 1996); Michael Kater, Culture in Nazi Germany (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 2019); Pamela Potter, Art of Suppression: Confronting the Nazi Past in Histories of
the Visual and Performing Arts (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2016).
Foreword
ix
At the same time, one must acknowledge the mystical and irrational
trends in Weimar culture itself before 1933. ‘Occult beliefs and practices
permeated the aesthetic culture of modernism,’ writes Corinna Treitel,
one of the foremost experts on German esotericism. Numerous Weimar
artists and intellectuals, Treitel reminds us, ‘drew on occult ideas and
experiences to fuel their creative processes.’ Among these Weimar-era
artists there was a shared expectation that the ‘new art speak to the soul’
by drawing ‘heavily on fin-de-siècle German Theosophy and its deeply
psychological understanding of a spiritual reality that lay beyond the
reach of the five senses’.4
While such aesthetic trends were not inherently fascist, they
nonetheless influenced and encouraged modes of artistic experimentation
that had little to do with Weimar-era progressivism, what the film
historian Lotte Eisner referred to as the ‘Mysticism and magic, the dark
forces to which Germans have always been more than willing to commit
themselves’, culminating ‘in the apocalyptic doctrine of Expressionism
[…] a weird pleasure […] in evoking horror […] a predilection for the
imagery of darkness’.5 Similarly, the Weimar social theorist Siegfried
Kracauer has cited Fritz Lang’s expressionist masterpiece, The Cabinet of
Dr Caligari, as well as his later films featuring the criminal mastermind
Dr Mabuse, as representative of Germany’s ‘collective soul’ wavering
between ‘tyranny and chaos’.6 In his Theses Against Occultism, Kracauer’s
Frankfurt School colleague, Theodor Adorno, insisted that the interwar
renaissance in occultism — which he dismissively regarded as ‘the
metaphysics of dunces’ — contributed to the rise of National Socialism
through its ‘irrational rationalization of what advanced industrial
society cannot itself rationalize’ and ‘the ideological mystification of
actual social conditions’.7
4
5
6
7
Corinna Treitel, A Science for the Soul: Occultism and the Genesis of the German Modern
(Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), pp. 109–10.
Lotte Eisner, The Haunted Screen (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), pp.
8–9, 95–97.
Thomas Koebner, ‘Murnau — On Film History as Intellectual History,’ in Dietrich
Scheunemann, ed., Expressionist Film: New Perspectives (Rochester: Camden House,
2003), pp. 111–23. There are those who see the völkisch, supernatural, and irrational
elements intrinsic to Weimar film as less all-encompassing. See, for example, Ofer
Ashkenazi, A Walk into the Night: Reason and Subjectivity in the Films of the Weimar
Republic (Tel Aviv: Am Oved, 2010); Ofer Ashkenazi, Weimar Film and Modern Jewish
Identity (New York and London: Palgrave, 2012).
See Siegfried Kracauer, From Caligari to Hitler a Psychological History of the German
Film (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2019); Cary J. Nederman and James
x
Photography in the Third Reich
If esotericism might have abetted some of the more anti-democratic
tendencies within Weimar culture, however, we should be careful about
equating fascist aesthetics with traditionalism or anti-modernism.
National Socialist ideology and the fascist aesthetic that developed
alongside it, was a dynamic and contradictory amalgam of high
modernism and neo-classicism, of industrial rationality and agrarian
romanticism, biological materialism, and racial mysticism. To be sure,
Goebbels and his acolytes were always willing to make concessions
to the market and the needs of propaganda. If the reality of National
Socialist artistic policy was complex and contentious, the attempt to
create a new fascist aesthetic was nonetheless authentic. As Wolfram
Pyta argues in a recent book, Hitler. The Artist as Politician and Military
Commander, the National Socialist Führer viewed himself as an artist
staging an elaborate Wagnerian drama in which he and other party
leaders were Norse heroes fighting a (meta)physical battle against the
Jewish-Bolshevik Nibelungen. In this political and cultural struggle, the
aesthetics of race and the body, as exemplified by physiognomy, was an
essential element.8
Such aesthetic norms went well beyond preoccupations with
representing socioeconomic reality, as articulated in the Weimar-era
photography of Helmar Lerski or August Sander. Already before 1933
völkisch-oriented photographers such as Erna Lendvai-Dircksen and
Erich Retzlaff favoured a more romantic idealism, anticipating the Third
Reich by producing images that reified physiognomic characteristics and
highlighted the putative racial superiority of heroic peasants vis-à-vis
the subhuman other.9 Though still reflecting the aesthetic sophistication
of Weimar modernity and the pragmatism of the ‘New Objectivity’
(Neue Sachlichkeit), these photographers were, like their colleagues in the
8
9
Wray, ‘Popular Occultism and Critical Social Theory: Exploring Some Themes in
Adorno’s Critique of Astrology and the Occult’, Sociology of Religion 42:4 (1981),
325–32. Also see, Adorno, Stars Come Down to Earth and Other Essays on the Irrational
in Culture (New York: Routledge, 1994).
See Wolfram Pyta, Hitler. The Artist as Politician and Military Commander (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 2015); Frederick Spotts, Hitler and the Power of Aesthetics (New
York: Overlook, 2004).
See, for example, Claudia Gabriel Philipp, Deutsche Volkstrachten, Kunst und
Kulturgeschichte: der Fotograf Hans Retzlaff (Marburg: Jonas Verlag, 1987); Thomas
Friedrich and Falk Blask, eds, Menschenbild und Volksgesicht: Positionen zur Porträt
fotografie im Nationalsozialismus (Münster: LIT, 2006).
Foreword
xi
fields of characterology or graphology, mimicking and in some respects
employing highly modern techniques. Far from rendering the world ‘wie
es eigentlich war’ ‘(what it was actually like)’, they were in fact working
to create a new (faith-based) reality through photography, drawing
on the supernatural imaginary wherever possible. Thus, while ThirdReich-era photography appropriated elements of high modernism and
scientific progress in technical terms, racial physiognomy reinforced a
vision of racial utopia, a völkisch ideal disconnected from any real-world
understanding of science or society.
The perennial debate regarding the visual arts in the Third Reich,
after all, is twofold. The first question has to do with the accuracy of
Benjamin’s assessment above: were the National Socialists successful in
aestheticizing politics in service of their racial and spatial goals; or did
they resign themselves to eliminating only the most prominent examples
of avant-garde (‘degenerate’) art, allowing, sometimes even exploiting,
modern art — not to mention apolitical entertainment — in order to
maintain popularity? The second and related question has to do with
artistic coercion versus consent. To what degree did the regime manage
culture through top-down repression? Or was culture determined by
bottom-up efforts of artists and writers to ‘work toward the Führer’, in
the words of Ian Kershaw, voluntarily producing art that appeared to
satisfy the National Socialist-era market, Hitler, or both?
Early ‘intentionalist’ accounts of National Socialist culture tended
to focus on Hitler and Goebbels’ preoccupation with coordinating
and politicizing art (aestheticizing politics) from the top down. Many
of the same scholars suggested that the National Socialists were
cultural philistines, traditionalists who couldn’t recognize quality art
or understand modernist aesthetics.10 Beginning in the 1980s and 90s,
more ‘functionalist’ accounts have emphasized the porous nature
and artistic eclecticism that defined National Socialist cultural policy,
characterized by competing agendas and often producing improvised
10
See, for example, Paul Ortwin Rave’s Kunstdiktatur im Dritten Reich (Hamburg:
Mann, 1949); Hellmut Lehmann-Haupt, Art under a Dictatorship (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1954); Franz Roh, ‘Entartete’ Kunst: Kunstbarbarei im Dritten Reich
(Hannover: Fackelträger, 1962); David Stewart Hull, Film in the Third Reich (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1969); David Welch, Propaganda and the German
Cinema 1933–1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983); Henry Grosshans,
Hitler and the Artists (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1983).
xii
Photography in the Third Reich
and inconsistent outcomes. Instead of a National Socialist ideological
consensus imposed from above, we see a remarkable willingness on
the part of leading artists and intellectuals to ‘coordinate’ themselves,
whether for economic or ideological reasons, in order to remain viable.11
The essays in this volume provide a newer perspective that moves
beyond both of these schools.12 First and foremost, this collection
indicates that the National Socialists were anything but cultural hacks.
They could appreciate modernist aesthetics, and innovative artists
could appreciate National Socialism as well. In this sense, the National
Socialists were open to new, even avant-garde ideas — provided they
served the purposes of the regime (or pleased its leaders). Indeed, in
looking at the role of the state, individual party leaders, and National
Socialist propaganda before and after the outbreak of the Second World
War; in surveying photographic representations of peasants and workers;
and in analyzing aesthetic norms such as Heimat and beauty, the essays
in this volume uncover a greater ideological coherence and cultural
symbiosis between the regime and the arts than one is accustomed to
finding in classic functionalist accounts. Yet this ideological consensus is
both more voluntarist and diverse than most traditional (‘intentionalist’)
interpretations of National Socialist culture would allow. Whether due
to market forces or ideology, many photographers were eager to work
towards the Führer in order to remain financially and culturally viable
in the Third Reich.
The National Socialists, in turn, embraced many photographers’
experiments in modern technology and communication. This modernity
in technique appeared, in particular, in the pages of the era’s popular
photographic periodicals, such as the Deutsche Illustrierte and Volk und
Rasse, which ranged in content from beautiful ‘Nordic’ women on skis
to physiognomic profiles of putatively ‘degenerate’ Dachau inmates.13
Hitler’s personal photographer, Heinrich Hoffmann, and the abovementioned Erich Retzlaff produced parallel images of the National
11
12
13
See again Steinweis, Art (1996); Kater, Culture in Nazi Germany (2019); Potter, Art
of Suppression (2016); Spotts, Hitler and the Power of Aesthetics (2004). For an earlier
example anticipating this argument, see Hildegard Brenner, Die Kunstpolitik des
Nationalsozialismus (Berlin: Rowohlt, 1963).
For a useful synthesis of this newer approach, see Kater, Culture in Nazi Germany
(2019).
David Crew, ‘Photography and the Cinema,’ in Robert Gellately, ed., Oxford
Illustrated History of Germany (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018).
Foreword
xiii
Socialist elite, promoting an ideal of physiognomic ‘nobility’. Similar
attempts were made by Retzlaff and others to portray the German peasant
as an ideal of Aryan physiognomy, the archetypal representative of bloodand-soil ideology. National-Socialist-era photographers also glorified
labour, though in ways that emphasized technology as well as race,
creating images not dissimilar from those idealizing industrialization
in America or the Soviet Union. Photos of the German Heimat were,
in contrast, especially romanticized and racialized, drawing on the
mythical imagination of Germany’s past and future. Nowhere were the
aesthetics of physiognomy more clearly on display — or more explicitly
politicized — than in Leni Riefenstahl’s Olympia, which played on
racialist tropes as consciously and as successfully as any contemporary
work of National Socialist propaganda.
What held all this together — the regime’s intentions and the artists’
aspirations — was the ‘Nazi supernatural imaginary’, infused by völkisch
imagery and the aesthetics of physiognomy. This pseudo-scientific
thinking allowed faith-based, blood-and-soil mysticism and ‘applied
biology’ to co-exist, bringing the Third Reich’s racial and spatial fantasies
into more concrete reality. Though technically sophisticated and
modernist in aesthetic sensibility, National-Socialist-era photography
consequently drew on the ‘parascience’ of physiognomy to facilitate
a project of racial resettlement and even mass murder. At least in the
realm of photography, as the essays in this volume suggest, Benjamin’s
pronouncement still rings true.
Introduction
Editor’s Introduction
Christopher Webster
When photography was born from the union of chemistry and optics
(‘officially’ in 1839),1 it was long anticipated and much desired. From the
Renaissance onwards, the urge to provide greater and greater accuracy
drove artists to use optical aids when drawing, such as the Camera
Obscura. Among the newly wealthy and emergent middle classes of
this anthropocentric era, born out of the Enlightenment, there was also
a desire for an image-making process that did not rely on the expensive
and elitist process of painting. Devices such as the Camera Obscura led
to other machines that could provide simple but accurate likenesses.
The advent of photography in 1839 presented to the world a device
that seemed capable of reproducing reality so exactly as to seem a very
piece of that reality itself. Even a scene physically far removed from the
intended viewer’s gaze could apparently be brought from the realm of
the exotic to the innocuous space of the drawing room of any European
or American household. Through optics and chemistry, a translocation
occurred where it seemed that the receiver of the photograph could
hold and read a fragment of another place. Although it did not provide
an actual window onto reality (after all, the photograph in its flattened,
monotone, shrunken state is a derivation of what the cameraman saw)
it was so unique in its time that it appeared to do so.
As the next best thing to the ‘real’, the photograph quickly assumed
a position as arbiter of truth without precedent. This was particularly
1
Louis Jacques Mandé Daguerre’s photographic process was disclosed to the French
public on 19 August 1839.
© Christopher Webster, CC BY 4.0
https://doi.org/10.11647/OBP.0202.09
2
Photography in the Third Reich
relevant in an age when empiricism was the cardinal rule. Photographs
appeared as certainties. They seemed certain because they were verifiably
of something — even the photocollage or the carefully assembled
photomontage were composed from pieces that had at first been a
representation of an object before the lens. Photography lent gravitas
to the past and framed collective histories: from the family snapshot to
the state occasion; from the dance floor to the battlefield; from birth to
death. The photograph was regarded not only as a scientific marvel but
also as an objective aid to recording, which would affect a revolution in
human perception. The photograph became evidence and purported to
display things as they were. Within months of photography’s invention
and announcement the new photographers began to travel to every
corner of the European-dominated world.
The ability of the camera to take (as opposed to make) a seemingly
‘true’ portrait likeness, a vera icon, ensured its popularity. When
portraits were made, physiognomic science was quickly applied to
read the shadow on the photographer’s plate. Until relatively recently,
physiognomy was generally assumed to be able to reveal, by careful
study of the features and body of the subject, something about the
inner person. The Swiss pastor Johann Kaspar Lavater (1741–1801)
famously helped to revive physiognomy as a credible study after
it had fallen somewhat into disrepute during the Middle Ages and
Renaissance, when it became associated with palmistry and other
divinatory practices. The Renaissance polymath Giovanni Battista
della Porta (1538–1615) for example, had been brought before the
Inquisition after over-enthusiastic Neapolitans had hailed him as
a ‘magus’. Della Porta had, amongst his other publications, also
published De Humana Physiognomonia in 1586. In De Humana, Della
Porta’s makes a comparative study between the external characteristics
of humans and animals. As with many of the nascent scientists of the
Renaissance, Della Porta’s worldview was intrinsically spiritual and
magical, a kind of spiritual metaphysics.
Lavater described how, after careful training, the physiognomist
could make a reading of the character in the face; in so doing he was
drawing on a broad tradition that included Della Porta. Lavater ensured
the continuing popularity of such an understanding through likeness.
Nor should the extent of his influence be underestimated. After Lavater’s
Introduction
3
death in 1801 the Scots Magazine remarked that he had been, ‘For many
years one of the most famous men in Europe’.2
For Lavater, the likeness was a derivation of the mark of the creator,
a mystical connection to a higher ideal that through moral degradation
led to visual ‘types.’ Lavater posed the rhetorical question:
The human countenance, that mirror of Divinity, that noblest of
the works of the Creator — shall not motive and action, shall not the
correspondence between the interiour and the exteriour, the visible and
the invisible, the cause and the effect, be there apparent?3
The empiricist nineteenth-century sciences, which sought reason
over superstition and evidence over faith, nevertheless explored
processes of visual examination that were linked to, and born out of
an understanding of what was effectively an esoteric physiognomy and
widely divergent interpretations of Darwinian evolution. Thus, when
photography was invented at the beginning of the nineteenth century, it
was quickly assimilated as a tool for making physiological assessments,
both in the service of science and as a more populist cultural record.
Certainly, by the end of the nineteenth century, the camera was being
applied prolifically throughout emergent scientific fields of study, such
as anthropology, as a measuring and classifying device.
In the late nineteenth century, many in Germany, a country that had
only recently been forged into a national state, were keen to demarcate
and underline what could specifically be regarded as ‘Germanic’, both
visually and otherwise. One symptom of the cultural anxieties of the
era was the emergence of the völkisch movement, an eclectic mix of
philosophies and trends that involved notions of ethnicity, Heimat (or
homeland), a return to the land, nature, and romanticism, in particular.
Science and photography became inextricably intertwined with these
notions especially as several leading scientists, including Ernst Haeckel
(1834–1919), endorsed a social-Darwinist and ethnically-led hypothesis
of German racial science. German science, therefore, laid down the
visual formatting for the photographer’s approach to the visage of the
German Volk.
2
3
John Graham, ‘Lavater’s Physiognomy in England’, Journal of the History of Ideas 22:4
(1961), 561.
Johann Kaspar Lavater, Essays on Physiognomy for the Promotion of the Knowledge and
Love of Mankind (London: G. G. J. and J. Robinson, 1789), p. 24.
4
Photography in the Third Reich
By the early twentieth century, ethnographic images were
commonly utilised as an increasingly sophisticated tool to validate
claims centred on the distinction between one race and another.
Scientific texts such as Deutsche Köpfe nordischer Rasse (German heads
Nordic race, 1927)4 written by the racial scientists Hans F. K. Günther
(1891–1968) and Eugen Fischer (1874–1967) set out to illustrate the
Nordic ‘type’ using the clear eye of the photographer’s lens. The use of
photography as a comparative means of assessment and identification
became increasingly paramount during this period, not only in
scientific documents, but also in popular publications that contained
photographs of racial types from around the world displayed in
photographic charts. What these studies highlighted was not only
the geography and range of race, but also what was perceived as the
negative admixture and miscegenation that, according to celebrated
scientists like Günther), posed a threat to the German race.
In line with the development and use of documentary and creative
modernist photography in other parts of the world, Weimar Germany
(1919–1933) also quickly established the photographic form as a
revelatory medium to document the German people. Moreover,
whether the political ideology was of the left or of the right, many
photographers were galvanised to impose a typological approach even
in their creative practices. Progressive photographic practice in Weimar
Germany emerged emphatically and innovatively with its rejection of
‘arty’ Pictorialist practices of manipulation to offer something straight,
direct, sometimes brutal — what came to be characterised as the ‘New
Vision’. This was when photography, ‘came to occupy a privileged place
among the aesthetic activities of the historical moment’.5
The photographic focus on physiognomy in Germany that
preoccupied so many of the photographers between the two world
wars was a focus common to those with conservative or nationalist
sympathies, as well as to those who rejected or were unaffiliated
with the extremes of the political axis. The celebrated and influential
photographer August Sander (1876–1964), for example, employed
4
5
Eugen Fischer and Hans F. K. Günther, Deutsche Köpfe nordischer Rasse: Ergebnisse
des Preisausschreibens für den besten nordischen Rassenkopf (München: J. F. Lehmann
Verlag, 1927).
George Baker, ‘Photography between Narrativity and Stasis: August Sander,
Degeneration and the Death of the Portrait’, October 76 (Spring 1996), 76.
Introduction
5
physiognomy as the central pillar of his portrait catalogue of the
German people. According to George Baker, Sander had followed
a personal visual interpretation of Hegelian dialectics and sought
to demonstrate how degeneracy is co-equal with progress.6 In
1931 Kenneth Macpherson, writing about Helmar Lerski’s (1871–
1956) book Köpfe des Alltags (Everyday Heads), thought that the
photographer had defined a ‘clear definition of the physionomicalpsychological accord; a blending of visible and ‘invisible’, so that
rather more than character delineation is there […] Pores of the skin,
cracked lips, hairs in the nostrils — these are part of the purpose and
reality’.7 But photographers who would later prosper under National
Socialism also adopted these approaches using a ‘clear definition of the
physionomical-psychological’ as defined by those Weimar proponents
of the ‘New Vision’.
When the National Socialists emerged as the dominant political force
in Germany in 1933, many photographers who coordinated themselves
according to the new dispensation (the Selbstgleichschaltung or selfcoordination) were already considered as pioneers in their photographic
output with regard to depictions of the racial German proletariat.
Indeed, their work seemed an ideal vehicle to broadly disseminate
notions centred on the Volksgemeinschaft or people’s community. The
work was invested with a romantic artfulness that made the images
visually appealing, as well as carrying the legitimisation of document.
This was a time when:
[…] ordinary people increasingly recognised themselves as inhabitants
of cultural territories distinguished by language and custom […] As
Germans came to regard each other as contemporaries, they took
increasing interest in the tribulations of fellow citizens, tied their own
biographies to the national epic, and thereby intertwined personal with
national history.8
These photographs were born from a then emergent modernist
photographic practice, which often possessed the descriptive vigour of
the Neue Sachlichkeit (New Objectivity) and the directness of an Edward
6
7
8
See George Baker, ‘Photography between Narrativity and Stasis’ (1996).
Kenneth Macpherson, ‘As Is’ (1931), in David Mellor, ed., Germany — the New
Photography 1927–1933 (London: The Arts Council of Great Britain, 1978), p. 68.
Peter Fritzsche, ‘The Archive’, History and Memory 17:1/2 (Spring/Summer 2005), 17.
6
Photography in the Third Reich
Weston. These portraits are presented without filters and where there is
a hint of a romantic vision it is far removed from the soft vagueness of
Pictorialism. They have more in common with Walker Evans’ portraits of
sharecroppers in Alabama or Dorothea Lange’s Depression-era migrant
workers. These American counterparts were producing photographic
studies as a marker of their time, when their subjects were enduring
the trauma of the Depression and its deleterious effect on labour and
farming. Supported by government salaries, these photographers
sought to ‘show and tell’, to underscore the primacy of the American
relationship to ‘honest labour’ whilst simultaneously highlighting the
plight of these people in turbulent and even disastrous economic times.
Their German contemporaries echo this concerned documentary
approach. However, images of plight were not recorded, but rather
a celebration of the peasant and proletarian. These photographs
are situated as a counterpoint to the perceived dangerous effects of
Weimar cosmopolitanism and urban living. They emphasize notions
of Heimat and Blut und Boden (Blood and Soil), concepts that were
embedded in National Socialist thinking. They were constructed
images of ‘Ethnos’.9
The subjects recorded in their portfolios are often constructed as
striking and unavoidable. Very often, the subjects are encountered
face-to-face, almost literally. In the folio publications that included
much of this work, many of the portraits are reproduced at near-lifesize, creating an unsettling sense of intimacy — sharp eyes, creases of
skin, wrinkles, stubble, and roughness. There can be no doubt that this
work was often an attempt to ennoble the subjects.10 Clearly these are
not ‘neutral’ photographs; their use by, for example, the Rassenpolitische
Amt der NSDAP (the Office of Racial Policy) in various publications and
expositions situates them as political objects and thus inextricably bound
to the fundamental belief system of the National Socialist state.
In the first serious post-war examination in English of the art of
National Socialism, Brandon Taylor and Wilfried van der Will’s The
9
10
The editor has used ‘Ethnos’ as a summary term for this ethnically driven approach
to (in particular) the autochthonous peasant and other ‘people of the soil’. These
were images about the ‘tribe’, about blood and belonging, framed, as this text
explores, through a modern lens of myth, politics, and science.
Although this was not exclusively the case — see for example Andrés Zervigón’s
discussion on Erna Lendvai-Dircksen in this volume.
Introduction
7
Nazification of Art (1990) suggested that the historical unwillingness to
discuss the subject of National Socialist creative making in any critical
depth had been the result of an:
[…] understandable reluctance […] to enter into discussions about
National Socialist art for fear of being accused of implying support either
for the works under review or for the regime which sponsored them. On
the other hand, the tendency to condemn all such works as ‘horrific’ to
an equal degree is a sure sign that the process of historical, social and
aesthetic analysis has yet to begin.11
Although there has been a plethora of studies on a wide variety of aspects
of image-making in the Third Reich, including film, the graphic and fine
arts, in the (nearly) thirty years since The Nazification of Art appeared,
a focussed examination in English of the work of specifically creative
photographers of Ethnos who flourished under National Socialism is
now long overdue, particularly in relation to understanding the lasting
historical legacy of their work as ‘art’ employed as propaganda.12 Yet,
such examinations are still fraught by the potential for negative reactions
to the topic, especially in modern-day Germany and Austria. As a result,
the photography under scrutiny here has received scant non-judgmental
11
12
Brandon Taylor and Wilfried van der Will, The Nazification of Art: Art, Design, Music,
Architecture and Film in the Third Reich (Winchester: The Winchester Press, 1990),
p. 5. Even this valuable academic text did not explore creative photography in any
depth.
Exceptions do exist in German. Rolf Sachsse’s book Die Erziehung Zum Wegsehen:
Photographie im NS-Staat (Dresden: Philo and Philo Fine Arts, 2003) is a wellresearched, broad, yet detailed study of this period but only available in German;
another good example (also only available in German) is the series of essays
on the work of Erna Lendvai-Dircksen: Falk Blask and Thomas Friedrich, eds,
Menschenbild und Volksgesicht: Positionen zur Porträtfotografie im Nationalsozialismus
(Münster: Lit, 2005). Paul Garson’s New Images of Nazi Germany (Jefferson:
McFarland and Co. Inc., 2012) is an interesting study but, like his earlier volume
Album of the Damned (Chicago: Academy Chicago Publishers, 2009), has an
emphasis on personal photography and snapshot photography. Other studies
are broader in their scope (i.e., their historical focus is broader) such as Klaus
Honnef, German Photography 1870–1970 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997)
or focus on very specific topics, such as Janina Struk’s excellent Photographing the
Holocaust (London: I.B. Tauris, 2003), or deal with the periods prior to Hitler (in
particular the Weimar period) or post-Hitler. Relevant recent studies of interest
in English include Elizabeth Cronin’s Heimat Photography in Austria: A Politicized
Vision of Peasants and Skiers (Salzburg: Fotohof Edition, 2015). However, literature
on specifically creative/art photography during the Third Reich, and in particular
by those supportive of the regime, remains remarkably scarce.
8
Photography in the Third Reich
critical attention in the various histories of photography, largely because
of the political affiliation of this work prior to 1945 and the ongoing
political bias of some contemporary academics. As the historian Anna
Bramwell has suggested, ‘Reading history backwards has its problems,
especially when it is done from the highly politicised (and nearly always
social democratic) viewpoint natural to historians of Nazi Germany’.13
This volume is intended to be a part of a process of re-evaluation in
context.
Though it has been well documented how many creative
photographers made the decision to leave Germany prior to or
soon after the January 1933 electoral success of Adolf Hitler and his
Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP),14 there were some
who not only tolerated, but welcomed the political change and, through
self-co-ordination with the regime, continued to practice as creative
freelance photographers during the twelve years of the Third Reich.
This book therefore is a photo-historical survey of the work of some
of those select photographers who embraced (or at least professionally
endured) National Socialism and the formulation of a somatic vision
that accorded or aligned itself with a National Socialist worldview.
Involved as it is in the main with creative practice, this text places
a deliberate emphasis on those photographers who made an idealised
(and aesthetically guided) representation of the overarching notion
of Blut und Boden (Blood and Soil), often through the image of the
German peasant (and his landscape) and almost invariably through an
interpretation of physiognomy. The idea of ‘Blood and Soil’ predated
National Socialism, however, the idea was adapted and upheld as a
core tenet of the movement and has since become synonymous with
National Socialism.
Again, according to Anna Bramwell, ‘Blood and Soil’ as understood
by National Socialism,
… was the link between those who held and farmed the land and whose
generations of blood, sweat and tears had made the land part of their
being, and their being integral to the soil. It meant to them the unwritten
13
14
Anna Bramwell, Blood and Soil: Richard Walther Darré and Hitler’s ‘Green Party’
(Abbotsbrook, Bourne End, Bucks.: The Kensall Press, 1985), p. 2.
Hitler’s National Socialist German Workers Party (NSDAP) won the national
elections on 30 January 1933, signalling the beginning of the so-called ‘Third Reich’.
Introduction
9
history of Europe, a history unconnected with trade, the banditry of the
aristocracy, and the infinite duplicity of church and monarchy. It was the
antithesis of the mercantile spirit, and still appeals to some basic instinct
as a critique of unrootedness.15
This book examines the influence of pseudo-scientific notions (such as
physiognomy) as well as völkisch culture on photography and how this
ethnically orientated photography was exploited by the regime (but also
enthusiastically produced) after 1933. It analyses the social, political,
institutional and cultural processes that affected the photographic
practices of select photographers and the proliferation of their influential
work during the twelve years of National Socialist rule in Germany. This
book sets out to explore how an aestheticized photography was used to
create a visual correlation to the ‘Master Race’ (and its antitheses) and
continued to do so under the auspices of the National Socialist state. The
contributions to this volume explore the question of whether we can
talk of a distinct National Socialist photographic style and posits that if it
does exist it might be argued to lie in a stylised representation of the body
as constituent parts of the Volksgemeinschaft (the people’s community)
by these often passionate photographers, who were concerned with
imposing a new National Socialist and völkisch-influenced reading of the
notion of a ‘Blood and Soil’ Ethnos.
Where National Socialist ideology itself was conflicted and
conflicting (shifting emphasis over its twenty-five-year period from the
original twenty-five-point programme of 1920), after 1933 all aspects
of culture, including photography and the visual arts, were deeply
impacted by the specific demands of the new government. By the mid1930s, the regime’s policy towards the visual arts had effectively become
a reflection of Hitler’s personal taste for a form of ‘Heroic Realism’ with
‘Blood and Soil’ as a core element of these representations.
In the Weimar era, photographers such as Helmar Lerski and August
Sander had developed their physiognomic precepts for photography
on notions such as class and social position; photographers under
National Socialism on the other hand, based their studies on biology,
culture, and the homeland or Heimat (and to some degree a mythic
melange of all of these), the guiding principles of ‘Blood and Soil’.
15
Bramwell, Blood and Soil (1985), p. 53.
10
Photography in the Third Reich
Many of these photographers, for example, Erna Lendvai-Dircksen
(1883–1962) and Erich Retzlaff (1899–1993), had already begun
developing a catalogue of racially ‘satisfactory’ and ‘heroic’ peasants
during the Weimar period. Whereas their approach became officially
sanctioned by the regime after the Gleichshaltung (co-ordination) of
culture that began in 1933, photographers like Sander were censured.
This book includes examinations of how already established, as well
as emergent photographers reflected these ‘Blood and Soil’ tendencies
in their portfolios and publications, and how personal ideology, social
advancement, scientific discourses, and political pressure influenced
their practice and output.
***
In the first chapter ‘State’, Rolf Sachsse explores the interplay between
National Socialist policies towards the arts and photographic aesthetics
where ‘media modernity was introduced into a totalitarian government
structure’, as well as how this interaction created a lasting legacy in
(West) Germany after 1945. Sachsse unravels the seemingly contrary
positions of National Socialism’s celebration of the past and its emphasis
on a modern industrial vision, weaving a discourse that examines how
‘New Vision’ approaches to media, design, and photography played on
paradoxically archaic depictions of Germans themselves, their history,
and their landscape. It was, as Sachsse asserts, a process of encouraging
a ‘looking away’ that used state-of-the-art approaches.
Chapter two, ‘Leaders’, describes how leadership was framed as
an aesthetic manifestation of the Führerprinzip (leader principle), the
model for leadership in the National Socialist state. The chapter focuses
on select publications by one specific photographer, Erich Retzlaff, to
explore how this photo-construction extended, like the Führerprinzip
itself, through the so-called National Socialist ‘elite’, for example, in
publications such as Wegbereiter und Vorkämpfer für das neue Deutschland
(Pioneers and Champions of the New Germany, 1933). It is argued that
many of the photographs, such as those reproduced in Wegbereiter and
other publications like it, go beyond mere record and physiognomically
position these men as a new type of man, a political elite. This
presentation of an ethno-nationalist elite included sportsmen, artists,
and, later, military figures, amongst others. Using these and other
Introduction
11
photographic examples, the chapter explores how the physiognomic
profile of Hitler can be read in conjunction with an attempt to develop
a broader physiognomic portrait of a National Socialist leadership elite.
Following on from the themes developed in the second chapter,
in chapter three, ‘Workers’, Andrés Zervigón examines the framing
of the ‘Germanic’ peasant and worker, and Erna Lendvai-Dircksen’s
‘psychological’ approach in particular. Zervigón explores how these
close-up photographs often forced the viewer to look longer at the
face of the subject, to engage with it, and thus to read it as framed by
a mode that employed both archaism and ultra-modernity. Zervigón
argues that the reading of the photograph was thus determined by the
context within which the image was framed and the milieu in which it
was being presented. From the modernity of the Reichsautobahn, to the
lone farmer at work with the scythe and the peasant girl in traditional
costume, this photography seemed to set out to create an aestheticised
and propagandistic record of paradoxical modernisation and entrenched
tradition. At the centre of these visual constructions were the workers
themselves as time-worn or idealised bodies, racial paragons, and
dramatic physiognomic types.
Ulrich Hägele (chapter four) follows the development of the
visualisation of the notion of Heimat from its Romantic origins in the
nineteenth century through to its manifestation as a genre of creative
photography during the era of the Third Reich. Hägele surveys the
often convoluted and ideologically entangled use of Heimat that found
its political apotheosis after 1933 with an emphasis on the work of Erna
Lendvai-Dircksen and Hans Retzlaff. Using these specific examples,
Hägele explores the photographic manifestation of Heimat as projected
onto the individual situated within the land and as part of the land itself
in a ‘Blood and Soil’ context. The chapter sets out how the relationship
of these photographic portfolios to National Socialism was more
complex than has formerly been proposed, with an examination of their
placement as ‘documentary’. The essay appraises these photographer’s
works as more than merely a blunt affirmation of National Socialist
ideology, arguing rather that they were informed by a broader sense of
national romanticism.
Chapter five, ‘Myth’, explores this notion of a ‘national romanticism’
further by examining the controversial impact of nineteenth-century
12
Photography in the Third Reich
völkisch and occult currents on National Socialism, and how this
supposedly parlous influence leached into image-making and into
photography in particular. Using select examples, the chapter explores
the photographic framing of the German as ‘other’. National Socialist
ideologues and propagandists, like their predecessors in the nineteenthand early-twentieth-century völkisch mise-en-scène, clearly recognised
the unifying power of myth and thus promoted (and exploited) it as
part of their overarching cultural programme. The work of controversial
scholars such as Herman Wirth, and the influence of political
institutions such as Himmler’s Ahnenerbe, played a role in directing
this visual manifestation of the (specifically) rural inhabitant so that
they were presented as a race apart, having a semi-divine origin in a
mythical Urheimat in the ‘ultimate north’. As images of Ethnos, these
photographic portfolios ‘revealed’ the peasant as an archetypal figure.
In contrast to chapter five, Amos Morris Reich’s essay ‘Science’
(chapter six) enters into the respective scientific logics of a variety of
scientific and scholarly fields and reconstructs, from within, the use of
photographic techniques with regards to ‘race’ before and during the
National Socialist period. From a methodological perspective, the text
surveys Rudolf Martin’s standardization of photography as a measuring
device in physical anthropology. The second part explores how, during
the Third Reich, these techniques were redefined because their scientific,
political, and aesthetic contexts had been transformed. Morris Reich
argues here that the range of scientific and ideological positions with
which photography was aligned became smaller, and rather than being
guided by any substantial scientific questions, these positions were
used to uphold components of the National Socialist worldview and,
sometimes, immediate political concerns. But this process of contraction
was not limited to the science-politics nexus, in the strictest sense of
the term, as it reflected wider contemporary cultural-political processes.
The chapter ends by exploring how, during the Third Reich, the
scientific uses of photography increasingly overlapped with National
Socialist aesthetic ideologies in general and with certain branches of
documentary and art photography in particular.
***
Introduction
13
Photography in the Third Reich is an exegesis of the work of select
photographers and aesthetic photographic practices during the Third
Reich. It is not intended as an overview of photographic practice and
application per se during the Hitler years, rather, it is specifically focussed
on those photographers who engaged with work that emphasised an
anti-rational, anti-enlightenment, and romantic model, creating a
visual framework upon which ideas relating to the Volk could be hung,
especially in the image of the autochthonous peasant.
This aesthetic photography presented the subjects as inhabitants of
an idealised space and underlined a radical traditionalism relating to
Ethnos. The subjects represented a connectivity with the past through
customs, dress, and, in particular, the face, as representative of breeding
and ‘good blood’. The ideal that was visualised looked backwards
through a blend of myth, tradition, race science, and occult currents to
a divine origin of the ‘Aryan’ who had, it was suggested, emerged in a
distant time from an Ultima Thule. And, Janus-like, this work was part of
an ideology that also looked forward to a rebirth, an epic palingenesis16
where, out of the dying decadent world, a new one would be forged in
fire and blood.
This book also explores how this interpretation of the autochthonous
Volk was directed by and co-opted for political propagandistic purposes
and where it might be said to fit into an aesthetic and contextual
understanding of photography from this period. Although not
specifically an eisegesis of the relationship of this photography to ethnic
cleansing as a result of racial political policies, it will be argued that the
work of these photographers created a mindset of national uniqueness,
a visual ethnic identity, and ultimately a reactionary intolerance in the
metapolitical crucible of the Third Reich.
Read on a formalist level (a medium-specific approach to interpreting
photography using notions such as style, self-expression, aesthetics
and photographic tradition) this creative photography of the Third
Reich carries all the merits of what is considered ‘great’ modernist
photography from that period. In terms of a purely aesthetic reading
(composition, tone, technique, expressiveness, originality, etc.) they are
often outstanding and certainly equivalent to the work of their peers
16
On this notion of a national ‘palingenesis’ see Roger Griffin, Modernism and Fascism
(2007).
14
Photography in the Third Reich
outside of Germany who are still highly regarded by critics, collectors,
museums, and galleries. But such a reading only reveals one facet of
their construction. Reading these images from a post-modern and nonaesthetic context (as objects spawned with a particular social function
and ideological coding) is also insufficient, however, even when it
allows a sharper analytical review of their origination. This book adopts
both approaches (formalist aesthetic and analytical). This co-dependent
reading facilitates an analysis of these images’ aesthetic presence as
material objects when reproduced in magazines and other media, such
as ‘coffee-table’ picture books, allied with the historical, socio-cultural,
and political origins that made these photographs so powerful as carriers
of meaning, which potently added to the German national myth.
Photo Lessons: Teaching Physiognomy during
the Weimar Republic
Pepper Stetler
Photography flourished during the Weimar Republic as a prolific form
of visual communication. Artists were remarkably aware of their era as a
moment of transition in which an imagined future of a new photographic
language was yet to occur.17 In a photographically illustrated essay
published in 1928, the graphic designer Johannes Molzahn envisioned
a future in which reading would be an obsolete skill. ‘“Stop reading!
Look!” will be the motto in education,’ Molzahn wrote, ‘“Stop Reading!
Look!” will be the guiding principle of daily newspapers’.18 In an
essay published in 1927 on the growing prevalence of photography in
advertising, the Hungarian-born Bauhaus professor László MoholyNagy predicted, ‘those ignorant of photography, rather than writing,
will be the illiterate of the future’.19 Molzahn, Moholy-Nagy and others
anticipated photography’s eventual achievement of a universally
accessible and highly efficient form of communication. Germany’s
immediate future did not fulfil such emancipatory predictions. By the
end of the Weimar Republic, it was clear that one of photography’s most
significant achievements was repackaging physiognomy, the ancient
practice of identifying and classifying people according to racial and
ethnic type, as a modern visual language.20
17
18
19
20
See Pepper Stetler, Stop Reading! Look!: Modern Vision and the Weimar Photographic
Book (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2015).
Johannes Molzahn, ‘Nicht mehr lessen! Sehen!’ Das Kunstblatt 12:3 (1928), p. 80.
László Moholy-Nagy, ‘Die Photographie in der Reklame,’ Photographische
Korrespondenz 63:9 (1927), 259.
The bibliography on physiognomic theories during the Weimar Republic is
extensive. In addition to Rittelmann’s work (see for example her essay ‘Facing
Off: Photography, Physiognomy, and National Identity in the Modern German
Photobook’ Radical History Review 106 (December 2010)), studies particularly
relevant here are Rüdiger Campe and Manfred Schneider, eds, Geschichten der
Physiognomik: Text, Bild, Wissen (Freiburg im Breisgau: Rombach Verlag, 1996);
Sander Gilman and Claudia Schmölders, eds, Gesichter der Weimarer Republik: eine
physiognomische Kulturgeschichte (Köln: DuMont, 2000); Sabine Hake, ‘Faces of
Weimar Germany,’ in Dudley Andrew, ed., The Image in Dispute: Art and Cinema
in the Age of Reproduction (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1997), pp. 117–47;
Claudia Schmölders, Das Vorurteil im Leibe: eine Einführung in die Physiognomik
(Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1995); Wolfgang Brückle, ‘Politisierung des Angesichts:
© Pepper Stetler, CC BY 4.0
https://doi.org/10.11647/OBP.0202.10
16
Photography in the Third Reich
Repeated and paraphrased by critics, typographers, art historians,
and photographers, Moholy-Nagy’s statement became a catchphrase of
the era and justified the publication of countless photographic books.
Walter Benjamin saw a connection between Moholy-Nagy’s prediction
and August Sander’s Antlitz der Zeit (Face of Our Time), which he
described as a training manual for the increasingly vital skill of reading
facial types. Antlitz der Zeit featured sixty of Sander’s portraits of German
citizens taken between 1910 and 1929. The project has come to exemplify
the systematic and comparative nature of physiognomic looking that
photography facilitates. ‘Whether one is of the Left or the Right,’
Benjamin writes, ‘one will have to get used to being looked at in terms
of one’s provenance’.21 The statement is part of an essay on the history of
photography. Yet a preoccupation with the future — what the outcome
of this culture dominated by photographic media will be — haunts
this essay by one of the era’s most important critics of photography.
The urgency of Benjamin’s statement lies in its anticipation of a visual
practice that would dominate the Third Reich — recognizing specific
racial, ethnic, and political identities through different visual features.
But it is also remarkable for its connection between the photographic
innovations that Benjamin had watched emerge during the Weimar
Republic and this foreboding future. The connection seemed inevitable
to him by 1931, so much so that this form of looking was not something
to resist, but something to get used to.
Declarations of photography as a new universal language and its
revival of physiognomic looking went hand in hand with the racialized
and metaphysical pursuits of National Socialist photography. This
continuity points to uncomfortable connections between Weimar
modernism and the fascist ideology of totalitarian regimes. As Eric
Kurlander points out in his forward to this volume, scholars acknowledge
21
Zur Semantik des fotografischen Porträts in der Weimarer Republik,’ Fotogeschichte
17:65 (1997), 3–24; Richard T. Gray, About Face: German Physiognomic Thought from
Lavater to Auschwitz (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2004); Helmut Lethen,
‘Neusachliche Physiognomik: gegen den Schrecken der ungewissen Zeichen,’ Der
Deutschunterricht 2 (1997), 6–19.
Walter Benjamin, ‘A Short History of Photography,’ in Michael W. Jennings, Brigid
Doherty, and Thomas Y. Levin, eds, The World of Art in the Age of its Technological
Reproducibility and other Writings on Media (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 2008), p. 287. Originally published in Die literarische Welt (September-October
1931).
Fig. 0.1 ‘Physiognomik,’ Praktische Berlinerin 16 (1927), 15. Public domain.
18
Photography in the Third Reich
that National-Socialist-era culture developed from — rather than
broke with — Weimar aesthetic traditions. The racial strategies of
photographers during the Third Reich took advantage of efforts to
instil a photographic literacy in a mass public during the Weimar
Republic. In the first chapter of this volume, Rolf Sachsse argues for the
‘media modernity’ of the Third Reich — how some of the totalitarian
regime’s most celebrated photographers developed from the strategies
of ‘New Vision’ photography during the 1920s and early 1930s. This
introduction establishes efforts to train modern viewers in photographic
literacy during the Weimar Republic as an important parallel trend. The
photographers discussed in the chapters that follow build on such skills
already put in place by the photo-media culture of the Weimar Republic.
Illustrated magazines and newspaper editors were aware that the
growing dominance of the visual required their readers to possess new
sets of perceptual skills. An article from 1927, published in the women’s
magazine Praktische Berlinerin (see Fig. 0.1), presents physiognomy as a
way to enhance the enjoyment of summer vacations:
For the married woman who is wrapped up in her occupation as
housewife and mother, vacation is the only opportunity to meet new
people… Luckily, the nature of man was created so that his character can
for the most part be determined from facial features. Writing, hands, gait,
posture, shape of the head, and face create a unity that good judges of
character quickly utilize for their purposes.22
Although its origins lie in the ancient world, the article describes
physiognomy as a modern visual skill that can be developed through
experience.
Physiognomic skills also prevent potentially duplicitous social
interactions: ‘Lifelong friendships are often started on the beach, and
of course disappointment often follows soon after a hasty, pleasant
attraction, when one’s affections have been given away too quickly.
Knowledge of humankind is necessary for all women’.23 The photographs
accompanying the essay break up the human face into the most
concentrated areas of physiognomic meaning: eyes, forehead, lips, chin,
and nose. The layout of the article emphasizes the separation of the face
into parts, yet it also allows the viewer to imagine their reorganization
22
23
‘Physiognomik,’ Praktische Berlinerin 16 (1927), 15.
Ibid.
Introduction
19
into a unified whole. Columns of text separate eyes from lips, foreheads
from chins, while the photographs of noses appear in the middle of the
page. The article’s photographs provide views of the face through which
the overall character and identity of a person can be deduced. Two
photographs of each part of the face appear, allowing us to compare, for
example, a ‘softly outlined, good-natured nose’ to a ‘sharply outlined,
egotistical nose.’ The physiognomic lesson of this essay depends on the
cropping, close-ups, and montage-like arrangement of photographic
images. Physiognomic reading is considered a skill necessary to interact
with strangers in modern life. It requires modern viewers to organize
information and establish a coherent worldview from an overwhelming
visual field. As presented in this article, physiognomy involved
determining the whole from the part, deducing characteristics of a
person from a particularly telling detail. The determination of character
from facial features cropped and isolated in photographs exemplifies
the kind of visual training that Molzahn and Moholy-Nagy promoted.
While illustrated newspapers like Praktische Berlinerin trained a
mass audience in physiognomic looking, photographic archives of
racial types were emerging as important tools in areas of specialized
study. Dr Egon von Eickstadt’s Archiv für Rassenbilder (Archive of Racial
Images) assembled ‘scientifically and technically flawless images from
life’ into an archive of ‘all races and racial groups of the Earth’.24 Offered
for sale to the public as a book in 1926, the archive consisted of small
cards that could be used ‘for instruction and lectures’ and fulfilled
‘the needs of anthropologists and representatives of neighbouring
fields (anatomy, ethnology, geography, and others)’.25 In order to
convey scientific standardization and objectivity, each card showed a
profile, frontal, and oblique photography of a member of a particular
race. Eickstadt’s archive emphasizes the comprehensive nature of the
physiognomic project that is so easily facilitated by the reproducibility
of the photographic medium. Multiple photographs are compiled into
one composite picture of a race or ethnicity.
24
25
Egon von Eickstedt, ed., Archiv für Rassenbilder: Bildaufsätze zur Rassenkunde (Munich:
J.F. Lehmanns Verlag, 1926). An advertisement for the archive in the back of Ludwig
Ferdinand Clauss, Von Seele und Antlitz der Rassen und Völker: Eine Einführung in
die vergleichende Ausdrucksforschung (Munich: J.F. Lehmanns Verlag, 1929) states,
‘Das Archiv will in absehbarer Zeit von allen Rassen und Rassengruppen der Erde
wissenschaftlich und technisch einwandfreie Bilder vom Lebenden bieten.’
From advertisement in the back of Clauss, Von Seele und Antlitz der Rassen und Völker
(1929).
20
Photography in the Third Reich
Fig. 0.2 Bildaufsatz 2, Archivkarte 14 (Image attachment 2, archive card 14) in
Egon von Eickstedt, ed., Archiv für Rassenbilder: Bildaufsätze zur Rassenkunde
(Archive of Pictures of Race: Image Cards for Racial Studies) (Munich: J.F.
Lehmanns Verlag, 1926). Public domain.
Such an approach anticipates photographic books like Erna LendvaiDircksen’s, Das deutsche Volksgesicht (The Face of the German Race),
discussed by Andrés Zervigón in the third chapter of this collection.
Erich Retlzaff’s Das Gesicht des Geistes (The Face of the Spirit) compiles
photographs of elite German individuals into a comprehensive portrait
of German national and cultural achievement, as demonstrated by
Christopher Webster in chapter two.
Chiromancy, the physiognomic study of the hands, was an occult
yet prevalent part of Weimar culture’s obsession with the signifying
potential of the body. Photographic books of hands helped to revive
this mythical form of knowledge. Das Buch der hunderte Hände (The
Book of a Hundred Hands) is compiled by an enigmatic ‘Mme. Sylvia,’
who appears in the frontispiece of the book with her face covered by
a black mask.26
26
Mme. Sylvia, Das Buch der hunderte Hände: mit einer Geschichte der Chirosophie
(Dresden: Verlag von Wolfgang Jess, 1931).
Introduction
21
Fig. 0.3 Frontispiece, Mme. Sylvia, Das Buch der hunderte Hände: mit einer Geschichte
der Chirosophie (The Book of a Hundred Hands) (Dresden: Verlag von
Wolfgang Jess, 1931). Public domain.
The photograph sets up a tension between visibility and invisibility
and announces the mysterious nature of the knowledge contained on
the following pages. Like many physiognomic projects subsequently
produced during the Third Reich, Das Buch der hunderte Hände and
its author, Mme. Sylvia, mixes the rational and the occult. Das Buch
der hunderte Hände focuses on the hands of identifiable figures such as
Thomas Edison and Albert Einstein (see Fig. 0.4).
In addition to photographs of distinguished hands, the book contains
several images of handprints, which conflates the photographic index
and the direct trace of human hands in ink on paper. While publication
does not establish a German national identity, like books of photographic
portraits published by National Socialists, it establishes physiognomic
looking as a form of mystically defined knowledge, a way of connecting
what is seen in a photograph with spiritually sanctioned truth.
Hände: eine Sammlung von Handabbildungen grosser Toter und Lebender
(Hands: A Collection of Images of Hands of Great Dead and Living
People) mixes photographs of the hands of key historical figures
22
Photography in the Third Reich
Fig. 0.4 The hands of the inventor Thomas Alva Edison and the theoretical
physicist Albert Einstein reproduced in Mme. Sylvia, Das Buch der hunderte
Hände: mit einer Geschichte der Chirosophie (The Book of a Hundred Hands)
(Dresden: Verlag von Wolfgang Jess, 1931). Public domain.
with the anonymous hands of professions and ethnicities. The book’s
preface states that the photographs in the book are meant to connect the
appearance of man to an overall ‘world view’:
Observations and the conclusions drawn from them are based on the
general recognition that the form and whole external appearance of man
offers a symbolism that concerns itself intensively with the dependence
of the worldview on the pure observation of objects. […] The more the
pure function of this perception is intensified, this symbolism is given
specific contents and a connection between man and world, between past
and future can be created.27
Along with the preface, the book includes brief commentaries on the
photographs collected. The first thirty-five plates in Hände) feature the
hands of legendary names in European history, including Napoleon,
27
Hände: Eine Sammlung von Handabbildungen grosser Toter und Lebender (Hamburg:
Gebrüder Enoch Verlag, 1929), p. 5.
Fig. 0.5 The hand of the artist Max Liebermann reproduced in Hände: eine Sammlung
von Handabbildungen grosser Toter und Lebender (Hands: A Collection of
Images of Hands of Great Dead and Living People) (Hamburg: Gebrüder
Enoch Verlag, 1929). Public domain.
24
Photography in the Third Reich
Goethe, Victor Hugo, and Gottfried Keller.28 The book then shows the
hands of contemporary notables that exemplify a certain type. The text
points to the distinctive features of the hands, the lengths of certain
fingers, the width of wrists, the lines on the palm, which indicate certain
traits of the individual. For example, the ‘slender hand and long, strong,
jointed fingers with youthful and long nails’ of Max Liebermann in plate
49 is associated with the ‘strong, subjective naturalism’ of his painting29
(see Fig. 0.5).
Intermixed with such famous hands are also anonymous examples
of the hands of members of a professional occupation. Plate 46, for
example, shows the ‘short, stable, widely separated fingers with
wide ends’ of an engineer, whose ‘strongly developed lines of the
hand are repetitively crossed and sometimes broken’.30 Plate 48
displays the ‘strong and long hand with a regular and oval form’ of
a photographer.31 Hands often appear with props appropriate to the
profession being represented. The hands of a mountaineer in plate
59 are holding a pick and lantern. The hands of a potter in plate
60 appear in the act of working on a potter’s wheel. Other hands
represent ethnicities, such as the ‘Brazilian’ hands in plate 75 and the
‘Somali’ hands in plate 76. Others are meant to express emotions. The
limp hand in plate 82 is labelled as a ‘tired hand.’ The interlocking
hands with bent wrists in plate 85 demonstrate ‘tense hands.’ Despite
these brief commentaries that guide the viewer to notice certain
characteristic features in each hand, and to compare the long fingers
of the painter to the short, blunt fingers of the engineer, a brief note
at the beginning of these introductory commentaries states that these
remarks ‘in no way attempt to create meaning or an analysis’ but
instead mean to ‘encourage precise observation’.32 The accompanying
text) guides the viewer to notice certain aspects of the photographed
hands. While physiognomic meaning purports to be purely visual, text
is nonetheless required to teach viewers how to look.
28
29
30
31
32
Hände does not explain how photographs of the hands of such historical figures
were obtained.
Hände: Eine Sammlung von Handabbildungen grosser Toter und Lebender (1929), p. 15.
Ibid., p. 14.
Plates 46, 48, 57 (Office Worker), 60 (Potter), 64 (Worker), and 66 (Draftswoman)
are credited to Albert Renger-Patzsch. The hand of the photographer in plate 48, is
possibly a self-portrait, although it is not identified as such.
Hände: Eine Sammlung von Handabbildungen grosser Toter und Lebender (1929), p. 3.
Introduction
25
Hands act simultaneously as a bodily fragment and their own
autonomous system of expression. Beyond the traits and emotions
of an individual, Weimar-era physiognomic studies searched for
evidence of unifying connections among social, ethnic, and racial
groups. Bodily movements and gestures could potentially express the
unifying features of a culture or race. In his book Das Gesichtausdruck
des Menschen (The Facial Expression of Man) , the physician Hermann
Krukenberg wrote that ‘above all else it is an issue of whether a
legitimate inner connection exists overall or whether facial expression
is determined only by habits and upbringing. In the latter case, the
entire study of facial expression can demand only a relatively small
amount of interest’.33 Krukenberg indicates a desire to locate a unifying
and eternal trait of humankind, something eternally present rather
than shaped by circumstantial context. He also attempts to move the
study of communication away from linguistic theory and semiotics.34
Human identity, and the expression of that identity, he argued, was
not entirely discursive or arbitrarily motivated. Instead, unifying,
eternal features of humanity remain constant, but manifest themselves
in various forms. ‘The human Gesichtausdruck is a combination of
facial expression and enduring features. The latter primarily forms
the characteristic traces of humankind and the peculiarities of race
specifically.’35 Because the face displays the ‘enduring features,’
its expressions make up a universal form of communication that is
unspeakable and purely visual: ‘One language is still understood by
all people but is not taught in any school nor found in any grammar
book, is understood by a child as well as by a language teacher: the
silent language of the face’.36 Krukenberg acknowledges the multidimensional and transformative nature of the human subject and
argues for the importance of his theories to doctors, psychologists, and
artists.
33
34
35
36
Hermann Krukenberg, Der Gesichtausdruck des Menschen (Stuttgart: Verlag von
Ferdinand Enke, 1920), p. 8.
Frederic Schwartz discusses the revived interest in physiognomy in the 1920s
and 1930s as an effort to move theories of communication beyond the arbitrary
motivation of signs. See Frederic J. Schwartz, Blind Spots: Critical theory and the
history of art in twentieth-century Germany (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press,
2005), pp. 188–89.
Krukenberg, Der Gesichtausdruck des Menschen (1920), p. 3.
Ibid., pp. 1–2.
26
Photography in the Third Reich
Physiognomic theories guided discussions of portrait photography in
the Weimar Republic. Manuals for amateur portrait photographers often
included chapters that offered introductory lessons in physiognomy.37
An essay by the psychologist Ludwig Ferdinand Clauss appeared in the
1931 issue of Das deutsche Lichtbild, an annual publication devoted to
debates and discussions in avant-garde photography.38 The publication
by a psychologist in Das deutsche Lichtbild suggests a close connection
between physiognomic applications of photography and artistic
approaches to the medium. Clauss argues that modern man’s distance
from nature has made it difficult to capture his ‘natural expression’
in a photograph. In opposition to ‘atelier portraiture,’ Clauss calls for
a photographic practice that ‘wants to capture the human face in the
deepest sense of its expression of life’.39 It is easier, he states, to capture
the ‘expression’ of animals, because they ‘know nothing about cameras
or photographs’.40 Clauss goes on to contrast the unposed behaviour of
animals with ‘the “modern urbanite,” who knows too much about the
camera’ and has a tendency to unnaturally pose and ‘play a role’ while
being photographed. Clauss emphasizes the importance of capturing
what the sitter does not control. By virtue of their unconscious nature,
certain details can provide access to the interiority of the subject. The
less consciously such details are produced, the more purely interiority
is being expressed.
Whether he is successful at guiding the play of expression on the face of
his subject depends on the strategy of the photographer — his approach
to the camera and towards an unconscious expression. There are hardly
any general rules. The ways are as varied as the people themselves that
we want to capture in photographs. Each person and each type, for
example each racial type, demands a different approach.41
Clauss argues that it is the responsibility of the photographer, rather
than the sitter, to conjure up the interior ‘expression of life’. Like
37
38
39
40
41
For example, see chapter 15, ‘Etwas Physiognomik,’ in Franz Fiedler, PorträtPhotographie (Berlin: Photokino-Verlag, 1934).
Annual issues of Das deutsche Lichtbild began in 1927 and were published by Robert
and Bruno Schultz.
Ludwig Ferdinand Clauss, ‘Das Menschliche Antlitz,’ in Das Deutsche Lichtbild
(Berlin: Verlag Robert & Bruno Schultz, 1931), unpaginated.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Introduction
27
Fig. 0.6 ‘Gattin eines deutschen Offiziers’ (Spouse of a German Officer) and
‘Alte nordfriesische Bäuerin’ (Elderly North Frisian Farmer’s Wife),
reproduced in Ludwig Ferdinand Clauss, Von Seele und Antlitz der
Rassen und Völker: Eine Einführung in die vergleichende Ausdrucksforschung
(On the Souls and Faces of Races and People) (Munich: J.F. Lehmanns
Verlag, 1929). Public domain.
Krukenberg, Clauss argues that multiple photographs of a single
person, seen from multiple viewpoints and various conditions, can
expose previously unseen aspects of a subject’s inner being. ‘In the most
seldom cases — even the most “fruitful” ones — is a single view enough
to understand the entire character of a person,’ Clauss writes. ‘A turn to
the side, a change of lighting, a change in expression from something
serious to laughing and already the style disappears in which we had
understood the face and a new style suddenly breaks through’.42
These attempts to articulate the ‘true’ identity of the human soul
are unsettling for their assumptions of fixed meaning and implied
hierarchies of authenticity. Not all studies blatantly discuss the racial
applications of physiognomy that would inform the ideology of the
42
Ibid.
28
Photography in the Third Reich
National Socialist Party. Many did, however, including the work of
Clauss. He applied physiognomic theories to the ordering of racial
hierarchies, and published Von der Seele und Antlitz der Rassen und
Völker (On the Souls and Faces of Races and People) in 1929, which
used photography to show and compare the physical appearance of
members of a variety of cultures.43 Clauss employs photography to
scientifically record, measure, and codify physical traits that are ‘typical’
of a particular race44 (see Fig. 0.6).
The strategies of physiognomic reading through photography
discussed here were exploited by National Socialist photographers,
but do not belong exclusively to this era of history. Cropping, selection,
and accumulation were rediscovered in the post-war moment by a new
generation of German photographers as forms of visual communication.
Moholy-Nagy signals the endurance of this potential in the 1936 essay,
‘From Pigment to Light,’ where he ends the essay with the prediction he
first made nine years before: ‘The illiterate of the future will be ignorant
of the use of camera and pen alike’.45 Photography was used effectively
by left- and right-wing political parties during the Weimar Republic
to explore physiognomy as a new visual language. But according to
Moholy-Nagy, all this belongs to a ‘confused and groping age’.46 The
realization of a purely visual form of communication remained, perhaps
perpetually, in the future.
43
44
45
46
Clauss, Von Seele und Antlitz der Rassen und Völker (1929).
On nineteenth-century physiognomic practices, see Peter Hamilton and Roger
Hargreaves, The Beautiful and the Damned: The Creation of Identity in Nineteenth
Century Photography (London: National Portrait Gallery, 2001).
László Moholy-Nagy, ‘From Pigment to Light’ (1936) in Vicki Goldberg, ed.,
Photography in Print: Writings from 1816 to the Present (Albuquerque: University of
New Mexico Press, 1988), p. 348.
Ibid.
STATE
1. Dark Sky, White Costumes:
The Janus State of Modern Photography
in Germany 1933–1945
Rolf Sachsse
The sequences are too well known to be displayed here in photographic
reproductions: whenever athletes are shown in Leni Riefenstahl’s Olympia
film from 1938, their bright costumes shine in the sun against a dark sky,
adding to the potency of the scene — a potency already reinforced by
the low camera angle and the dynamics of their movements. No type
of image better illustrates the Janus-like state of modern photography
under the National Socialist regime. The form and composition are
utterly modern, the technique as advanced as possible, but the message
is racial and traditionalist in its ideology. This combination makes these
images, indeed the whole film, fascinating: the photographic quality is
stunning and absolutely state of the art, yet it delivers a message that
also suggests the racial hypothesis of National Socialism — an ideology
of ethnic ascendancy, inserted by those making the film and those being
shown in it, and a manifest celebration of victory not only for the athletes
in the film but for those who commissioned the piece. Nevertheless, this
film received a gold medal in 1948 for being the best film ever made
of an Olympic Games, and its director received honours of all kinds
throughout her century-long life.1
This chapter aims to broaden the view of National Socialist
photography through an exploration of how media modernity was
introduced into a totalitarian government structure; there is surely
no bigger contrast than that between the pseudo-medieval milieu of
1
Markwart Herzog and Mario Leis, eds, Kunst und Ästhetik im Werk Leni Riefenstahls
(Munich: edition, text + kritik, 2011), pp. 18–21.
© Rolf Sachsse, CC BY 4.0
https://doi.org/10.11647/OBP.0202.01
32
Photography in the Third Reich
National Socialist ideology and its industrial, even post-industrial
processes of establishing, across the population, a firm belief in the
regime’s policies and its direction.2 The most modern — in some
respects even post-modern — aspect of the propaganda politics of the
National Socialist regime is its intrinsic insistence on the production
of a positive memory: it was desired that everybody should develop a
positive memory of life during Hitler’s rule, and the biggest problem for
post-war students of this history was that this part of National Socialist
propaganda had functioned perfectly well.3 Among historians, there
is a common stereotype that the National Socialist regime created a
large facade of conservative beauty and administrative perfection
that functioned like a ‘Potemkin village,’ without a proper connection
to reality.4 This puzzle of National Socialism’s relationship with
modernism and post-modernism persisted even after the war was
lost. For example, echoes of National Socialist policies towards the
environment endured in the work of Hitler’s landscape architect and
autobahn designer, Alwin Seifert (see Fig. 1.1).
Seifert would go on to write important books on ecological agriculture
during the 1960s, and he was among those who laid the foundations of
the Green Party in the 1970s.5 However, this essay is not concerned with
the continued effects of National Socialism or the Holocaust and its postwar reception; rather, it explores how aspects of the groundwork for this
reception were present in the modernism of media production during
the 1930s.6
This chapter seeks to follow the line of continuity of what was later
called the ‘New Vision’ of the 1920s into the 1930s, and the political
2
3
4
5
6
See Zygmunt Bauman, Modernity and the Holocaust (Ithaca NY: Cornell University
Press, 1989).
Alexander von Plato, ‘Geschichte ohne Zeitzeugen? Einige Fragen zur „Erfahrung”’
in, Übergang von Zeitgeschichte zur Geschichte, from: Fritz Bauer Institut,
Zeugenschaft des Holocaust, Zwischen Trauma, Tradierung und Ermittlung, Jahrbuch
2007 zur Geschichte und Wirkung des Holocaust (Frankfurt am Main: Campus Verlag
11, 2007), pp. 141–56.
See Peter Reichel, Der schöne Schein des Dritten Reiches: Faszination und Gewalt im
deutschen Faschismus (Munich: Hanser, 1991).
See Thomas Zeller, Driving Germany. The Landscape of the German Autobahn, 1930–
1970 (Berghahn Books: New York, 2007).
Aleida Assmann, ‘From Collective Violence to a Common Future: Four Models
for Dealing with a Traumatic Past,’ in, Filomena Viana Guarda, Adriana Martins,
Helena Gonçalves da Silva, eds, Conflict, Memory Transfers and the Reshaping of Europe
(Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2010), pp. 8–23.
Fig. 1.1 Cover image of, Wolf Strache, Auf allen Autobahnen. Ein Bildbuch vom
neuen Reisen (Along the Autobahns: A Picture Book of Modern Travel)
(Darmstadt: L.C. Wittich, 1939). Public domain.
34
Photography in the Third Reich
situation therein. This continuity was not only shaped by personal
developments and biographical interactions, but also by a general
ontogenesis of aesthetic strategies alongside technical inventions,
and political actions. The general line of the argument — that 1920s
modernism had, in the realm of photography (and film) at least, a
continuity after 1933 — is augmented by two technical developments:
the establishment of the 35mm camera as the foundation of photographic
journalism, and the advent of colour photography, which played an
important role not only in propaganda but also with regard to the
collective memory of the Second World War. Thus, the last part of this
chapter will touch upon the role photography played in modern warfare.
However, all of these arguments centred on modernism have to be
examined through the lens of the official approach of National Socialism
towards a politicised culture, with its strict disregard for modern art in
painting and sculpture. That is to say that the modernism of media, as
well as building and engineering technologies, was grounded in a clear
division from modernism as applied to the traditional genres of art.7
This division is a subtext to what follows.
The Continuity of the New Vision in Media,
Design, and Photography
Despite the best efforts of historians, a popular myth persists in the
history of German design: that after 1933 all modern trends disappeared
altogether. It is true that many architects, designers, and artists emigrated
from Germany at this time, as some were indeed persecuted and
imprisoned in concentration camps. Nevertheless, in principle, modern
methods of design were not officially confirmed as excluded, unwanted,
or forbidden in the early period of the National Socialist state. At least
until 1936, it was still an open question within the regime and its party
whether or not a straight, strict, and elegant modern design — after the
Italian model — might become the formal style of National Socialism.8 An
examination of the architectural competitions and trade fairs, in particular
Germany’s participation in international exhibitions, indicates that
7
8
See Paul Ortwin Rave, Kunstdiktatur im Dritten Reich (Berlin: Argon, 1949).
Winfried Nerdinger, ed., Bauhaus-Moderne im Nationalsozialismus. Zwischen
Anbiederung und Verfolgung (Munich: Prestel, 1993), pp. 9–23.
1. Dark Sky, White Costumes
35
Germany, until at least the year of the Berlin Olympiad, conformed to the
notion of the modern state stylistically. However, the final establishment
of the official fine art policy of the NSDAP regime runs directly counter
to this observation. The propagation and inclusion of modern forms in
the everyday world of National Socialism was thwarted in two ways. On
the one hand, a populist and traditionalist aesthetic approach towards
fine art and cultural politics became dominant, and on the other hand,
the party corralled all creativity within the administrative boundaries of
National Socialist cultural organizations. As a result, no stronghold of any
modern trend could be established or persist under these conditions. But
the propaganda that was created to validate the work and efforts of the
National Socialist state had to be absolutely modern, almost avant-garde
in its connection to new technical media. The shift between models of a
possible future and the present reality framed by picture propaganda in
general, was, paradoxically, the result of the most modern media theories
of the era — directly imported from American mass communications
research.9
The acceptance of these continuities of modern trends in
photography throughout the National Socialist era resulted in some
crucial fundamental outcomes that were important in their direct
influence on the perception of ordinary Germans — the so-called postwar collective guilt of the German people with regard to the history
of the Holocaust was, it might be argued, shaped by an education in
looking away.10 Germans were flooded with modern images of a good,
even an idyllic life under National Socialism, effectively encouraging
them to ‘look away’ from the daily injuries and crimes committed by
party and police, whether visible in everyday life or not. The continuities
of the New Vision in German photography of the 1930s have to be
understood within four categories, which may form a pattern that
enables us to understand both the fascination of these photographs and
their effectiveness in terms of propaganda and memory production. Of
course, this continuity has to be recognised under the equally important
assumption that any continuity had to fit into the state and Party’s own
symbolic tropes and adopted meanings — what could be considered as
9
10
See Jörg Becker, Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann: Demoskopin zwischen NS-Ideologie und
Konservatismus (Paderborn: Schöningh, 2013).
Rolf Sachsse, Die Erziehung zum Wegsehen. Fotografie im NS-Staat (Dresden: Philo
Fine Arts, 2003), pp. 14–18.
36
Photography in the Third Reich
modern was a question either for the propaganda ministry or for Joseph
Goebbels himself.
The first of these basic patterns is the principle of serialization.
According to this principle, the picture consists of the frequent repetition
of a small element framed at the margin to evoke infinite repeatability.
In the pictorial form of modern advertising, this principle found its
ultimate expression in the representation of consumer goods with a
positive connotation of industrial production (e.g., cigarettes or screws).
In the picture, as in real life, the individual element had no validity, but
the repetition of everything — Kracauer’s concept of the ornamentation
of the mass — became an image of reality.11 It is obvious that this basic
pattern was re-used under National Socialism and visually transposed
onto people, not directly, but in the preparation of mass displays of
photography and film at Party Congresses or other big events. These
were then disseminated by means of cinematic or photographic
reproductions and with a mass-media standardization.
The second basic pattern is marked by what Constructivist painting
named the counter composition; effectively, the dynamics of modernism
are displayed by an inclined compositional cross with equivalent sides,
the diagonal vertical guiding the spectator to look up towards new
visions. The origin of this compositional form stems from the Soviet
avant-garde, to a certain extent from the Dutch group De Stijl and from
other Constructivist sources, and points to a close connection between
art and technology. This form was replaced in Soviet painting from 1930
by Socialist Realism and propagandistic approaches to image making;
a further application of the Constructivist approach was explored in
Western fashion photography from 1933 onwards. National Socialist
propaganda used this compositional form too, even after 1936, when the
officially sanctioned aesthetic became much more reactionary. Although
this modern compositional form was very much weakened in angle
and dynamics, it continued to be employed in the representation of
the most modern technology and particularly for weapons technology;
specifically, it was concerned with representing the nation’s industrial
pre-eminence over potential opponents.
11
Siegfried Kracauer, The Mass Ornament, translated, edited, and with a preface by
Thomas Y. Levin (Cambridge MA and London: Harvard University Press, 1995),
pp. 291–306.
Fig. 1.2 Cover image of, Max Schirner, Deutsche Meisteraufnahmen: Um den
Sportrekord (German Master Photographers: To The Sports Record)
(München: F. Bruckmann, 1936). Public domain.
38
Photography in the Third Reich
The third element imported from the ‘New Vision’ was photomontage,
both in the form of collaging already printed pieces of photographs and
in the assemblage through exposure of negatives in the darkroom. In
addition, various mixtures of intermediate forms and a special form
assembled with graphic elements, namely Photoplastics or Typophoto,
were also employed.12 Photomontage was considered an important part
of National Socialist propaganda in the years between 1928 to 1932 but
this effectively ceased after John Heartfield’s (Helmut Herzfeld, 1891–
1968) Prague exhibition in 1934 of his Communist and Anti-Fascist
photomontages, which ultimately caused a number of diplomatic
problems for the German government.13 Throughout the war, however,
photomontage saw a certain renaissance in its exploitation for foreign
propaganda posters.
The fourth photographic form of the ‘New Vision’ was the picture
series. Of course, it existed before modernity, and it is inherent to
photography in principle. But the picture series correlates to the
industrial introduction of roll film, especially the 35mm format, to
Germany in around 1925, and the series was in frequent use by the
end of the decade. Basically, the picture series was understood in the
late 1920s as parallel to a line of film stills that possessed the visual
dynamics of synchronous ‘seeing’, as seen in avant-garde art. It was
enthusiastically received as both a key journalistic technology and as
a form of comprehensive documentation for complex mediations, and
it was used to document a variety of topics by many photographers.
Within the National Socialist state, the picture series was flattened and
trivialized to represent idyllic and often somewhat kitsch images, but
it continued to facilitate, under the right circumstances, the adaptation
of the ‘New Vision’. For example, Paul Wolff, one of the more ingenious
practitioners of the ‘New Vision’, employed this form extensively for
National Socialist propaganda. In addition, the picture series was a
common vehicle for the personalization of political content, utilized
as a medium of historical authentication, especially when persons of
interest, such as state officials, were represented. As demonstrated by
the picture series, most of these four elements of the ‘New Vision’ in
12
13
László Moholy-Nagy, ‘Typo-Photo,’ Typografische Mitteilungen 3:10 (1925), 202.
See Andrés Zervigón, John Heartfield and the Agitated Image. Photography, Persuasion,
and the Rise of Avant-Garde Photomontage (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2012).
1. Dark Sky, White Costumes
39
photography had firm roots in nineteenth-century media practice; the
assumption of a genuine 1920s modernism must be viewed as a myth.14
A similar myth is prevalent when considering the influences of art and
design schools of the same period on both modernism and National
Socialist propaganda.
The importance of the Bauhaus as a school of fine arts and design
should not be overestimated in this history.15 The notion that one school,
the Bauhaus, was the sole originator of an entire approach in style, even
to the extent that a whole period of time is associated with that name, is a
misrepresentation. The Bauhaus was not at the forefront of photographic
developments in the late 1920s. Later historical revisions, such as Walter
Gropius’ and Herbert Bayer’s 1938 exhibition at the Museum of Modern
Art in New York, certainly associated the total conception of design with
the name Bauhaus. However, retrospectively examining the history of
the Bauhaus, it becomes apparent that the most modern photographs
produced were made independently of the institute itself and remained
in the private productions of teachers and students.16 Of course, specific
members of the teaching staff of the Bauhaus, such as László MoholyNagy or Walter Peterhans, had gained recognition through exhibitions
such as the 1929 ‘Film und Foto’ in Stuttgart, amongst others, but their
work was — at least contemporaneously — not necessarily connected to
the Bauhaus. Although László Moholy-Nagy’s writings on photography
were published in a series of Bauhaus books, they only gained wider
public recognition after 1945. For example, the photomontage, so often
associated with the Bauhaus as an exercise or even as a stylistic approach,
was only practiced there by Herbert Bayer and in the later class of Joost
Schmidt, and then mainly in the form of the so-called Typophoto — the
integration of typographic or abstract graphic elements into photographs
and paper prints.17 On the other hand, modern press photography
was only introduced in this school around 1929, under the guidance
of Hannes Meyer and with students such as Irena Blühova or Moshe
14
15
16
17
See Clément Chéroux, Avant l’avant-garde, du jeu en photographie (Paris: Textuel,
2015).
Rolf Sachsse, ‘Éloge de la reproduction. La photographie dans les écoles d’arts
appliqués allemandes pendant les années 1920’, Études photographiques 5:8 (2000),
44–67.
See Egidio Marzona, ed., Bauhaus fotografie (Dusseldorf: Edition Marzona, 1982).
See Gerd Fleischmann, ed., Bauhaus drucksachen typografie reklame (Düsseldorf:
Edition Marzona, 1984).
40
Photography in the Third Reich
Raviv who took part in political movements of their time, mostly on the
left wing of the spectrum. And, of course, they were the first to leave
Germany when the right-wing parties began to gain the ascendancy.
One of the inventions of the Bauhaus that did make the transition into
National Socialist propaganda was Typophoto — used for infographics
with a few elements superimposed on a given photograph, or used in
a direct way for poster graphics, which were needed for the hundreds
of exhibitions planned and pursued as a means of propaganda.18 This
same quality of text-image-line-combinations was applied to book
covers, brochures, and booklets of all kinds printed in large quantities
in order to be widely disseminated. In addition, Typophoto also
made its way into the National Socialist era thanks to people from the
Bauhaus, especially Herbert Bayer, Kurt Kranz, and Hein and Hannes
Neuner, to name but a few. However, Typophoto was also skilfully
executed in other schools as well; for example, under Max Burchartz
in Essen with his students Anton Stankowsky and Klaus Wittkugel,
or under Georg Trump in Stuttgart with a number of lesser-known
students who practised on a mainly local level. Typophoto is specifically
connected with printed materials and books were, at the time of the
New Vision and the Bauhaus, the most important route to achieving
artistic recognition. László Moholy-Nagy’s Malerie Fotografie Film from
1925 is often cited as the foundation of the Bauhaus’ fame; yet far more
established at the time were the image collections published around
the 1929 ‘Film und Foto’ exhibition such as Foto-Auge, edited by the
typographer Jan Tschichold, and Es kommt der neue Fotograf, edited by
Werner Graeff — a former Bauhaus student who had moved onto a
successful career as a photographer, teacher, and designer following his
role as the press officer of the Stuttgart Weissenhof exhibition of 1928.19
Even more important for spreading the quality of the New Photography
was a small children’s book by Graeff, entitled Ottos Fotos and launched
in 1932.20 The book was the perfect introduction to producing images in
the style of the ‘New Vision’.
18
19
20
See Michael Tymkiw, Nazi Exhibition Design and Modernism (Minneapolis: University
of Minnesota Press, 2018).
See Franz Roh and Jan Tschichold, Foto-Auge. Photo-Eye. 76 Fotos der Zeit (Stuttgart:
Akademischer Verlag Wedekind, 1929) and Werner Gräff, Es kommt der neue
Fotograf! (Berlin: Hermann Reckendorf, 1929).
See Werner Gräff, Ottos Fotos (Stuttgart: Thienemann, 1932).
1. Dark Sky, White Costumes
41
The first teacher at the Bauhaus to run a photography class, Walter
Peterhans, started to write a series of technical advisory books in 1933. Up
until 1936, Peterhans produced four different books dealing with topics
such as film development and photographic printing. These books were
extremely successful and sold more than 50,000 copies in approximately
40 editions. It was only in 1943, five years after Peterhans had left the
country, that the publisher considered new editors for this successful
production.21 More complicated is the history of Andreas Feininger, son
of the painter Lyonel Feininger, who had never studied at the Bauhaus
but, of course, had been living with his parents in Dessau. In the late
1920s, as a trained engineer and an accomplished photo amateur, he
started to cooperate with the (at the time) somewhat left-wing author
Hans Windisch on producing a handbook of modern photography
according to the principles of both the basic Bauhaus training and the
‘New Vision’ approach. By the time Feininger emigrated to Sweden (and
later to the US) Windisch had become a dedicated National Socialist
and wrote, with the help of his publisher Walther Heering, his own
version of the modern handbook of photography Die neue Foto-Schule,
which was released in 1937 and became the most successful manual
of photography in the German language. Until its final 13th edition in
the 1970s, Heering’s Die neue Foto-Schule had sold more than 300,000
copies22 (see Fig. 1.3).
Another former Bauhaus student, Alfred Ehrhardt, published a
number of smaller guides to landscape and water photography, all of
them clearly in the style of the ‘New Vision’ and interpreted in a rather
idyllic way of seeing the world that thus fitted the modern view as well
as conforming to the ideology of National Socialism.23
One of the most significant figures who ensured the continuity of
Bauhaus aesthetics into the National Socialist era was Herbert Bayer.24
During his time at the Bauhaus in both Weimar and Dessau he was
regarded as a ‘King Midas’ to his contemporaries as everything he
touched seemed to turn into gold. From 1928 well into the 1930s, he
21
22
23
24
Sachsse, Die Erziehung zum Wegsehen (2003), p. 272.
See Hans Windisch, Die neue Foto-Schule (Harzburg: Heering, 1937).
See Alfred Ehrhardt and Cyriel Verschaeve, Ewiges Flandern: ein Bildwerk in 180
Tafeln (Hamburg: Verlag Broschek & Co, 1943).
See Patrik Rössler, Herbert Bayer: Die Berliner Jahre — Werbegrafik 1928–1938 (Berlin:
Vergangenheits-Verlag, 2013).
Fig. 1.3 Cover image of, Hans Windisch, Die neue Fotoschule (The New Photography
School) (Harzburg: Walther Heering Verlag, 1937). Public domain.
1. Dark Sky, White Costumes
43
served as the art director of the very successful Dorland agency, one
of the earliest American-style advertising agencies.25 He instigated,
planned, and executed numerous important exhibitions for the new
government, including the official brochure of the ‘Deutschland
Ausstellung’, an exhibition for tourists in Germany that coincided
with the Berlin Olympic Games of 1936. This brochure was of a
strictly modernist design, containing Typophoto and photomontage
effects; over a million copies were produced.26 Bayer, for whom the
photography for his work was often made by his ex-wife Irene BayerHecht,27 left Germany in early 1938 and, accompanying Walter Gropius,
set up the 1938 MOMA exhibition on the Bauhaus and its legacy
(Bauhaus: 1919–1928). Nor did Bayer’s design credentials remain
unnoticed in the US. Following his decision to stay in the country,
he was ultimately employed by the US government in designing war
propaganda.28 Other former Bauhaus students and teachers such as
Xanti Schawinsky, Hinnerk Scheper, Joost Schmidt, and the Neuner
brothers tried to follow in Bayer’s footsteps but with far less success.
There were numerous other modernists, for example, Fritz Brill or
Edmund Kesting, who continued to apply modern ideas to advertising,
including photomontage and other elements of the ‘New Vision’, right
up until the end of the Second World War.
In many respects, the ‘New Vision’ was an educational program in
training one’s personal imagination, and the 1929 Stuttgart exhibition
‘Film und Foto’ had large sections aimed at influencing the pedagogy
of arts-and-craft schools.29 The Weimar institution that took over
following the closure of the Bauhaus was a model National Socialist
school — effectively more focussed on crafts than arts. As early as 1930,
with conservative elements and National Socialists on the Landtag of
Thuringia (the Thuringian State Assembly), the Bauhaus had been
reformed by Paul Schultze-Naumburg, a strict anti-modernist in his
25
26
27
28
29
Rössler, Herbert Bayer (2013).
Nerdinger, Bauhaus-Moderne im Nationalsozialismus (1993), p. 34.
Rolf Sachsse, ‘Die Frau an seiner Seite, Irene Bayer und Lucia Moholy als
Fotografinnen’, in Ute Eskildsen, ed., Fotografieren hieß teilnehmen, Fotografinnen der
Weimarer Republik (Dusseldorf: Richter, 1994), pp. 67–75, exhibition catalogue.
See Herbert Bayer, Herbert Bayer: Painter Designer Architect (New York: Reinhold
Publishing, 1967).
See Gustav Stotz, ed., Internationale Ausstellung Film und Foto (Stuttgart: Deutscher
Werkbund, 1929).
44
Photography in the Third Reich
attitudes towards architecture and design. In the same year, 1930, Walter
Hege was installed as professor of photography — he had achieved fame
with his dynamic interpretations of antique and medieval sculpture
and architecture, and he pursued a mixture of modern technique and
monumental vision as the credo of his teaching.30 An important role
in this curriculum was played by Hege’s teaching assistant Heinrich
Freytag. Freytag published large numbers of technical advice manuals
for amateur photographers, thus establishing Hege’s post-modern
re-coding of modernism and monumentality.
Other influential institutions included the School of Applied Arts
Burg Giebichenstein in Halle. This school had established the only
modern curriculum in photography to run throughout the 1920s.
The course designer, the Swiss national Hans Finsler, left Germany
to teach in Zurich in 1932, successfully anticipating the changes that
would occur should the National Socialists come to power.31 His
successor Heinrich Koch died too early to make an impact on the
school, and the photography class ceased to exist. In addition, there
were influential private schools such as the Berlin school of the former
Bauhaus teacher Johannes Itten where Lucia Moholy also taught. Itten
moved to Krefeld in 1932 as director of the newly established school of
textile design, but was then forced to give up his professorship under
pressure from colleagues. His Berlin school was also forced to close in
1934 and ultimately Itten, a Swiss national, returned to Switzerland.
Itten’s successor at the Bauhaus was Georg Muche who had introduced
photography to that institution as early as 1921.32 Private schools in
photography and design existed in Berlin as well. The former Bauhaus
student Werner Graeff ran his institute for modern photography until
early 1934, when he had to emigrate due to his political beliefs. Albert
Reimann had founded a large private school for arts and crafts in
Berlin in 1902, which had more than 1,000 students by the 1920s and
included a film class from 1927. It was sold in 1935 to the modernist
architect Hugo Häring, who established a state-controlled institute
30
31
32
See Bodo von Dewitz, ed., Dom Tempel Skulptur, Architekturphotographien von Walter
Hege (Cologne: Agfa Foto-Historama, 1993), exhibition catalogue.
Thilo Koenig and Martin Gasser, eds, Hans Finsler und die Schweizer Fotokultur,
Werk, Fotoklasse, moderne Gestaltung 1932–1960 (Zurich: gta Verlag, 2006), pp. 16–41,
exhibition catalogue.
Georg Muche, letter to Rolf Sachsse, 20 January 1984.
1. Dark Sky, White Costumes
45
for journalistic photography with the most modern curriculum in war
photography at the time; Reimann emigrated to London in 1937 and
re-founded his school there.33
The most modern aspect of photography as an integral part of
National Socialist propaganda was its mediality in establishing positive
memories on a collective and individual level. The groundwork had
been prepared by theories of propaganda in the 1920s, written by
authors such as Walter Lippmann and Edward Bernays whose works
were translated and put into practice by German theoreticians like
Hans Domizlaff.34 The good life that was to be memorialized had to be
as lightweight as all the more accessible aspects of modernity, thus all
manuals and magazines for amateur photography were full of examples
with dynamic compositions, picture series, and white costumes under
a dark sky.35 Many of these images had to provide the synthesis of the
modern and traditional in the subject matter. The autobahn was a common
motif for the modern, and the landscape as a whole was established as
a traditional background for this very modern motif — a comparative
visual practice that has been reused by contemporary right-wing and
anti-European parties in Germany.36 And, of course, after the positive
international reactions to the ‘very modern’ Olympic Games of 1936,
the National Socialists started to prepare for a war footing with the most
cutting-edge war technology available, which had to be depicted in the
most modern way — photography served as a device for positive martial
propaganda from 1937 onwards.37 The modernity in the representation
of German industry, however, was often limited by a need to provide
an incongruous reference to old craft traditions. When Albert RengerPatzsch took photographs of the Schott glass industries,38 when Paul
Wolff and Alfred Tritschler produced annual reports for the Opel motor
33
34
35
36
37
38
Sachsse, Die Erziehung zum Wegsehen (2003), pp. 291–93.
Gerhard Voigt, ‘Goebbels als Markentechniker’, in Wolfgang Fritz Haug, ed.,
Warenästhetik. Beiträge zur Diskussion, Weiterentwicklung und Vermittlung ihrer Kritik
(Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1975), pp. 231–60.
Sachsse, Die Erziehung zum Wegsehen (2003), pp. 117–40.
Rolf Sachsse, ‘Entfernung der Landschaft. Heimatfotografie als NS-Bildkonstruktion’,
Fotogeschichte 31:120 (2011), 69–70.
Rolf Sachsse, Ideologische Inszenierungen. Fotografische Propaganda-Bücher von
Staat, Partei und Militär, in Manfred Heiting and Roland Jaeger, eds, Autopsie 1.
Deutschsprachige Fotobücher 1918 bis 1945 Vol. 1 (Göttingen: Steidl, 2012), pp. 476–503.
See Angelika Steinmetz-Oppelland, ed., Albert Renger-Patzsch. Industriefotografien für
SCHOTT (Weimar: VDG Verlag, 2011), exhibition catalogue.
46
Photography in the Third Reich
works,39 when Ruth Hallensleben served as a photographer for the
armaments industries between 1938 and 1944,40 all of them showed the
most modern technologies applied to hand-crafted practice, focussing
more on workshops than on the modern powerhouse of industrial
production lines.41
Propaganda in 35mm
By the beginning of the 1920s, the standard size of press camera negatives
was 13 x 18 cm, as glass plates from these cameras could be printed directly
onto the standard sizes of the newspaper formats — each rectangular
image fitted to three columns, the vertical ones into two.42 Due to better
pre-print technologies from 1925 onwards, and equally due to the interest
of photographers and their clients for more surreptitious pictures from
restricted places such as law courts, the cameras shrank in size. In 1924,
Ernemann Co. in Dresden introduced the Ermanox camera, which used
glass plates sized 4.5 x 6 cm, and some of them with plates sized 6 x 9
cm. This camera became the standard camera for photojournalism until
1932 when production ceased due to the financial problems of Zeiss Ikon
Co., who had taken over Ernemann in 1926.43 Even though it was made
easier to change the film sheet cassettes by some mechanical tricks, the
problems of sheet film remained: the photographer had one chance to
take the photograph, and that was it. Thus, roll film cameras seemed a
more appropriate alternative with a number of negatives that could be
taken within a comparatively short period of time. But the development
of the system took some time. Despite inventing it, Eastman Kodak did
not develop their system further after 1910. In 1913, Oskar Barnack had
39
40
41
42
43
See Heinrich Hauser, Im Kraftfeld von Ruesselsheim, mit 80 Farbphotos von Dr. Paul
Wolff (Munich: Knorr & Hirth, 1942).
See Ursula Peters, ed., Ruth Hallensleben, Frauenarbeit in der Industrie, Fotografien aus
den Jahren 1938–1967 (Berlin: D. Nishen, 1985).
Rolf Sachsse, Mit Bildern zum Image. Fotografisch illustrierte Firmenschriften, in
Manfred Heiting and Roland Jaeger, eds, Autopsie 2. Deutschsprachige Fotobücher
1918 bis 1945 Vol.2 (Göttingen: Steidl, 2014), pp. 476–91.
Rolf Sachsse, ‘Schlitzverschluss, Stativträger, Sportsucher, Scheinergrade — Zur
Technik des Pressefotografen Willy Römer,’ in Diethart Kerbs, ed., Auf den Strassen
von Berlin. Der Fotograf Willy Römer 1887–1979 (Boenen: Kettler, 2004), pp. 51–77,
exhibition catalogue.
See Herbert Blumtritt, Die Geschichte der Dresdner Fotoindustrie (Stuttgart:
Lindemanns Verlag, 1999).
1. Dark Sky, White Costumes
47
produced a small 35mm camera for testing film, but it took until 1925
for a fully functioning camera to be presented at the Frankfurt Photo
Fair. Even then, it took another five to eight years to actually be able to
overcome problems with film and processing. The Leica did not take its
place as a professional tool until the early 1930s.
On the other hand, this smaller roll film camera had advantages
not foreseen by its inventors. The earliest users were artists who had
served during the First World War, and they knew how to handle a
rifle — absolutely similar to handling a Leica.44 Nor were these artists
too concerned with perfect prints or in negatives with an excellent
gamma. The Leica was ultimately professionalized by two men — with
only one taking all of the credit. Emanuel Goldberg had discovered and
described the ‘Goldberg Condition’ in 1922, which was the base for
developing perfect negatives for photographic journalism; and around
1932 he was the man behind the new Contax camera that served as a
replacement to the original Ermanox.45 But Leica were better at public
relations. They urged the photographer Paul Wolff to produce a lengthy
manual called ‘My Experiences with the Leica’ (Meine Erfahrungen mit
der Leica) in 1934 in which he claimed to be the inventor of practising
the so-called ‘Goldberg Condition’ in the development of 35mm
film — and Goldberg remained uncredited and emigrated to Palestine
in the same year.46 Wolff effortlessly cooperated with the Propaganda
ministry — whilst personally maintaining an appropriate distance
from politics — and managed to introduce the 35mm camera as the
main instrument of all photographic journalists.47 His greatest success
came in August 1937, when a decree was issued that all photographic
journalists were urged to use 35mm film and when the newly installed
‘Propaganda Companies’ (PK of the Wehrmacht appeared in uniform
with a Leica in their hand.48 Paul Wolff and his companion Alfred
Tritschler started to give hundreds of workshops demonstrating how
to use the 35mm, using — of course — the Leica. Conversely, Wolff’s
44
45
46
47
48
Rolf Sachsse, ‘The Dysfunctional Leica, Instrument of the German Avantgarde’,
History of Photography 17:3 (1993), 301–04.
Michael Buckland, Emanuel Goldberg and His Knowledge Machine, Information,
Invention, and Political Forces (Westport CT: Libraries Unlimited, 2006), pp. 99–129.
See Paul Wolff, Meine Erfahrungen mit der Leica, Das völlig neue Standardwerk der
Kleinbildphotographie (Frankfurt am Main: Breidenstein,1934).
Sachsse, Die Erziehung zum Wegsehen (2003), p. 290.
Ibid., pp. 177–78.
48
Photography in the Third Reich
contemporary, the Hungarian photojournalist Robert Capa, preferred to
use the Contax, which was technically far more advanced and equipped
with better lenses. When Capa received his model, he gave his Leica to
Gerda Taro.49 Despite its important role in photographic propaganda
before and during the Second World War, the manufacturers of the
Leica, the Leitz Company, maintained a tolerant and respectful attitude
to the Jewish population of Wetzlar. The owner, Ludwig Leitz, was
credited with saving a considerable number of Jews from persecution.50
In comparison to their German competitors, the Leitz company that
produced the Leica became the most successful developer and producer
of advanced camera technology. There was a large export market for the
Leica that generated both income and prestige, and when the Second
World War began, the materials for equipping the PK troops was already
there — including special cameras with large magazines, long telephoto
lenses, etc. Other producers of 35mm cameras for e.g., Zeiss Ikon, were
less successful in their efforts. The first 35mm single-lens reflex camera,
Exacta by Ihagee, was also produced in Dresden, but ultimately did not
have much impact on the market until the beginning of the war.51 Robot
in Dusseldorf produced a 35mm camera, mostly for police use, with a
square format and a spring movement for the film allowing 25 images
in one row. The 35mm format was not the only roll film format being
produced. By 1928, Francke & Heidecke had announced their Rolleiflex,
a twin-lens reflex camera for roll film in the square format of 6 x 6cm,
which was followed by the Baby Rollei in 1932 with a smaller square
format of 4 x 4 cm. And there were smaller cameras, too, ending with
the spy formats of Minox by Walter Zepp who had started his business
in Riga (to avoid copyright claims by Leitz) but during the war years
also moved his manufacturing base to Wetzlar.
The global success of the 35mm film format as a standard of
photographic imagery ultimately came after 1945. However, for the
German film industry, which was at the time closely associated with the
Agfa company as part of IG Farben AG, the 35mm format was another
49
50
51
Irme Schaber, Gerda Taro Fotoreporterin. Mit Robert Capa im Spanischen Bürgerkrieg. Die
Biografie (Marburg: Jonas Verlag, 2013), pp. 103–20.
Rabbi F.D. Smith, ‘Ernst Leitz of Wetzlar and the Jews’, Journal of Progressive Judaism
10:5 (1998), 5–14.
See Richard Hummel, Spiegelreflexkameras aus Dresden. Geschichte Technik Fakten
(Leipzig: Edition Reintzsch, 1994).
1. Dark Sky, White Costumes
49
important form of modernization. 35mm was the format for film
production as well as journalistic photography — both quintessential
elements of war propaganda. Technically, the format had the advantage
that all production and chemistry had a common base. This included
the promotion of colour photography.
Colour Photography
Colour in photography had its origin long before 1933. James Clerk
Maxwell gave a lecture at the Royal Institution in 1861 on threecolour analysis and synthesis to demonstrate the viability of colour
photography. By around 1890, a number of systems to integrate three
layers of colour into film production came into being.52 After Adolf
Miethe’s introduction of the panchromatic emulsion, the brothers
Lumière revealed their Autochrome colour slide system to the public
and monopolized the colour photographic market for the following
three decades, despite the many disadvantages of this additive colour
process. A crucial phase of development was reached in the 1930s,
when Kodak, having begun extensive research in 1929, announced their
Kodachrome film in 1935, a commercially available subtractive colour
process.53
In Germany, the desire of the National Socialist polity to create an
abiding experience of a positive memory of life under National Socialism,
coincided with research on mass psychology that demonstrated that
colour images were more readily received as being closer to ‘reality’
than black and white. Colour photography was recognised as a much
more effective tool as a means of mass propaganda. Another important
factor in the promotion and use of colour technology in Germany was
the competition between Kodak and Agfa within the world market of
film production. As a result of these combined factors, Agfa began its
own research into colour photography.54 This politicisation of colour
in Germany began shortly after 1933 and included the declaration that
52
53
54
See Siegfried Gohr, ed., Farbe im Photo (Köln: Josef-Haubrich-Kunsthalle, 1981),
exhibition catalogue.
Douglas Collins, The Story of Kodak (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1990), pp. 205–15.
Gert Koshofer, Farbfotografie [in 3 Vols] (Munich: Laterna Magica, 1981), Vol. 2, pp.
11–64.
50
Photography in the Third Reich
the official film of the Olympic Games was to be produced in colour
(although this was never realised). Kodachrome was released to the
worldwide market in 1936, with the first Agfacolor Neu films being
offered in the spring of 1937.
From the beginning, Agfacolor Neu was a propaganda product.
It was sold for roughly half the price of Kodachrome film, and Agfa’s
profit margin must have been negligible or even negative, although
there are no surviving documents of the state having made any
compensatory payments. However, the price was one of the smaller
initial problems for the medium. The difference between (remembered
or actually envisioned) reality and the new colour photographic
image was often difficult for viewers and photographers to reconcile,
especially as successive and improved versions of the product appeared
in the years that followed. As a result, Agfa started to fund workshops
in both colour psychology and colour photography, creating a colour
photography course at the renowned Hochschule fuer Graphik und
Buchkunst (University for Graphics and Book Arts) in Leipzig in 1940.55
Workshops were carried out by photographers already engaged by the
regime for creative and artistic propaganda photography, such as Paul
Wolff, Walter Hege, Erich Retzlaff, Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, and others.
Dozens of manuals on how to achieve good colour photography were
written, again with the largest number being produced by prominent
practitioners such as Paul Wolff, Hans Windisch, etc. Many competitions
were launched for colour photography, mostly to find material for the
manuals and for company promotion, although unusually enough, no
career photographer emerged out of these competitions. In the main, the
task of introducing colour to photographic propaganda was returned to
education: Hanns Geissler began his professorship in Leipzig with a small
class of students who provided their services to the war effort in Agfa’s
Wolfen laboratories. However, this work only really bore fruit in the late
1940s when Geissler moved with his class from Leipzig to Cologne to
establish a professional school for photographers there. Although the
Leipzig institute developed several curricula for schooling professional
colour photographers, the training of PK photographers was not linked
to it. There were, however, a number of special training sessions, for
example, the courses given to those photographers responsible for the
55
Sachsse, Die Erziehung zum Wegsehen (2003), p. 329.
1. Dark Sky, White Costumes
51
documentation of immobile artworks in colour following a special order
(Führerauftrag) from Adolf Hitler.56
As with Kodachrome, Agfacolor Neu was a slide film, preferably
produced in 35mm for both the photographic and film industry. It was
designed for use in daylight which meant that camera operators and
photographers had to use it either in direct sunlight — which created
huge problems of contrast — or with very expensive blue bulbs that
caused their own problems for the photographers and filmmakers using
them. The development of tungsten film,57 on the other hand, did not
produce a positive result before 1942, and even then only a small fraction
of the emulsions were reliable and ready for professional usage. Slide
films could only be shown by projection, so the photographic industry
was interested in developing both negative films and printing papers.
However, none of these experiments were produced industrially until
after the end of the war. Printing colour photographs was initially only
possible in two ways, one being in reproduction in books, magazines,
and other types of printed matter, and the other the expensive and
hard-to-master process of dye transfer prints. As Kodak’s dye transfer
materials were not available in Germany until the 1950s, and as other
dye transfer processes did not prove to be reliable, propaganda had to
continue to use the Herzog brothers’ Duxochrome process, which was
only available at a dozen laboratories and the price of one print was twice
the average monthly income of a German citizen. The resultant image
however, was of a unique quality — and remains so even when viewed
today. The photographer Walter Frentz used this process to photograph
the National Socialist elite, including portraits of Adolf Hitler.58
Largely ignorant about the technical aspects of photography, László
Moholy-Nagy had argued in 1925 that colour photography should
follow the principles of autonomy as applied to abstract painting.59 He
56
57
58
59
Christian Fuhrmeister, Stephan Klingen, Iris Lauterbach, and Ralf Peters, eds,
‘Führerauftrag Monumentalmalerei’ Eine Fotokampagne 1943–1945, Veröffentlichungen
des Zentralinstituts für Kunstgeschichte, Band XVIII (Cologne-Weimar-Vienna: Böhlau
Verlag, 2006).
Tungsten films were produced to accurately reproduce colour under tungsten light,
that is, artificial lighting as in a film studio.
See Hans Georg Hiller von Gaertringen, ed., Das Auge des Dritten Reiches, Hitlers
Kameramann und Fotograf Walter Frentz (Munich and Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag,
2006).
László Moholy-Nagy, Malerei Fotografie Film (Munich: Albert Langen, 1925), p. 33.
52
Photography in the Third Reich
enthusiastically began experiments in this direction after the release of
Kodachrome in the US.60 German colour photography, however, applied
some of the modern principles of black-and-white photography to
the new medium, whilst trying to solve the many problems in colour
control and printing. Even true followers of modernism like Hermann
Harz — who ran the most successful laboratory for Duxochrome
printing — or Erich Retzlaff, struggled to integrate a truly modern
vision into their colour practice.61 The real achievement of the material
came when the modernist approach lost the last scraps of its innocence
during the war itself.
The Worst of Modernism: World War II
In the 1990s, a peculiar phenomenon was identified by those working
with photographic materials from the Second World War. In a short
space of time, a plethora of colour images and colour films that had
not be seen since 1945 appeared on the market. Books on the era were
published in full colour, documentaries were shown of destroyed
cities and of National Socialist officials posing in glossy costumes
and uniforms, all in bright sunlight and, of course, under a deep blue
sky. At the same time, war photographs from propaganda sources
materialized; magazines like ‘Signal’, ‘Adler’, and the Japanese
‘Front’ were reprinted but unlike the poorly produced right-wing
commemorative editions of the 1970s, these were in bright colour on
the best paper. There were a number of reasons for this colourization
of National Socialist history in film and photography. The fall of the
Iron Curtain meant that archives from the former Soviet Bloc countries
were more readily available, private TV stations started to launch
endless documentaries from uncertain sources, and the death of the
last generation of war photographers brought hidden archives to the
surface for public consumption.62 Even as a retrospective, the war
became a modern media event.
60
61
62
See Viktor Margolin, The Struggle for Utopia: Rodchenko, Lissitzky, Moholy-Nagy,
1917–1946 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997).
Christopher Webster van Tonder, ‘Colonising Visions: A Physiognomy of Face
and Place in Erich Retzlaff’s Book “Länder und Völker an der Donau: Rumänien,
Bulgarien, Ungarn, Kroatien,”’ Photoresearcher 26:23 (2015), 66–77.
See Sachsse, Die Erziehung zum Wegsehen (2003).
1. Dark Sky, White Costumes
53
Compared to the First World War, photography in the Second
World War served a totally different purpose. It had been replaced
as the main weaponised carrier of information technology by
audial media such as FM, stereo transmission and by machine
cryptography.63 Even microfilming for documentary transport, and
aerial photography, which had substantiated the first attempts at
aerial bombing, had faded. Photography had become only one of the
many means of modern propaganda, with all the attendant problems
in assessing and recording its effects on the masses. The two genres
of modernization described here had now to fulfil their obligations.
Amateur photography — which was best viewed in colour — had
to memorialize the positive aspects of the war; professionalized
photographic journalism was obliged to convey the important images
of German victories to the world. War preparations to this end had
begun early. In 1936, Goebbels had installed a proto-PK for the fascist
view on the Spanish civil war, and it seemed to have worked well;
a number of its photographers launched their careers as a result of
their involvement, both during the Hitler years and in 1950s West
Germany.64 When the Second World War came, there were roughly
700 PK troops in service, with most of each unit consisting of a film
crew (camera, sound, assistants), with two or three photographers,
and one or two writers; the larger units also had an artist. All of them
had access to technical services for developing black and white 35mm
films in either a railroad wagon or in a large truck accompanied by
motorcycle couriers for transporting film material from and to Berlin
or Wolfen, where colour films had to be developed.65 During the war,
one photographer served for several weeks on the front and had some
of his material — black and white negatives, small prints — either
processed in the PK cabin or at local photo dealers who had to work
under military orders when a town was captured. After several weeks,
the photographer had to return to Berlin where the central laboratories
63
64
65
Friedrich Kittler, ‘Der Gott der Ohren’, in, Dietmar Kamper and Christoph Wulf,
eds, Das Schwinden der Sinne (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1984), pp. 140–58.
Diethart Kerbs, ‘Deutsche Fotografen im Spanischen Buergerkrieg’, in Jörn Merkert,
ed., Musik, Literatur und Film zur Zeit des Dritten Reichs (Dusseldorf: Kulturamt,
1987), pp. 107–13, exhibition catalogue.
Günther Heysing, ‘Propagandatruppen — eine deutsche Erfindung’, Die Wildente
26 (1963), 36–40 and 152–56.
54
Photography in the Third Reich
for the PK, for the SS (with the agency named after their owner,
Friedrich Franz Bauer), and for other military services were to be
found. The process of censorship followed directly after the material
was developed; if the pictures were considered to be good enough,
they were delivered to the headquarters of each branch of the armed
forces. The best images of the day were collected for Goebbels and
Hitler and usually delivered to them by 6 pm. From the headquarters,
the photographs were presented to the daily press conference at noon,
together with internal remarks on their use and meaning. However,
most of the PK material never became public; much of the information
available today with regards to National Socialist image production is,
at the most, derived from post-war archives.66
Amateur photography during the Second World War was shaped and
directed by journalistic services in association with the photographic
industry.67 Both still photography and film had their own public relations
magazines, printing numerous advertising brochures and filling the
weekly papers with articles and images of their production in order to
influence the amateur photography of those who went to war. These
pictures were accompanied by prose filled with references to comradeship,
a wanderlust, and a spirit of adventure when visiting foreign states. This
mixture of industrial advertising and state propaganda was typical for
most of the war, with a peak in the summer of 1941 — at which point
most of the battles had, so far, been won — and with a clear decrease
from late 1943 onwards. By the summer of 1944, paper had become so
scarce that most of the printed magazines were closed — except for the
important propaganda publications such as ‘Signal’. By this time, many
of the important PK and war photographers had shifted their modernism
on to the next level. They took photographs of what might be termed a
form of ‘anti-propaganda’, or they simply worked on their own projects,
such as documenting their personal situation. However, in the main,
the propaganda produced was extremely successful, as contemporary
archives demonstrate. Amateur photography was widespread; there
were even photographs of executions and other atrocities perpetrated
66
67
Ute Wrocklage, Das Bundesarchiv online. ‘Wissen bereitstellen, Quellen
erschließen, Geschichtsverständnis fördern’, in, Rundbrief Fotografie. Analoge und
digitale Bildmedien in Archiven und Sammlungen 15:3/NF59 (September 2008), pp.
18–23.
Sachsse, Die Erziehung zum Wegsehen (2003), pp. 197–202.
1. Dark Sky, White Costumes
55
by both the German military, the SS, and other service arms, inside
and outside of the concentration camps, the ghettos, and even the city
centres where these incidents of violence were committed.68
Modern photography carried with it the basic assumption that
photographs were of a unique objective documentary value. The
foundation of this belief, which stemmed from the 1880s onwards
whether the subject was architectural, object, or industrial photography,
was that anything depicted with a fine technical quality must be closely
linked to the real; that it held its own veracity — and this is exactly
what National Socialist ideology wanted from modern photography.
Of course, there were fields of artistic expression such as portraiture
or sculpture whose ‘value’ as aesthetic objects was predicated on the
aesthetic conventions defined by the annual state exhibitions in Munich
curated by Hitler’s personal photographer, Heinrich Hoffmann.69
But fundamentally, the ideas behind National Socialist propaganda
concerned the imagining of a good life and winning the war for a larger
(and racially homogeneous) Germany. These works pictured a clear,
clean, and modern country and, during the course of the war, a country
striving for victory; photography, whether of bunker architecture or
airfield buildings, had to show that the war could be won by advanced
technology. Reading Paul Virilio three decades later (and looking at the
edifices designed by him at the same time), one can reckon how fruitful
this propaganda was.70
Yet modernism can turn its effectiveness against the state under
certain conditions. After the first large bombardments on German cities
in 1941, professional and amateur photographers started to document
the destruction.71 Older craft photographers who did not have to serve in
the army were commissioned to record the damage, in order to present
documentary evidence of the enemy’s actions once the war was won
(Der grosse Endsieg); younger people began taking photographs after
68
69
70
71
See Jacques Fredj, ed., Regards sur les ghettos. Scenes from the Ghetto (Paris: Mémorial
de la Shoah, 2013), exhibition catalogue.
Christopher Webster van Tonder, Erich Retzlaff Volksfotograf (Aberystwyth: School
of Art Press, 2013), pp. 38–42. Also, Peter-Klaus Schuster, ed., Nationalsozialismus
und ‘Entartete Kunst’: die ‘Kunststadt’ München (Munich: Prestel, 1988), exhibition
catalogue.
See Paul Virilio, Bunker Archéologie (Paris: Les Éditions du Demi-Cercle, 1975).
Thomas Deres and Martin Rüther, eds, Fotografieren verboten! Heimliche Aufnahmen
von der Zerstörung Kölns (Cologne: Emons, 1995), exhibition catalogue.
56
Photography in the Third Reich
the shock of surviving; and most of all, residents simply recorded the
disasters around them in images. In the main, such activities were not
seen as anything remotely connected with propaganda. Nor were they
censored by the state, which did not regard these images as subversive.
Thus, the modern idea of documentation responsible for the most
important aspects of war propaganda — ‘We hold up to the enemy
[…] our photographic evidence in front of his nose to punch him in
the mouth and show the world what reality is like’ (‘Dem Feind aber
halten wir […] unser fotografisches Beweismaterial vor die Nase, um
ihm damit aufs Maul zu schlagen und der Welt zu zeigen, wie es mit der
Wirklichkeit beschaffen ist‘)72 — rebounded on those who had instigated
it: the documentary reality had lost all of its idyllic connotations.
Modern Propaganda for a Feebleminded State
‘The challenge of convincing the German people to take part in World
War II’, as described by the military historian Wolfram Wette, was the
background to all propaganda, including that made using modern
photography.73 As nearly all studies in mass communication research
show, propaganda in general can be an arduous task: you cannot
change people’s minds through media, only face-to-face and in small
groups.74 This is what Goebbels and his associates knew only too well;
it is implied in his diaries as well as in the comments he made at his
daily press conference. The Propaganda Ministry attempted to cope
with this situation using an extremely modern diversification between
photography and film. The still image had to function in memory and
as a document, thus the producers had to be craftsmen without too
many independent aesthetic attitudes. On the other hand, a film could
be regarded as an artwork — not necessarily, but certainly this was an
option.75 In modern terms, photography was regarded as design that
had to serve society using aesthetic means. Hence all continuities, from
the groundbreaking strategies of the 1920s onwards, were developed as
72
73
74
75
Sachsse, Die Erziehung zum Wegsehen (2003), p. 354.
Wolfram Wette, ‘Die schwierige Überredung zum Krieg: zur psychologischen
Mobilmachung der deutschen Bevölkerung 1933–1939’, Aus Politik und Zeitgeschicht,
ApuZ 32–33 (1989), pp. 3–15.
Colin Cherry, On Human Communication (New York: Wiley & Sons, 1957), pp. 21–49.
Sachsse, Die Erziehung zum Wegsehen (2003), p. 238.
1. Dark Sky, White Costumes
57
an evolving means of creating an impact on the viewer in their encounter
with the image.
In his introduction to this book, Christopher Webster has described
the Janus-headed character of photography in the National Socialist
state, a perfect image for understanding some of the mysteries involved
when writing a history of it. Despite the many attempts to regard the
history of modern photography from a left-wing perspective, there
were equally as many right-wing attitudes in all modern schools and
agencies of advertising and design.76 But most of all, it must be stated
that photographers, like nearly all craftsmen, architects, and designers
(plus artists, musicians, etc.) in the late Weimar period were not really
interested in day-to-day politics — daily life was struggle enough after
the 1929 Wall Street Crash.77 However, reading letters and personal
notes from those who had at least some interest in politics, one finds
an often guileless misunderstanding of the events unfolding around
them. Nearly everybody expected the brawling streetfighters that were
the SA Brownshirts (Sturmabteilung) to disappear within a couple of
years. There was a naïve acceptance of modern strategies in media and
propaganda, and above all, of strategies that influenced everyday life
with the help of, amongst other things, photography. Looking back
on the media history of the National Socialist state, its most important
‘modernism’ can only be regarded as an ‘education in looking away’.78
76
77
78
Jorge Ribalta, ed., The Worker Photography Movement [1929–1939]. Essays and
Documents (Madrid: Museo Reina Sofia, 2011), pp. 314–45.
Werner Möller, ed., Die Welt spielt Roulette. Zur Kultur der Moderne in der krise 1927
bis 1932, Edition Bauhaus Vol.9 (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 2002), pp. 9–17.
Sachsse, Die Erziehung zum Wegsehen (2003), pp. 14–18.
LEADERS
2. ‘The Deepest Well
of German Life’1
Hierarchy, Physiognomy and the
Imperative of Leadership in Erich Retzlaff’s
Portraits of the National Socialist Elite
Christopher Webster
The Führerprinzip (The Leader Principle)
Since the end of the Second World War, historians have variously
characterised the leadership of the National Socialist state as ‘a
rationally organised and highly perfected system of terrorist rule’;2 or
as necessarily chaotic, with Adolf Hitler ultimately holding the key to
power as the ultimate arbiter of a polycratic structure of leadership;3 or
even as an ‘authoritarian anarchy’.4
Whatever the historical reality — order or chaos, irrationality or
well-oiled bureaucracy — the visual manifestation of the National
Socialist leadership at least, was artfully manufactured to present
an unambiguous hierarchy of representatives of the Führerprinzip).
Such a hierarchy and its legitimacy during and following the years of
1
2
3
4
Jacob Grimm’s ‘Schiller Memorial address,’ 1859. Quoted in Hermann Glaser, The
Cultural Roots of National Socialism (London: Croom Helm, 1978), p. 60.
Hans Mommsen, ‘Nationalsozialismus,’ in Sowjetsystem und demokratische
Gesellschaft. Eine vergleichende Enzyklopädie, Vol. 4 (Freiberg: Herder, 1971), p. 702.
Klaus Hildebrand, The Third Reich (London: Routledge, 2004), p. 137.
Ibid.
© Christopher Webster, CC BY 4.0
https://doi.org/10.11647/OBP.0202.02
62
Photography in the Third Reich
struggle was, unsurprisingly, reiterated regularly in visual terms by
National Socialist publications and, of course, in the writings of the
political leaders themselves. The principle permeated the state from
Hitler, as Führer, down through to the most basic elements such as a
Hitlerjugendführer of the Hitler Youth.
Although predating National Socialism as an idea, the leadership
notion, the Führerprinzip, certainly emerged as a core structural element
of the National Socialist state in a new form. After Thomas Carlyle and
Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s notion of the ‘Great Man’, the desire
for a ‘ruler-sage’ became more pronounced in the milieu of the postwar republic in Germany. However, many conservative thinkers were
suspicious of the National Socialists as being too similar to the communists.
For example, thinkers such as Count Hermann Keyserling — widely
associated with coining the phrase Führerprinzip) — believed that the
‘ruler-sage’ could only emerge when an ‘aristocracy of the truly best’5
had emerged and not through a rule of the masses.
In his 1974 book Notes on the Third Reich,6 that exponent of
Integral Traditionalism, the philosopher Julius Evola, argued that the
interpretation and application of the Führerprinzip by National Socialism
had been a new (but flawed) elucidation of an ancient tradition. Evola
objected to a biologically reductionist interpretation that regarded race
as the foundation of the state; for Evola, such an interpretation missed
the ‘soul and spirit’ of man.7
He remarked:
First, at that time this bond [the Führerprinzip] was established only in an
emergency or in view of definite military ends and, like the dictatorship
in the early Roman period, the character of the Führer (dux or heretigo)
did not have a permanent character. Second, the ‘followers’ were the
heads of the various tribes, not a mass, the Volk. Third, in the ancient
German constitution, in addition to the exceptional instances in which, in
certain circumstances as we have mentioned, the chief could demand an
unconditional obedience — in addition to the dux or heretigo — there was
the rex, possessed of a superior dignity based on his origin.8
5
6
7
8
Hermann Keyserling, Politik, Wirtschaft, Weisheit (Darmstad: O. Reichl, 1922), pp.
103–04.
Originally published as Il fascismo visto dalla destra; Note sul terzo Reich (Rome: Gianni
Volpe, 1974).
Julius Evola, Notes on the Third Reich, John Morgan, ed., E. Christian Kopf, translator
(London: Arktos, 2013), p. 8.
Ibid., p. 34.
2. ‘The Deepest Well of German Life’
63
Evola’s summary of Hitler’s interpretation of the notion of the
Führerprinzip is certainly accurate:
For Hitler, the Volk alone was the principle of legitimacy. He was
established as its direct representative and guide, without intermediaries,
and it was to follow him unconditionally. No higher principle existed or
was tolerated by him.9
For his part, Hitler had stated in Mein Kampf:
… the natural development, though after a struggle enduring centuries,
finally brought the best man to the place where he belonged. This will
always be so and will eternally remain so, as it has always been so.
Therefore, it must not be lamented if so many men set out on the road to
arrive at the same goal: the most powerful and swiftest will in this way
be recognised, and will be the victor.10
Influential conservative German cultural figures, who cautiously
(or enthusiastically) moved into the orbit of the party after its
election victory of 1933, also (often enthusiastically) gave legitimacy
to the National Socialist version of the idea. The following three
examples are of leading German cultural figures from three different
disciplines — jurisprudence, science and the arts — who each lauded
the new dispensation and the central role of the Führerprinzip to National
Socialism.
According to the political scientist and jurist Carl Schmitt:
The strength of the National Socialist state resides in the fact that it is
dominated and imbued from top to bottom and in every atom of its being
by the idea of leadership. This principle, by means of which the movement
has grown great, must be applied both to the state administration and to
the various spheres of auto-administration, naturally taking into account
the modifications required by the specificity of the matter. It would
not be permissible, though, to exclude from the idea of leadership any
important sphere of public life.11
9
10
11
Ibid., p. 35.
Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf. ‘Jubiläumsausgabe anläßlich der 50. Lebensjahres des Führers’
(München: Zentralverlag der NSDAP, 1939), p. 505 (English translation from: Adolf
Hitler, Mein Kampf (My Struggle). Ralph Manheim, translator (London: Pimlico,
1992), p. 466.)
Carl Schmitt, State, Movement, People, Part IV: ‘Leadership and Ethnic Identity as
Basic Concepts of National Socialist Law,’ Simona Draghici, translator. Posted on 24
July 2017 in North American New Right, philosophy, politics, translations, https://www.
countercurrents.com
64
Photography in the Third Reich
The poet, writer and dramatist Heinar (Heinrich) Schilling wrote a
series of essays for the SS (reproduced in the SS journal Das Schwarze
Korps) where he outlined certain ideological principles including the
Führerprinzip. In his 1936 Weltanschauliche Betrachtungen (Reflections
on a Worldview) he outlined the notion of the Führerprinzip as the
cornerstone of the new state, with its incorporation into the political
and public realm being a significant departure from earlier political
and social norms. It was, he declared, a new era, when, ‘the nonsense
of voting was removed by the introduction of an authoritarian form
of government, re-establishing the Führerprinzip in a completely new
form consistent with current political conditions…’. This, according to
Schilling meant the ‘restoration of the dominance of an autochthonous
blood…’ and ‘… a return to the roots of the historical conditions of our
nationhood’.12 Schilling emphasised, therefore, what he interpreted as
National Socialism’s unique merger of ‘natural law’, leadership, and
heredity, as each being synchronous and symbiotic elements of this new
polity.
Similarly, in his 1938 text Heredity and Race; An Introduction to Heredity
Teaching, Racial Hygiene and Race Studies, Dr Gustav Franke firmly
positioned biological hierarchy in the political realm. Franke asserted a
social Darwinist interpretation of biology, in which ‘… there can hardly
be any doubt that man’s hereditary endowment, having been examined
in diverse areas of human genetic predispositions, has been subject to
well-established regulations for the rest of living nature.’ As a result,
according to Franke, this acceptance of self-evident biological differences
ensured that the only conclusion was that some races were ‘superior’ to
others, and such an ‘irrefutable’ conclusion had resulted in a situation
in which ‘… Marxists of all colours cling to the hopeless equality dogma
as their last straw of hope. Certainly, they cannot seriously dismiss
the overwhelming abundance of Mendel’s previously examined case
studies on the effectiveness of the laws of inheritance.’13
The three figures discussed above were each asserting their acceptance
of the recognition of an ‘iron logic of nature’, as Hitler had called it in
12
13
Heinar Schilling, Weltanschauliche Betrachtungen (Braunschweig: Vieweg Verlag,
1936), pp. 10–16.
Dr Gustav Franke, Vererbung und Rasse: eine Einführung in Vererbungslehre,
Rassenhygiene und Rassenkunde (München: Deutscher Volksverlag, 1938), p. 97
(translation courtesy of Dr Tomislav Sunić).
2. ‘The Deepest Well of German Life’
65
Mein Kampf. This was a logic that allowed for no other possibility: to
attempt to reject such an immutable force, according to Hitler, would
only lead man ‘to his own doom’. 14
With the arrival of a National Socialist government in 1933, the ‘iron
logic of Nature’ became a firm part of political, social, and cultural
thinking. It was seemingly supported by science (an interpretation
of a Darwinian ‘survival of the fittest’ had already been popularised
in Germany by Charles Darwin’s friend and disciple, the German
scientist Ernst Haeckel) as well as being popularised by a complex
mix of nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century esoteric and religious
interpretations ranging from Theosophy to Ariosophy.15
The Führerprinzip) was based both on a biological imperative of an
elite destined for leadership, as well as a parapsychological current that
ensured ‘natural magicians’ (like Hitler) ‘also had strong characters
and leadership capabilities, which is why ‘the Magician is in all
earlier times identical with “Ruler”’.16 These two currents of biological
imperative and parapsychological need (Eric Kurlander’s ‘Supernatural
Imaginary’), represent two powerful streams that mingled to form
the National Socialist German state. The exoteric current relates to the
German state that is familiar in historical narratives about this period.
Germany became a militaristic state that looked to remove the shame
of the Versailles Treaty and reunify historical and mythic aspects of a
greater ‘Germania’. National Socialist Germany was a state that aspired
to be autarkical, modern, and simultaneously cognisant of blood and
tradition.
The second stream was esoteric, sometimes tenuous, still partly
hidden, often darkly controversial. This influence is less widely known;
it also played a significant part in defining what Germany would become
under National Socialism. This was a subterranean river, a Germanic
Acheron, that flowed with ideas of the irrational, the metaphysical, the
notions that acted upon ‘the Will’. It sprang from a Germany that looked
to reject the curse of Nietzsche’s ‘Last Man’ and inculcate the superman
or Ubermensch. The combination of these two currents fed the belief in
14
15
16
Hitler, Mein Kampf (1939), p. 287.
Ariosophy was, in its various manifestations, a combination of völkisch ideology,
occultism, and a specifically Germanic interpretation of Theosophical currents.
Eric Kurlander, Hitler’s Monsters: A Supernatural History of the Third Reich (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 2017), p. 69.
66
Photography in the Third Reich
a ‘palingenesis’ where a new world would rise, phoenix-like, from the
ashes of the old.17
As the National Socialists began to embrace the image enthusiastically
as part of their efforts to achieve a supremely effective style of visual
propaganda, it became the task of the artist and the photographer
to frame, in Evola’s words, this ‘principle of legitimacy’ in a visually
powerful and enduring manner during the Third Reich itself.
The visual representation of the Führerprinzip) is examined here
through an examination of the creative and aesthetically guided lens
of Erich Retzlaff, where, as will be seen, aesthetics and physiognomy
(science and esoterica) merged in an imaging (and imagining) of power
and leadership in the photographic image beyond the image of the
Führer himself.
Physiognomy
As both a social and scientific fad, physiognomy had, by the 1920s,
achieved enormous cultural popularity. Examinations of people and
society were predicated on the belief that the face and body could be
read like a book to reveal nature and character. An example of the (often
complex) broad engagement with, and interpretation of, physiognomy
in the Weimar era is provided by the Jewish writer, critic, and associate
of the Frankfurt School, Walter Benjamin. Reflecting on August Sander’s
physiognomic studies in his essay a ‘Little History of Photography’
(1931) Benjamin discussed the inevitability of a physiognomic regime
of the future: ‘Whether one is of the right or the left, one will have to get
used to being seen in terms of one’s provenance. And in turn, one will see
others in this way too. Sander’s work is more than a picture-book, it is an
atlas of instruction.’18 In the same essay, Benjamin contextualises Sander’s
physiognomic achievement in relation to that of avant-garde Soviet
filmmakers: ‘August Sander put together a series of faces that in no way
17
18
In his 2007 book Modernism and Fascism: The Sense of a New Beginning under Mussolini
and Hitler (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), historian and political theorist
Roger Griffin posited the idea that ‘palingenesis’ was a core facet of fascist and
ultranationalist political movements.
Walter Benjamin, Walter Benjamin Selected Writings Volume 2 Part 2 1931–1934,
Michael W. Jennings, Howard Eiland and Gary Smith, eds, Rodney Livingstone and
others, translators (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknapp Press of Harvard University Press,
2005), p. 520.
2. ‘The Deepest Well of German Life’
67
stand beneath the powerful physiognomic galleries that an Eisenstein or
a Pudovkin revealed, and he did so from a scientific standpoint’.19 Not
only was this physiognomy paramount, but considerations of nurture
and nature were believed to play a part. For example, in his introduction
to Sander’s Antlitz der Zeit (Face of Our Time), the writer Alfred Döblin
reflected: ‘… they were moulded by their race and the development
of their personal ability — and through the environment and society
which promoted and hindered their development.’20
The reading of the face was supposed to rely on the ‘indexical and
iconic functions’ of the photographic form. However, according to
Matthias Uecker, such endeavours were ultimately, ‘subsumed under
a discourse that — despite its declarations to the contrary — valorizes
“reading” over “seeing” and ultimately reduces all images to examples
or illustrations of a pre-ordained discursive knowledge’.21
As explored by Claudia Schmölders in her book Hitler’s Face,
photography and physiognomy played an important role in visually
defining the leadership credentials of the Führer himself, both prior to
and after his accession to power.
No face bears more eloquent witness to the desire for… [a] physiognomic
interpretation than this face, in which half a nation between 1919 and
1938 wanted to recognize pure, undiluted futurity, among them the
most educated Germans… Since the eighteenth century there prevailed
in Germany a tradition of reading physiques, in science and in art, in
literature and in politics — a tradition that existed so emphatically only
in Germany. Around the same time that Hitler came to Munich, this
tradition was modernized for the beginning of the “short century” … as
the physiognomic gaze on the “great man” and the “German Volk” …22
This tradition was especially evident in the photographic depictions of
Hitler’s face-as-biography through the work of his ‘court photographer’
Heinrich Hoffmann. Hoffmann first met Hitler in 1919 and he became a
19
20
21
22
Ibid.
August Sander and Alfred Döblin, Antlitz der Zeit. Sechzig Aufnahmen Deutscher
Menschen Des 20. Jahrhunderts (Munich: Transmare Verlag, 1929), quoted in David
Mellor, ed., Germany the New Photography 1927–1933 (London: Arts Council of Great
Britain, 1978), p. 56.
Matthias Uecker, ‘The Face of the Weimar Republic: Photography, Physiognomy
and Propaganda in Weimar Germany’, Monatshefte 99:4 (Winter 2007), 481.
Claudia Schmölders, Hitler’s Face: The Biography of an Image (Philadelphia: University
of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), pp. 3–4.
68
Photography in the Third Reich
fixed member of Hitler’s inner circle, accompanying him constantly until
the end in 1945. Hoffmann’s practical monopoly of the image of Hitler
made him a wealthy man.23 In his photographic publications such as
Hitler wie ihn keiner kennt (Hitler as No-One Knows Him, 1933) and Das
Antlitz des Führers (The Face of the Leader, 1939), and even the image
of Hitler on postage stamps, it was Hoffmann’s work that defined (and
helped direct) the formation of Hitler’s image from his early days as
the messianic figure of the struggle in marches and speeches, to Hitler
the ‘ordinary’ man relaxing in private, through to the statesman on his
appointment as Chancellor of the Reich in 1933. For example, in a set of
early images from around 1925,
Fig. 2.1 Heinrich Hoffmann, Adolf Hitler, 1927, reproduced in Heinrich Hoffmann,
Hitler Was My Friend (London: Burke, 1955), pp. 72–73. Fair use.
23
Christian Zentner and Friedemann Bedürftig, eds, The Encyclopedia of the Third Reich
(New York: Da Capo Press, 1997), p. 437.
2. ‘The Deepest Well of German Life’
69
Hitler, miming to his own recorded speeches, adopts a series of dramatic
poses in front of a mirror with Hoffmann’s camera recording the process.
These private images were clearly designed to assess the effectiveness
of a gesture or a look and, after Hitler looked them over, he instructed
Hoffmann to destroy them (Hoffmann, having disobeyed his Führer’s
instructions, later published these images in his 1955 book Hitler Was
My Friend). What these images reveal is how crafted and rehearsed,
almost operatic, Hitler’s public performances were and how much Hitler
understood that posture, gesture and facial expression could be used as
powerful messages in their own right. By 1933, Hoffmann’s portrayals
of the Führer reveal a man seemingly assured and powerful in his role as
autocrat of a National Socialist Germany.
Despite this visual domination in terms of the image of the Führer,24
Reichs-bildberichterslatter (the Reich photojournalist) Hoffmann was not
the sole photographic arbiter of the National Socialist physiognomic
leadership.
Erich Retzlaff’s career commenced during the nadir of the Weimar
republic, and he became particularly well known for his photobooks
in an era when the picture album was a popular carrier of ideas and
influential cultural mores.25 Retzlaff produced intense, close-up
photographs of his subjects, primarily German peasants and workers,
influenced by the New Vision style and with an almost visceral visual
presence. As will become apparent here, he also played a significant role
in the photographic staging of the Führerprinzip.
This approach certainly came to employ ideological paradigms
that would play a role in defining a specific and important facet of the
iconography of National Socialist propaganda. However, the aesthetics
employed also place his work firmly in the canon of early twentiethcentury modernist photography. As well as being related to the
physiognomic practices of his contemporaries, Retzlaff’s photographs
of rural workers are also reminiscent of the work of American
24
25
Besides Hoffmann, only a limited number of photographers were allowed access to
‘officially’ photograph Hitler; these included Hugo Jäger (1900–1970) and Walter
Frentz (1907–2004).
Wolfgang Brückle, ‘Face-Off in Weimar Culture: The Physiognomic Paradigm,
Competing Portrait Anthologies, and August Sander’s Face of Our Time’, Tate Papers
19 (Spring 2013), http://www.tate.org.uk/research/publications/tate-papers/19/
face-off-in-weimar-culture-the-physiognomic-paradigm-competing-portraitanthologies-and-august-sanders-face-of-our-time
Fig. 2.2 Heinrich Hoffmann, Adolf Hitler [no date recorded on caption card],
vintage silver gelatin print, retrieved from the Library of Congress. Public
domain, www.loc.gov/item/2004672089/
2. ‘The Deepest Well of German Life’
71
Depression-era photographers such as Dorothea Lange or Margaret
Bourke-White.
Retzlaff was a technical innovator too. He was significant to the
history of photography in relation to his early experimentation
with the innovative Agfacolor Neu colour film process in Germany.
His contribution to a 1938 book, Agfacolor, das farbige Lichtbild
(Agfacolor, the Colour Photograph) included an essay entitled Farbige
Bildnisphotographie (Colour Portrait Photography),26 centred on how to
use the new materials in portraiture, and a series of Retzlaff’s own
striking colour portraits. Retzlaff remarked:
With colour film we have, for the first time, been given a material that
puts us in a position to explore fields that formerly had been outside
the capabilities of black and white photography. Everything is still
virgin soil, but the possibilities for this medium of colour photography
within all areas of life, art and science are evident… Within race-theory
and studies of national tradition, there will be entirely new areas to be
conquered by aesthetically creative photographers as well as scientists;
colour photography will be indispensable to the fields of physiognomy
and ethnology. There is no doubt that colour photography will enable us
to broaden our knowledge of the world.27
As the above quote demonstrates, Retzlaff was thinking in terms of
both science and artistic expression, an amalgam of photography,
ethnography, and aesthetics.
This complex ‘modern’ made photographs until 1945 that also
conformed very much to a traditionalistic völkisch ideology. Retzlaff’s
photographs present the worker-peasant as part of a racial collective,
a German ‘type’, inextricably bound to the soil of his homeland.
This approach employed aesthetics with an ostensibly documentary
approach, much as his US contemporaries were doing, albeit towards
different political ends.
Retzlaff came to photography as a means to engage with the
post-war artistic milieu of Weimar, to express himself artistically
and simultaneously make a living. He had worked in a succession of
26
27
Erich Retzlaff, ‘Farbige Bildnisphotographie’, in Eduard von Pagenhardt,
ed., Agfacolor das farbige Lichtbild. Grundlagen und Aufnahmetechnik für den
Liebhaberphotographen (München: Verlag Knorr und Hirth, 1938), pp. 20–23.
Ibid., pp. 20–21 (author’s translation).
72
Photography in the Third Reich
commercial jobs after his demobilisation at the end of the First World
War, but his interest in, and social contact with, the emergent Weimar
art scene convinced him that he too might become an artist. But Retzlaff
could not easily paint; he had a badly damaged right hand, a legacy of
his time as a soldier on the front during the war.28 Instead, he set up a
small photographic studio on the Königsallee in Düsseldorf. With the
enthusiasm of an amateur and no formal training, Retzlaff set out to
learn his craft. His early studio portraits were flattering, competent, and
conventional. The business thrived and he was soon able to move to
larger premises on the Kaiserstrasse. But this commercial work was not
enough for the young Retzlaff who, like so many of his generation, was
restless and disenchanted by the post-war Versailles settlement and the
prospect of being submerged into an ‘ordinary’ life.29
In the late 1920s, Retzlaff became intensely interested in the kind
of modern photography he was seeing in exhibitions, journals, and
the new picture magazines — portraiture in particular. It is likely that
Retzlaff had seen the work of August Sander, whose first exhibition had
been reviewed in the Rheinische Post in 1928.30 Certainly, it was during
this period that Retzlaff began to explore physiognomy in his portrait
practice.
As Retzlaff’s studio style changed and aligned itself more and more
to an objective and broadly modern approach with a physiognomic
premise, the flattering soft-focus work he had employed in his early
commissions was replaced by a sharp-focus style, as evident in his
portrait of the Düsseldorf gallerist and art dealer Alexander Vömel.31
28
29
30
31
Retzlaff served on the Western Front from 1917–1918 as a machine gunner and was
shot through the hand during action. He received the Iron Cross (second class) for
bravery under fire.
These biographical details are drawn from an interview with Erich Retzlaff. ‘Erich
Retzlaff to Rolf Sachsse’, 8 December 1979, interview, Diessen/Ammersee, Bavaria,
Germany (courtesy Rolf Sachsse).
Rolf Sachsse, ‘Traditional Sculpture in Modern Media’, in Christopher Webster van
Tonder, Erich Retzlaff: volksfotograf (Aberystwyth: Aberystwyth University School of
Art Press, 2013), 15–17.
Vömel ran Galerie Flechtheim on the Königsallee nearby Retzlaff’s first studio. After
1933, Alfred Flechtheim, who was a Jew, left Germany. Vömel took the gallery over
and it was re-named Galerie Vömel. After Flechtheim arrived in London, Vömel
continued to communicate with him and supply him with art for his new gallery in
England.
Fig. 2.3 Erich Retzlaff, Kunsthändler Alexander Vömel (Art Dealer Alexander Vömel)
c.1933, Aberystwyth University, School of Art Museum and Galleries.
Courtesy of the Estate of Erich Retzlaff.
74
Photography in the Third Reich
Retzlaff’s new interest in physiognomic photography and in particular
working on location was certainly influenced by the photographer
Erna Lendvai-Dircksen. Lendvai-Dircksen was, like Retzlaff, herself
influenced by the new style of ‘straight’ photography and photographed
in a manner that was direct and dramatically cropped.32 In particular,
Lendvai-Dircksen, a studio photographer of some note, was focussing
more and more on the physiognomic portrait of the autochthonous
peasant.33
Already by the Weimar period, physiognomy had become inextricably
bound up with race. This new momentum was epitomised by the books
of comparative race and physiognomy produced by populist racial
ideologues such as Hans F. K. Günther.34 For those sympathetically
nationalist photographers like Retzlaff35 and Lendvai-Dircksen, their
interpretation of physiognomy was coloured by a völkisch interpretation
of race, particularly in their photographs of the Bauer or peasant. These
portrayals attempted to point to something beyond classification,
something numinous, whilst employing the supposedly objective eye of
the camera to produce the racial-physiognomic photograph.
When Germany became a National Socialist state in 1933, Retzlaff
had already published three books of portrait photographs of the
32
33
34
35
Lendvai-Dircksen was awarded a prize following an exhibition of her photographs
of peasants in Frankfurt in 1926. This enthusiasm for her peasant studies stimulated
her increasing focus on this aspect of her practice. See Anne Maxwell, Picture
Imperfect: Photography and Eugenics, 1879–1940 (Eastbourne: Sussex Academic Press,
2008), p. 194.
Lendvai-Dircksen’s first published images of peasants appeared in an article titled
‘Volksgesicht’ in the Berliner Illustrierte Zeitung, 39:11 (1930), pp. 467–68. Interestingly,
the commercial work of Retzlaff and Lendvai-Dircksen appeared together in an
article entitled ‘Eine Fundgrube für deutsche Modeschöpfer’ — Berliner Illustrierte
Zeitung 42:30 (1933), 1084. During the Third Reich, their racial-physiognomic work
would be reproduced together many times in a variety of books and magazines.
Retzlaff claimed he had once travelled to Lendvai-Dircksen’s studio to meet her, but
she had been away at the time and the meeting had never taken place (Erich Retzlaff
to Rolf Sachsse, interview).
Hans Friedrich Karl Günther (1891–1968) was a race scientist whose publications
on the racial makeup of the German and European races earned him the nickname
Rassengünther (race Günther). Adolf Hitler was certainly influenced by his work,
owning six of his books in his personal collection. See Timothy Ryback, Hitler’s
Private Library: The Books that Shaped His Life (New York: Knopf, 2008), p. 110.
Retzlaff was a pre-1933 member of the NSDAP. His membership card (number
1014457) is dated 1.3.1932 and it is clear from this card that he maintained his
membership throughout the war, with the last renewal being on 8 June 1944
(Bundesarchiv, document reference R1–2013/A-3208).
2. ‘The Deepest Well of German Life’
75
physiognomic German proletariat. His first publication, Das Antlitz
Des Alters (The Face of Age, 1930), was very well-received and had a
number of positive critical reviews. There was even a review in the USA,
where the anonymous reviewer for the Quarterly Review of Biology found
that ‘the viewpoint and the purpose of this beautiful volume are literary
and artistic rather than scientific…’ with its, ‘… superb portraits of some
35 old men and women…’36
The succeeding two volumes echoed the format of the first, with an
emphasis on the face, the drama of the closeness to the subject and the
large-scale format of their reproduction. As with Das Antlitz Des Alters,
his dual volume Deutsche Menschen37 (volume one, Die von der Scholle,
concerned with rural people and volume two, Menschen am Werk,
concerned with industrial workers) presented anonymous subjects. It
is not the individual who is important, but rather their presentation as
a type from a collective. The people are described by their occupation,
whether it is a farmer or a blast furnace worker or a railwayman (for
example, Figure 2.4).
These volumes set the standard that Retzlaff would follow for the next
fifteen years, including his forays into colour photography after 1936.
Retzlaff had become recognised as an influential creative practitioner
in National Socialist Germany. In addition to his work appearing in
numerous books,38 it was also widely reproduced in the press and
popular magazines as well as in National Socialist journals such as
Odal, Volk und Rasse, NS-Frauen-Warte and, during the war, Signal. As
in his studio portraits, his work continued to extend beyond the image
of the peasant. Covers for Volk und Rasse included portraits of the
military leader type, the hero, the Führerprinzip) as expressed on the
battlefield. For example, Retzlaff’s portrait of a decorated paratrooper
from the cover of a 1941 edition of Volk und Rasse is, like his peasant
portraits, anonymous and presented as an example of a (victorious)
‘Nordic type’ (see Fig. 2.5).
36
37
38
Anon., The Quarterly Review of Biology 6:4 (December 1931), 476.
Erich Retzlaff, Die von der Scholle and Menschen am Werk (Göttingen: Verlag der
Deuerlichschen Buchhandlung o.J., 1931).
For example, Retzlaff’s work was used extensively in the Blauen Bücher series by the
Karl Langewiesche Verlag. These books were photographically illustrated texts on a
variety of German subjects such as traditional costumes, churches, and architecture.
Fig. 2.4 Erich Retzlaff, Hochofenarbeiter (Blast Furnace Worker), 1931, reproduced in
Menschen am Werk (Göttingen: Verlag der Deuerlichschen Buchhandlung
o.J., 1931), p. 9. Public domain.
Fig. 2.5 Erich Retzlaff, kompagnieführer und Anführer der fallschirmjäger bei Dombas
in Norwegen. Nordische führergestalt (Company Leader and Leader of the
Paratroopers at Dombas in Norway. Nordic Leader) reproduced on the
cover of Volk und Rasse, 1941. Public domain.
78
Photography in the Third Reich
The characteristics of the portrait are typical. As artfully lit as that of a
film star, this profile image describes the rugged features in the context
of the dashing hero figure, with a powerful focussed gaze and framed
tightly, contextualised by the sartorial elegance of the uniform and
accompanying military decorations. The unnamed Luftwaffe officer is
described in the title as an example of a ‘Nordic leader figure’.
Wegbereiter und Vorkämpfer für das neue Deutschland
(Pioneers and Champions of the New Germany)
The establishment of Retzlaff’s oeuvre in his successful photographic
volumes, in addition to his pre-1933 membership of the party,
resulted in his commission to photograph a cross-section of the new
German political elite. This commission became the text Wegbereiter
und Vorkämpfer für das neue Deutschland (1933)39 that was produced to
celebrate the electoral victory of the NSDAP and the establishment
of a ‘rightist’ coalition government.40 Produced by the Thule Society
member and influential nationalist publisher Julius Friedrich Lehmann,
this 64-page illustrated paperback opens with a foreword from Wilhelm
Freiherr von Müffling:
With this great change in German history, a fountain of new forces has
been unleashed. This people’s movement, created by the leader Adolf
Hitler, has given to the German people men who, with an ardent love of
their Fatherland and the highest sense of responsibility, have begun the
task of building the nation.41
The opening pages present a double page spread with two images, one
on each page.
39
40
41
Wilhelm Freiherr von Müffling, ed., Wegbereiter und Vorkämpfer für das neue
Deutschland (Munich: J. F. Lehmanns Verlag, 1933).
This coalition was intended to ‘temper’ Hitler’s power and the NSDAP influence.
Appointments to the cabinet included non-NSDAP representatives such as Franz
von Papen as Vice-Chancellor and Alfred Hugenberg (DNVP — the Deutschnationale
Volkspartei or German People’s Party) as Minister of Economics. In 1933, von Papen
allegedly quipped to a political colleague; ‘No danger at all. We have hired him for
our act. In two months’ time we’ll have pushed Hitler so far into a corner, he’ll be
squeaking.’
Foreword, Wegbereiter und Vorkämpfer für das neue Deutschland (1933).
2. ‘The Deepest Well of German Life’
79
Fig. 2.6 Frontispiece from Wilhelm Freiherr von Müffling, ed., Wegbereiter und
Vorkämpfer für das neue Deutschland (Pioneers and Champions of the New
Germany) (Munich: J. F. Lehmanns Verlag, 1933). Public domain.
The first is of Paul von Hindenburg and the second a Hoffmann
image of Adolf Hitler. These foundational images use the doubling
technique to create a relationship between the pair, to demonstrate their
connectedness and thus the premise of the ‘revolution’. In the left-hand
image, Reichspräsident (Reich’s president Hindenburg fixes the reader
with his gaze. Hindenburg is photographed in three-quarter profile, a
grand patriarchal figure poised between what has been and what will
come. This elderly but firm figure represents the past, the era before the
war, the martial tradition of the war itself and what must be preserved
from that historical tradition. On the opposite page, Hitler looks to his
right, the viewer’s left, symbolically towards Hindenburg. Shown in
profile, his physiognomy is presented clearly. Younger and fresher, the
new Chancellor is established as someone looking to the past respectfully
whilst simultaneously representing the new order, his body positioned
as if he is looking backwards whilst moving forwards. As the viewer
reads from left to right, Hitler’s position on the right-hand side clearly
80
Photography in the Third Reich
represents the future. Thus, the volume’s theme is established. A new
beginning built upon the firm foundations of tradition and custom. The
intended message is clear: this revolution is no ‘Bolshevik insurgency’,
rather it is presented as a resuscitation of the old by the new, a rebirth of
Germany itself through modern forms.
Retzlaff had been commissioned to provide fifty-five of the one
hundred and sixty-eight portraits and is specifically named on the title
page as follows: ‘Mit 168 Bildnissen von E. Retzlaff (Düsseldorf) und
Anderen’. As well as being the single largest provider of photographic
portraits for this publication, Retzlaff’s contribution also included
some of the most important figures in both the broader conservative
movement and in particular the NSDAP. His NSDAP portraits included
Heinrich Himmler, Ernst Röhm, Gregor Strasser, Wilhelm Frick, Richard
Walther Darré, Robert Ley, Rudolf Hess, Julius Streicher, and Joseph
Goebbels, to name but a few.42 Just as in his studies of the peasants
of Germany, Retzlaff’s studies of the leadership also employed a
physiognomic approach. Rather than simply providing a professionally
executed studio photograph, it is apparent from their staging that he
was concerned with attempting to capture the essence of the sitter,
their physiognomic ‘signature’ and thus the signs of their leadership
potential. Retzlaff demonstrated his skills, posing his sitters to best
advantage.
Heinrich Himmler’s portrait is a three-quarter profile in chiaroscuro
with a key light from above (see Fig. 2.7).
This provided a suitably imposing and perhaps sinister presence to
the portrait of the Reichsführer-SS, accentuating the oval of his face and
piercing stare behind his trademark pince-nez. With equally piercing
stare, Joseph Goebbels looks back at the camera but in a full-face portrait
with a lighter, softer illumination and with Goebbels’ large eyes fixed on
the viewer (see Fig. 2.8).
The doctor is presented as an intellectual and the inclusion of his
left hand, supporting his face, reinforces this notion of the thinker.
Of Rudolf Hess on the other hand, Retzlaff, always considering the
42
Others included (but were not limited to) Philipp Bouhler, Wilhelm Brückner, Otto
Dietrich, Hans Frank, Hans Hinkel, Adolf Wagner, and Franz Xaver Schwarz.
Fig. 2.7 Erich Retzlaff, Heinrich Himmler, 1933, reproduced in Wilhelm Freiherr von
Müffling, ed., Wegbereiter und Vorkämpfer für das neue Deutschland (Pioneers
and Champions of the New Germany) (Munich: J. F. Lehmanns Verlag, 1933,
p. 56. Public domain.
Fig. 2.8 Erich Retzlaff, Joseph Goebbels, 1933, reproduced in Wilhelm Freiherr von
Müffling, ed., Wegbereiter und Vorkämpfer für das neue Deutschland (Pioneers
and Champions of the New Germany) (Munich: J. F. Lehmanns Verlag, 1933),
p. 11. Public domain.
2. ‘The Deepest Well of German Life’
83
physiognomic aspect, stated: ‘… a very nice person. Not good-looking,
and not photogenic, but I had taken him from the right angle’.43
Das Gesicht des Geistes (The Face of the Spirit)
Despite the deprivations of war and an increasingly desperate social,
economic, and military situation, Retzlaff continued to be represented
in expensive print editions during the 1940s. In 1943, for example,
the Alfred Metzner Verlag (Berlin) published his colour studies of
childhood Komm Spiel mit mir (Come Play with Me).44 A year later,
when the war situation had become even graver, Retzlaff’s work was in
print again with both the Metzner Verlag and the Andermann Verlag
(Vienna). These publications were respectively, Das Gesicht des Geistes
(The Face of the Spirit, 1944) 45 and a volume of his photographs of
the people and landscapes of the Balkans, Länder und Völker an der
Donau: Rumänien, Bulgarien, Ungarn, Kroatien (Land and Peoples of
the Danube: Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary and Croatia, 1944).46 Both
editions were lavishly illustrated with full-colour photo-lithographic
images, a clear indication that, for the authorities, Retzlaff’s work was,
despite the advent of ‘Total War’,47 considered important enough to
have expensive processes and increasingly rare materials and labour
made available.48 These publications, Retzlaff’s last made during the
National Socialist period, contained Retzlaff’s trademark application
43
44
45
46
47
48
Erich Retzlaff to Rolf Sachsse, interview.
Erich Retzlaff and Barbara Lüders, Komm spiel mit mir. Ein Bilderbuch nach farb.
Aufnahmen (Berlin: Metzner Verlag, 1943).
Erich Retzlaff, Das Gesicht des Geistes (Berlin: Alfred Metzner Verlag, 1944).
Erich Retzlaff, Länder und Völker an der Donau: Rumänien, Bulgarien, Ungarn, Kroatien
(Vienna: Andermann Verlag, 1944).
In a speech at the Sportpalast Berlin on the 18 February 1943 and with Germany
deeply affected by the catastrophe of Stalingrad, the firebrand propaganda minister
Joseph Goebbels (1897–1945) famously called for ‘Totalen Krieg’, i.e., total war, in
which all resources of the state would be committed to the war effort.
Retzlaff had been a useful photographer for the regime. As noted here, his work
had been reproduced widely in propaganda contexts in political journals and
popular magazines throughout the 1930s and 1940s. He had almost certainly
received commissions from the Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda
(Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda). Unfortunately, the
Bundesarchiv file (R 56-I/257 — Reichskulturkammer — Zentrale einschließlich
Büro Hinkel, Korrespondenz mit Fotograf Erich Retzlaff) is currently misfiled/lost.
84
Photography in the Third Reich
of physiognomy — where Länder und Völker explored both geographic
and human physiognomy.49 Das Gesicht des Geistes was centred on the
face of the German intellectual leadership.
Das Gesicht des Geistes might be considered to be Retzlaff’s
physiognomic ‘magnum opus’, although in its final form it was
unfinished. A note inserted in the folio reads:
For war-related reasons, the portfolio ‘Das Gesicht des Geistes’ will be
produced in two parts. The second set of images will follow as quickly as
circumstances allow. The portfolio is offered as a whole: by purchasing
this portfolio, the buyer agrees to take the second portfolio.50
The work was the culmination of over fifteen years of developing a
physiognomic approach to his photography since his beginnings
with the studio work in Düsseldorf. In this new project, Retzlaff
brought together nationally celebrated representatives of intellectual
leadership, vibrant colour, and his trademark close-up, large-format
reproduction. This monumental though incomplete body of work
demonstrates that Susan Sontag’s uncompromising assertion that
all ‘Fascist’ art was the ‘repudiation of the intellect’51 was in fact far
from the truth. After 1945, Retzlaff would continue this dramatic
portrait work with a black-and-white volume Das Geistige Gesicht
Deutschlands (The Spiritual Face of Germany) published in 1952. But
this second volume was a post-war reconceptualization. Das Geistige
Gesichts Deutschlands was a subtle repositioning of German ‘genius’
as part of Cold War strategies to demonstrate the creative force of the
‘free’ west in juxtaposition to the Soviet Bloc. The introduction to Das
Geistige Gesichts Deutschlands is by Hans-Erich Haack, a former news
correspondent, NSDAP apparatchik and West Germany’s first postwar director of the Political Archive. Haack tellingly quotes Goethe:
‘“Man muß die Courage haben”, sagt Goethe, “das zu sein, wozu die
Natur uns gemacht hat.”’ (“One must have the courage,” says Goethe,
49
50
51
See for example, Christopher Webster van Tonder, ‘Colonising Visions: A
Physiognomy of Face and Race in Erich Retzlaff’s book “Länder und Völker an der
Donau: Rumänien, Bulgarien, Ungarn, Kroatien”’, PhotoResearcher 23 (Spring 2015),
66–77.
Slip note inserted into Das Gesicht des Geistes (author’s translation).
Susan Sontag, Under the Sign of Saturn (New York: Straus & Giroux, 1980), p. 96.
2. ‘The Deepest Well of German Life’
85
“to be as nature has made us.”)52 The emphasis had shifted by the time
of this 1952 publication (if not completely) from the political focus of
race and nation to one of political stance and national achievement.
Certainly, Retzlaff’s aim in the 1944 volume, Das Gesicht des Geistes,
was a representation and recognition of genius and German bearing.
The writer Gerhart Hauptmann (himself a subject of the series)
introduced the folio in somewhat purple prose, by stating: ‘Should
we be proud of the German mind? Well, to think of his achievements
makes one almost dizzy. Would a non-German person be able to grasp
his universal nature?… Everywhere, in all educated nations, they have
embraced his genius with passionate love’.53
The large colour photolithographs of Das Gesicht des Geistes were
typical of Retzlaff’s style with their almost uncomfortable cinematic
proximity, the very kind of closeness that had been both praised and
criticised by critics in the past.54 Their full colour accentuated their
presence. The scale at 27 x 37 cm made them life-size or larger. They
were unavoidable (see Fig. 2.9).
The significance of the publication Das Gesicht des Geistes was intended
to be its presentation of elite individuals as the very apogee of (National
Socialist) intellectual and cultural achievement. Their presentation was
as a readable face designed to demonstrate a physiognomic reading of
their greatness.
Inside, the loose prints were enfolded in a paper text that contained
the title and the short introduction by Hauptmann. Each sitter is listed
and described briefly in terms of their academic and publication
achievements. In total, the selection named twenty poets, novelists,
musicians, dramatists, visual artists, historians, scientists, and one
industrialist. The subjects included or to be included were (those
appearing in the extant folio are marked here with an asterisk):
Emil Abderhalden, biochemist and physiologist*;
Hans Fischer, organic chemist;
52
53
54
Erich Retzlaff, Das Geistige Gesicht Deutschlands (Stuttgart: Union Deutsche
Verlagsgesellschaft, 1952), p. 27 (author’s translation).
Gerhart Hauptmann, introduction, Das Gesicht des Geistes (author’s translation).
See for example Wolfgang Brückle, ‘Erich Retzlaff’s Photographic Galleries of
Portraits and the Contemporary Response’, in Webster van Tonder, Erich Retzlaff:
volksfotograf (2013), pp. 18–33.
Fig. 2.9 Erich Retzlaff, Georg Kolbe, 1944, reproduced in Erich Retzlaff, Das Gesicht
des Geistes (The Face of the Spirit), (Berlin: Alfred Metzner Verlag, 1944).
Public domain.
2. ‘The Deepest Well of German Life’
87
Otto Hahn, chemist;
Nicolai Hartmann, philosopher*;
Gerhart Hauptmann, dramatist and novelist*;
Ricarda Huch, historian, novelist and dramatist;
Ludwig Klages, philosopher, psychologist and handwriting analysis
theoretician;
Georg Kolbe, sculptor*;
Max von Laue, physicist;
Börries von Münchhausen, writer and poet*;
Hermann Oncken, political writer and historian*;
Hans Pfitzner, composer*;
Wilhelm Pinder, art historian*;
Max Planck, theoretical physicist*;
Ferdinand Sauerbruch, surgeon;
Wilhelm Schäfer, writer;
Heinrich Ritter von Srbik, historian*;
Richard Strauss, composer;
Albert Vögler, industrialist;
Heinrich Wieland, chemist.
In this eminent company there was only one woman, Ricarda Huch.
Some on the list were certainly sympathetic to the regime,55 others were
decidedly not but were tolerated (and therefore included) because
of their standing. Some of the artistic and literary figures were on the
Gottbegnadeten-Liste (Important Artist Exempt List) or the Führerliste
(The Leader’s list of exempt artists working for the war effort) such
as Gerhart Hauptmann, Richard Strauss, and Börries Freiherr von
Münchhausen. These reserved-occupation lists of important artists
55
Of the twenty names listed, three would commit suicide at the end of the war in
despair or in order to avoid capture.
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Photography in the Third Reich
had been created by the regime in order to protect and exempt these
individuals from military service in any form.56
Echoing his work eleven years previously from Wegbereiter, the extant
portraits are carefully constructed so that the sitters are posed in one of
three classic portrait poses: full-face view looking towards the viewer
(four of these); three-quarter profiles with eyes either to the viewer or
looking beyond the viewer (three of these); and profile (three of these).
For example, the portrait of Emil Abderhalden is presented in threequarter profile and, like many of the other portraits, he emerges from
darkness (see Fig. 2.10).
His head is illuminated by dramatic directional light that picks
out his features from above and to the left. Detail and scale are
significant. The presence of the sitter is reinforced by its larger-than-life
reproduction; the image almost looms from the frame. Abderhalden’s
features are presented to the viewer for a racial-physiognomic reading.
With furrowed brow, iron-grey close-cropped hair, long face and square
jaw, his hard, blue-eyed gaze is directed out of the right-hand quarter of
the rectangle and thus into the distance. In addition to the physiognomic
notion of a projection of inner being or character, in National Socialist
terms, race is significant too. Race is readable and considered indicative
of character and potential. Abderhalden is an elder statesman of
‘Aryan’ stock. According to Günther’s principles, Abderhalden’s racial
qualities might be regarded as predominantly Nordic and they are here
accentuated alongside the fact of his intellectual significance. Colour
photography was able to convey eye colour, hair colour. and skin tone.
According to Richard T. Gray, this kind of photography demonstrates,
… just how important the photograph became in Nazi culture as an
instrument for training a disciplinary gaze, for developing a form of
technologized seeing whose purpose was to strip away the visible veneer
of human beings and expose or interpolate an otherwise ‘invisible’ racial
foundation that purportedly undergirded it.57
56
57
For information on the artist lists and so-called ‘Führer’ lists see for example:
Maximilian Haas, ‘Die Gottbegnadeten-Liste’ in Juri Giannini, Maximilian Haas
and Erwin Strouhal, eds, Eine Institution zwischen Repräsentation und Macht. Die
Universität für Musik und darstellende Kunst Wien im Kulturleben des Nationalsozialismus
(Vienna: Mille Tre Verlag, 2014).
Richard T. Gray, About Face: German Physiognomic Thought from Lavater to Auschwitz
(Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2004), p. 368.
Fig. 2.10 Erich Retzlaff, Emil Abderhalden, 1944, reproduced in Erich Retzlaff, Das
Gesicht des Geistes (The Face of Spirit), (Berlin: Alfred Metzner Verlag, 1944).
Public domain.
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Photography in the Third Reich
Das Gesicht des Geistes, had it been completed, might have fulfilled
Retzlaff’s ambition to achieve a full reckoning of the range of ‘face’ of
the National Socialist Volksgemeinschaft (people’s community). Retzlaff
had photographed the child, the peasant, the worker, the hero, the
leadership, and, in this project, the cerebral engine-room at the start of
the ‘thousand-year Reich’. This final racial-physiognomic folio presented
the intellectual legacy of the new (National Socialist) dawn. These
great-minds-as-image were evidence of a new epoch. As Hermann
Burte — an artist, writer and poet himself — emotionally characterised
it: ‘A new man has emerged from the depth of the people. He has forged
new theses and set forth new Tables and he has created a new people,
and raised it up from the same depths out of which the great poems
rise — from the mothers, from blood and soil’.58
The portfolio presented to its audience an intellectual nobility
(whether that nobility agreed with the regime or not). Their race and
their character that was so clearly ‘demonstrated’ physiognomically,
photographically, was ‘evidence’ of the advanced nature and continued
potential of the (predominantly) Nordic German in particular. It was,
according to the race scientist Hans F. K. Günther (writing in 1927), ‘…
not to be wondered at […] that it is this Nordic race that has produced
so many creative men, that a quite preponderating proportion of the
distinguished men […] show mainly Nordic features… ’59
The volume Das Gesicht des Geistes was prefaced with a note from the
editors stating:
The editor and publisher wish, by selecting these portraits of leaders from
the older generation of art and science, to offer a valuable inspiration;
they retain the right to bring a selection of the younger generation in
another series.60
If, as the editor’s note would suggest, further studies had ever been
produced, then the next stage would be a celebration of the new man, the
emergent generation of intellectual leaders who had been born during
58
59
60
Hermann Burte, ‘Intellectuals Must Belong to the People’, a speech delivered in
1940 at the meeting of the poets of the Greater German Reich. Quoted in George L.
Mosse, Nazi Culture: Intellectual, Cultural and Social Life in the Third Reich (London:
W. H. Allen, 1966), p. 143.
Hans F. K. Günther, The Racial Elements of European History (London: Methuen,
1927), p. 54.
Editor’s note from Das Gesicht des Geistes (author’s translation).
2. ‘The Deepest Well of German Life’
91
the Third Reich and who would be maturing in the years following the
successful conclusion of the war.
Conclusion
During the 1930s and into the war years, Retzlaff aimed to represent
the German as the racial acme, a radical and traditional alternative
to what was seen by many conservatives as the post-First-World-War
economic, ethnic, and spiritual decline of Germany as epitomised by
Spengler’s ‘Faustian man’, or the nihilism of the modern world and
the dawn of the era of Nietzsche’s ‘Last Man’. Over the course of the
twelve years of National Socialism, the work of photographers like
Retzlaff became the standard image of a National Socialist aesthetic,
reproduced widely in populist, political, and art publications. Retzlaff’s
work never featured the racial other as a counterpoint to his visual
acclamation of the ‘Aryan’ type. Yet, the ubiquitous presence of his work
in journals, magazines, and books provided a powerful reinforcement
of National Socialist racial policies and ideology by underlining the
state’s desired visual norms and aspirations. These were images that
were made to be consumed, enjoyed, and identified with. The fact that
they are usually not explicitly ideological (often no banners, flags,
insignia, or uniforms) but were implicitly so, is key here. These racialphysiognomic photographs became a form of associative conditioning.
The German viewer could examine these ‘readable’ photographs and
identify their place in the National Socialist people’s community,
the Volksgemeinschaft, with its objective of racial homogeneity and a
leadership hierarchy of ability, whilst simultaneously learning to
identify (through systems such as physiognomy) those racial elements
alien to that body.
Race, and the legacy of the Weimar obsession with physiognomy,
became a combined motif in National Socialist propaganda and in the
work of the photographers contributing to it. The influence of the racialphysiognomic still photography of Retzlaff and others can be strongly
detected in various propaganda applications that followed into the
1940s. For example, a physiognomic approach is clearly evident in a
Zeit im Bild (Image of Our Time) propaganda film made in 1942 of the
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Photography in the Third Reich
German conductor and composer Wilhelm Furtwängler61 conducting
the overture to Wagner’s Die Meistersinger62 before an audience of
workers in a factory in Berlin. The camera pans around the audience
during the concert and focusses on their faces, creating dramatic stills
that might have come directly from a Retzlaff book. Here are enraptured
faces, intent on the cultural event.
Fig 2.11. Still from Zeit im Bild (Image of Our Time), 1942, a Kraft durch Freude
(Strength through Joy) production. Courtesy of the Bundesarchiv, Film:
B 126144-1.
The film cuts to Furtwängler conducting frenetically, the ‘genius’
at his station, then back to the Volk who watch. The youth, rugged
workers, combat soldiers, women, the elderly; are all linked by the
intensity of their gaze, their ‘Aryan’ credentials clear. Here is the racialphysiognomic study as film, moments seen, carefully framed and lit to
accentuate the drama of their faces, these anonymous spectators are
united across divisions of class, gender, and occupation; they are united
by their immersion in a particularly German moment, immersed in the
61
62
Wilhelm Furtwängler (1886–1954). The film was made at the AEG plant in Berlin on
20 February 1942, and featured Furtwängler conducting the Reichsorchester in a Kraft
durch Freude (Strength through Joy) concert for ordinary working-class people.
Jonathan Brown, Great Wagner Conductors: A Listener’s Companion (Oxford: Parrot
Press, 2012), p. 664.
Die Meistersinger von Nürnberg (the Master-Singers of Nuremberg) was the Wagner
opera most carefully exploited by the National Socialist state, presented as it was as
the symbolic dramatisation of a German renewal.
2. ‘The Deepest Well of German Life’
93
music of the master, Wagner. The situation is carefully stage-managed,
conjoining the lowest proletarian members of the Volksgemeinschaft with
the intellectual masters of the past (Wagner) and the cultural leaders of
the present (Furtwängler). Moreover, it employs a ‘still’ frame approach
that is derived from the legacy and the popularisation of racialphysiognomic photography by photographers like Retzlaff.
If Retzlaff’s early studio portraits provided the overture of this
Gesamtkunstwerk63 of photograph, race, and physiognomy, the books of
peasant portraits developed the leitmotif, Wegbereiter und Vorkämpfer
was the chorus of the work, then Das Gesicht des Geistes was the
incomplete finale and the post-war Das Geistige Gesicht Deutschlands,
was a drawn-out coda. Like the lavish contemporaneous Ufa colour
film epics such as Kolberg,64 Das Gesicht des Geistes was most likely
intended as an uplifting propaganda fantasy of German resistance and
resurgence where the value of the message was considered to outweigh
the enormous material cost. Retzlaff’s folio was certainly an expensive
visual statement, combining colour and scale with an ideological image
of the Führerprinzip in action. Constructed and presented as it was, the
intention would have been to encourage resistance, to demonstrate the
achievement of the leadership elite, to show what was at stake should
the Reich fall, and what could be resumed, once the war was over and
National Socialism had triumphed.
63
64
The term Gesamtkunstwerk refers to a ‘total work of art’ and was used by Wagner to
signify the aspiration of a theatrical drama that brings together all forms of art.
Veit Harlan (director), Kolberg, Ufa Filmkunst GmbH, Herstellungsgruppe Veit
Harlan, running time 110 minutes, release date 30 January 1945.
WORKERS
3. The Timeless Imprint of Erna
Lendvai-Dircksen’s
Face of the German Race
Andrés Mario Zervigón
In 1932, the small Kulturelle Verlag-Gesellschaft (Culture Press Society)
of Berlin published a book that quickly received wide acclaim, as well
as notoriety. Leafing through the pages of Erna Lendvai-Dircksen’s Das
deutsche Volksgesicht (The Face of the German Race), one might assume
that her volume attracted attention due to its copious and luxuriously
printed portraits1 (see Fig. 3.1).
The 140 full-page pictures, produced with the best photogravure
reproductive technology available at the time and accompanied by
captions, rested next to each other or next to pages partially filled
with gothic-style print. The sequencing of these components loosely
positioned each portrait as a fleshy stopping point on a rural road trip
into the more tradition-bound corners of Germany. Moving from the first
image to the last, readers gathered the pictorial and spiritual essence of
Teutonic identity as it flashed with little variance across the sitters’ faces.
1
Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Das deutsche Volksgesicht (Berlin: Kulturelle VerlagGesellschaft, 1932). Here I have followed photo historian Ute Eskildsen in
translating the word Volk in Volksgesicht to ‘race.’ See Ute Eskildsen, ‘Das Prinzip
der Portraitdarstellung bei Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Paul Strand, und Christopher
Killip,’ Camera Austria 4 (1980), 7–16. Lendvai-Dirksen declares this meaning of the
word Volk forthrightly in the introduction to her 1932 book.
© Andrés Mario Zervigón, CC BY 4.0
https://doi.org/10.11647/OBP.0202.03
Fig. 3.1 Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Alter Bauer von der Mosel (Weinbauer) (Old
Farming Peasant from the Mosel Region (Wine Farmer)) with a poem by
Friedrich Hölderlin, reproduced in Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Das deutsche
Volksgesicht (The Face of the German Race), (Berlin: Kulturelle VerlagGesellschaft, 1932), pp. 194–95. Public domain.
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Photography in the Third Reich
Or perhaps it was the popularity of the format itself that attracted so
much attention. Sporting such content and narrative, Lendvai-Dircksen’s
tome profitably hitched itself to the Weimar-era photobook craze, a
phenomenon that saw many of Germany’s most famous photographers
disseminate their work not just through exhibitions and portfolios, but
also in publications that stressed image over word. In fact, given the
relatively low profile of her text and the utter dominance of the portraits,
Das deutsche Volksgesicht almost qualified as a book-length photo-essay.
This new genre, as Michael Jennings observes in his important article
on the subject, arose around 1928 and is identified by ‘arguments based
not on an interplay between text and image, but on photographs alone,
arranged in discursive and often polemical order’.2
The photobook is of course nearly as old as photography itself, Fox
Talbot’s Pencil of Nature (1844–1846) standing as a prime example. But in
these earlier volumes, the photographs largely illustrate the text rather than
the other way around, although one could argue that Talbot’s volumes
offer a few exceptions to this rule. Later in the nineteenth century, new
printing technologies such as the halftone enabled photography to cover
the pages of mass media formats such as newspapers and magazines
and, in the process, reverse the priority of text to image. This advent
also made the sequencing of photos possible, allowing magazines in
particular to convey themes using pictures and, in the process, leave text
a mere afterthought. But it was only in late 1928 that the first book-length
photo-essays began to appear. These largely featured a short introduction
followed by an uninterrupted sequence of captioned photos.
Though featuring many more pages of text, Lendvai-Dircksen’s
book closely resembles two of these early and highly popular photoessays in that, like them, it mapped human typologies. One of these, the
left-oriented Köpfe des Alltags: unbekannte Menschen) (Everyday Heads:
Unknown People)3, was fashioned in 1931 by the Swiss Berlin-based
photographer Helmar Lerski, who praised Lendvai-Dircksen’s volume
2
3
Michael Jennings, ‘Agriculture, Industry, and the Birth of the Photo-Essay in the
Late Weimar Republic,’ October 93 (Summer 2000), 23. See also Daniel Magilow,
The Photography of Crisis: The Photo Essays of Weimar Germany (University Park, PA:
Penn State Press, 2012) and Pepper Stetler, Stop Reading! Look! Modern Vision and the
Weimar Photographic Book (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2015).
Köpfe des Alltags: unbekannte Menschen (Everyday Heads: Unknown People) (Berlin:
Verlag H. Reckendorf g.m.b.h., 1931).
Fig. 3.2 Helmar Lerski, Putzfrau (Charwoman) c.1928–1931, silver gelatin print,
George Eastman Museum, purchase 1981.1289.0002. Courtesy of the
George Eastman Museum.
102
Photography in the Third Reich
one year later. In his own book, he similarly used light and exceedingly
close framing to monumentalize faces, in this case of Germany’s
economically battered poor (see Fig. 3.2).
The distinctions visible between these often tragic-looking faces were
supposed to align with their professions, which ranged from cleaners
to the unemployed. The images in sequence offered both spectacle and
pedagogy.
The other of these two landmark photobooks was, of course, August
Sander’s Antlitz der Zeit (Face of Our Time, published in 1929. Sander
had been producing a large archive of negatives that he intended for
an equally massive but ultimately unrealized book project on German
society titled Menschen des 20. Jahrhunderts (Citizens of the Twentieth
Century). Antlitz der Zeit served as an interim report on a multi-volume
publication that was to follow.4 Its sixty sample portraits, each given
a full page and a finely printed caption, offered the sitter’s profession
and, in some cases, region of residence. Here Sander was classifying his
subjects by social and professional categories, and then placing them
across an arc that rose and fell in stature as one navigated the book
from its beginning to end. His intention was to expand photography’s
perceptual possibilities by placing numerous prints into a series
arranged in specific order.5 Novelist Alfred Döblin explained in the
book’s introduction, ‘Just as there is comparative anatomy, which helps
us to understand the nature and history of organs, so this photographer
is doing comparative photography, adopting a scientific standpoint
superior to that of the photographer of detail’.6
Though Sander’s portraits were rife with details particular to each
picture, his operation of ‘scientific’ photographic comparison across
4
5
6
Here I use Badger’s phraseology, ‘an interim report,’ to describe Antlitz der Zeit.
See Gregory Badger, ‘Introduction,’ in Gregory Badger and Martin Parr, eds, The
Photobook: A History. Volume I (London: Phaidon, 2004), p. 124.
Sander himself explained that ‘A successful photo is only a preliminary step
toward the intelligent use of photography. […] Photography is like a mosaic that
becomes a synthesis only when it is presented en masse.’ August Sander, letter to the
photographer Abelen, 16 January 1951, cited in Gunther Sander, ed., August Sander:
Citizens of the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1986), p. 36.
Alfred Döblin, ‘Einleitung,’ in Antlitz der Zeit (Munich: Kurt Wolff Verlag, 1929),
cited in Walter Benjamin, ‘A Short History of Photography,’ in Michael Jennings,
Howard Eiland, and Gary Smith, eds, Edmund Jephcott and Kingley Shorter,
translators, Walter Benjamin: Selected Writings (Cambridge: Belknap Press, 1999),
p. 520.
3. The Timeless Imprint of Das deutsche Volksgesicht
103
sixty portraits was supposed to aid the reader’s broader perception of
modern society and acclimatize her or him to its structure and state
of radical transition. It would also help the reader find a place in that
society. Walter Benjamin famously explained that, ‘…one will have to get
used to being looked at in terms of one’s provenance. And one will have
to look at others the same way. Sander’s work is more than a picture
book. It is a training manual [Übungsatlas]’.7
Each turn of the page becomes a passage along the arc of provenance
that trains social perception. Sander’s famously static figures come to life
as the reader compares one image to the next, a process revealing how
identity — even one’s own — is distinctly formed by social conditions
over time. In both Sander’s and Lerski’s books, no single photograph
appears in isolation but rather as part of a larger whole, which, in turn,
engaged with a general social phenomenon. In Sander’s case, his book’s
appeal became one of fetishistic close looking, arranged into a laudable
pedagogy much like Lerski’s.
The structuring of photos into an argument-driven sequence or a
‘mosaic,’ as Sander called it, clearly calls to mind the Weimar era’s other
great popular fascination: montage. As Jennings notes,
like the Dada photomontage, or montage essays by Walter Benjamin
and Siegfried Kracauer, or the montage films that followed in the wake
of Eisenstein’s Battleship Potemkin, meaning arises in the photo-essay
as individual images and individual details are absorbed into larger
constellations.8
This is a key similarity that suggests the importance of the photo
assembly over its parts and, in turn, the assembly’s relationship to
spectacular shifts and problems in the phenomenal world from which
it draws.
In this respect, the date of Lendvai-Dircksen’s book is significant.
Appearing in 1932, it consciously positioned itself at the high-water
mark of Weimar-era Germany’s photobook boom and of the country’s
right-wing surge, when a cresting discourse that foregrounded farming
peasants as the country’s purest representatives of German identity
7
8
Walter Benjamin, ‘A Short History of Photography,’ in Michael Jennings, Howard
Eiland and Gary Smith, eds, Walter Benjamin: Selected Writing. Volume 2: 1927–1934
(Cambridge: Belknap Press, 1999), pp. 511–12.
Jennings, ‘Agriculture, Industry’ (2000), p. 29.
104
Photography in the Third Reich
took particularly strong hold of the more conservative and reactionary
imagination.9 Lendvai-Dircksen’s publication merged both right-wing
sentiment and the representation of the peasant by giving the second of
these phenomena a compelling visual form over the run of numerous
book pages. It was probably her stunning pictorial expression of rightwing ideology through a highly popular format that attracted so much
attention.
There was, however, something else that drew so many eyes to her
pages. Although the format, sequencing and social embeddedness of
her book were standard and popular by 1932, the photos themselves
were not. They were, in short, powerfully atypical. Lendvai-Dircksen
closely followed August Sander’s 1929 book by surveying Germany’s
population and cataloguing typologies along the way. But her study
limited itself strictly to rural farming peasants. Rather than its subjects
being defined by permutations of profession, class, and economic status,
as was the case with her Cologne-based colleague and Lerski, hers
were classified by regional divisions alone. All of Germany, her book
proposes, found its representative face in these tightly delimited units
of an already small selection of the country’s population.
If this were not already focused enough, the individual prints
themselves lavish their photographic attention principally on older
peasants, particularly those whose wrinkled flesh created a tangled
dance of light and shadow before Lendvai-Dircksen’s dramatically
raking light and sharply focused lens (see Fig. 3.3).
On these aged and creased faces, she deployed a technically
sophisticated and seemingly modernist use of photographic formalism.
But she did so within a neo-traditional context of gothic typography
(Fraktur) and nineteenth-century poetry, which she sprinkled through
her pages. Lendvai-Dircksen, in other words, was processing techniques
and styles associated with modernist photography through an old
laboratory of traditional realism, where painters such as Wilhem Leibl,
Hans Thoma, and even the seventeenth-century Rembrandt stood as
models.10
9
10
See, for example, Martin Heidigger, ‘Schöpferische Lanschaft. Warum bleiben wir in
der Provinz?’ Der Aleanne, 1 (March 7, 1934), 1, in Anton Kaes, Martin Jay, Edward
Dimendberg, eds, The Weimar Republic Sourcebook (Oakland: University of California
Press, 1994), pp. 426–28.
The association of Rembrandt with right-wing ‘Völkisch’ German nationalism was
best established by Julius Langbehn with his book Rembrandt als Erzieher (Leipzig:
Hirschfeld Verlag, 1890).
Fig. 3.3 Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Frau aus der Mark Brandenburg (Woman from
the Brandenburg Region), reproduced in Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Das
deutsche Volksgesicht (Face of the German Race) (Berlin: Kulturelle VerlagGesellschaft, 1932), p. 109. Public domain.
106
Photography in the Third Reich
The result was a series of aesthetically pioneering images that
consciously associated themselves with new trends in the medium, yet
simultaneously solicited the most anti-modernist, anachronistic modes
of thinking that were closely associated with National-Socialism just
prior to its coming into power. Given its right-wing orientation and
its inventive pictorial approach, Lendvai-Dircksen’s book was trying
to intervene spectacularly in at least two seemingly incompatible
discursive streams over the pages of her book, doing so in such a way
that each aesthetic gesture enhanced the power of the other. This helped
assure her book’s broadest possible impact and audience. It is here that
an implied equation of the face stamped with German identity and the
photo imprinted by light became so important.
Erna Lendvai-Dircksen
The creator of this equation had not always been so strangely caught
between thematic reaction and formal innovation. Lendvai-Dircksen
began her career in 1916 after graduating from Berlin’s Lette Verein,
a unique institution dedicated to the professional training of women
photographers. Like a good number of her fellow Lette graduates,
she opened a photo studio at the onset of her professional career (her
atelier was located in Berlin) and thereafter she quickly rose to fame.
By the close of the First World War in late 1918, she was known around
the country for her uniquely intense form of portraiture and a more
traditional photographic art specialising in the nude female figure.
Her portrait of artist Käthe Kollwitz provides a good example of the
first style (see Fig. 3.4).
Here, a raking light from the upper right strikes the artist’s bare
forehead and right cheek, allowing Kollwitz’s dour eyes and sad mien
to emerge slowly from an enveloping greyness. The picture’s sharp
focus plays with the reflection of light on the parts of her face receiving
the most illumination, an emphasis which, in turn, allows the eyes and
eyebrows to have a greater effect as they interrupt the face’s glistening
surface. Meanwhile the reddened nose protrudes, cheeks sink, closed
muzzle juts forward, and a shallow depth of field allows the artist’s
compressed torso to sink into softer focus.
Fig. 3.4 Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Portrait of Käthe Kollwitz, c.1925, reproduced in
Unsere Zeit in 77 Frauenbildnissen (Our Era in 77 Portraits of Women)
(Leipzig: N. Kampmann, 1930), (no pagination). Public domain.
Fig. 3.5 Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Dorfbauer aus dem Teufelsmoor (Village Peasant
from the Devil’s Heath),11 reproduced in her Das deutsche Volksgesicht (The
Face of the German Race), (Berlin: Kulturelle Verlag-Gesellschaft, 1932),
p. 119. Public domain.
11
See Claudia Gabriele Philipp, ‘Erna Lendvai-Dircksen (1883–1962). Verschiedene
Möglichkeiten, eine Fotografin zu rezipieren,’ Fotogeschichte 3:7 (1983), 43.
3. The Timeless Imprint of Das deutsche Volksgesicht
109
Such visual high fidelity, close framing, and personal investigation
were typical of the photo portraiture of the middle years of Weimarera Germany. But Lendvai-Dircksen’s talent and sensitivity provided an
added aesthetic value, enabling her to generate a melancholic picture
that coordinated stylistically with Kollwitz’s own famously sad images.
Lendvai-Dircksen, in other words, was so thoroughly in control of
style and photographic technology that she could provide a pictorially
tight correspondence to Kollwitz’s own approach to image making.
The photographer had clearly studied contemporary art forms closely
enough to create a precise photographic equivalent in her work.
Concurrent with her celebrity portraits (and a great deal of female
nudes) Lendvai-Dircksen also shot innumerable peasant portraits, which
she claimed to have begun amassing into a large archive throughout the
teens and twenties, although many of these pictures seem to date from
the mid-twenties to the early thirties. Nonetheless, she asserted that this
initially peripheral interest began in 1911 when, while on vacation, she
whimsically photographed a rural blacksmith and a tenant farmer (see
Fig. 3.5).
It was then, according to her book, that she perceived how these
peasant faces seemingly reflected a bond with, and dependence upon,
the ländliche Heimat, the rural homeland. As she explained in her book:
The common man who, in his essence and possessions, resides near
nature, bears a face that is true and authentic, a face that reveals the basis
of his existence. He and his style of living have a physiognomy that speak
of existence in a completely and deeply convincing way. Here lies the
impression of something eternal… [emphasis my own]12
According to Lendvai-Dircksen’s thinking, after an apparent right-wing
or Völkisch ‘awakening’, the sun and soil of rural life marked the peasant
face and left an imprint of ‘something eternal’ on the countenance.
The stamp, in turn, expressed an equally eternal but latent character
from inside the body outward, allowing the physiognomy to ‘speak’ a
common peasant’s ‘complete and deeply convincing’ identity.13
12
13
Lendvai-Dircksen, Das deutsche Volksgesicht (1932), pp. 5–6.
For a similar understanding of physiognomy and language from the fascist
period, see Fritz Lange, Die Sprache des menschlichen Antlitzes. Eine wissenschaftliche
Physiognomik und ihre praktische Verwertung im Leben und in der Kunst (Munich: J. F.
Lehmanns Verlag, 1937).
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Photography in the Third Reich
Physiognomy served as a deeply freighted term even before National
Socialism’s applied use of its tenets. The study of this pseudoscience14
can be traced to antiquity, but in its modern practice, adherents such as
the Briton Sir Thomas Browne and the Swiss pastor Johann Lavater held
a consistent belief that human temperament helped shape the face and,
therefore, that facial features could ‘speak’ of a person’s interior character
or health. As Browne wrote in 1675, ‘the Brow speaks often true, […]
Eyes and Noses have Tongues, and the countenance proclaims the heart
and inclinations’.15 These arguments liken facial features to loquacious
speech. But Lendvai-Dircksen’s understanding of physiognomy equates
her peasant faces with the photograph itself, for both ‘speak’ in complete
and convincing detail after having been inscribed from outside by
nature, such that they can articulate their interior content more clearly.
It is therefore the etching of the face and the photograph in uncanny
accord that produces a picture of doubly enhanced clarity.
By 1926, Lendvai-Dircksen had produced enough peasant portraits
to open a widely heralded exhibition in Frankfurt that already bore
the title Das deutsche Volksgesicht. In 1932, she published her first book
of this material and sold enough copies to finance a full-time focus
on peasant portraiture. Other forms of photography were neglected
by Lendvai-Dircksen, as her formula for depicting the Teutonic face
ossified in fifteen subsequent books. After her first publication, she
turned her attention to younger and middle-aged peasants as well.
But with few exceptions, such as her book on the construction of the
autobahn, scarcely more than the region changed as she moved from
province to province, even publishing volumes on the ‘Germanic’
face in German-occupied Norway, Denmark, and Flanders during
the war.16 By then her books were fully embedded in the nationalist
state apparatus. The majority of the volumes produced after the 1933
14
15
16
Editor’s note — For more on the current scientific re-evaluation of physiognomy
see: Lou Safra, Coralie Chevallier, Julie Grèzes, Nicolas Baumard, ‘Tracking
historical changes in trustworthiness using machine learning analyses of facial
cues in paintings’ Nature Communications 11, 4728 (2020), https://doi.org/10.1038/
s41467-020-18566-7
Thomas Browne, Christian Morals (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1716),
Part 2, Section 9.
This series of books included titles such as Das Gesicht des deutschen Ostens (1935),
Das deutsche Volksgesicht: Mecklenburg und Pommern (1940), Das germanische
Volksgesicht: Norwegen (1942) and Reichsautobahn: Mensch und Werk (1937).
3. The Timeless Imprint of Das deutsche Volksgesicht
111
National Socialist electoral victory were released by provincial stateowned publishers, a highly beneficial arrangement that only ended
with Germany’s defeat in the summer of 1945.
The Photographs and Their Context
Lendvai-Dircksen’s pictorial formula followed her fascination with
physiognomy by taking the face as a near singular focus (see Fig. 3.6).
As she explains in her first volume, ‘Here it is attempted […] through
a series of pictures to bring the German racial face to view. With few
exceptions the illustration of movements and action have been avoided
because this would have deflected from the primary topic’.17
As a consequence, her images are strikingly static and inexpressive,
often even more so than those of August Sander. Her portrait sitters
generally gaze stoically outward as their physical features alone perform
optical acrobatics. One can see quite clearly that the photographer has
removed these subjects from the course of their everyday lives and
placed them in a specific photographic setting moulded by the demands
of her project. Sometimes her peasants clearly sit in the confines of a
photographic studio or a similar space set aside for the purpose. The
stasis of identity envisioned by her ideology becomes a static expression
on her peasants’ faces, made to freeze for the snapping shutter and, in
some cases, illuminated by studio light.
Aside from Lendvai-Dircksen’s near manic focus on the face, it was
her extraordinary emphasis on the aged physiognomy that made her
work so unique, particularly in her first peasant book of 1932. Here too
she admonished that:
Decisive for selecting from a monstrous amount of material was the fact
that the truly essential of any physiognomy only emerges with advancing
years. It is for this reason that the young face is seldom enlisted. Only the
completed cycle of an entire life is a full sum. And like an old tree that
shows the peculiarity of its nature most precisely, so too the old human,
who becomes the most pronounced type, who becomes the life history
of his line.18
17
18
Lendvai-Dircksen, Das deutsche Volksgesicht (1932), p. 5.
Ibid., p. 13.
Fig. 3.6 Erna Lendvai-Dirksen, Frau aus der Regensburger Gegend (Woman from
Regensburg Region), reproduced in Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Das deutsche
Volksgesicht (The Face of the German Race), (Berlin: Kulturelle VerlagGesellschaft, 1932), p. 155. Public domain.
3. The Timeless Imprint of Das deutsche Volksgesicht
113
What could be described as her formalist approach to photography
encoded this imprinted history in the pictorial rhetoric of the hyperlegible stamped image. Where old trees have rings, her aged faces have
wrinkles and her sharp prints have shadow and light.
Correspondingly, of the 140 pictures in this first volume, 110 depict
elderly and weathered people. In each, Lendvai-Dircksen deployed with
extraordinary agility a sort of technical sophistication closely associated
with modernist photography at the time. She could close the face in
a tight frame of black and thereby have it float in an inky ether likely
cultivated by a studio space and artificial light (see Fig. 3.7).
Or she could reduce other features to the multiple folds and repetitive
patterns of traditional dress that, in turn, frame the central face. The
uncomfortably tight focus and close proximity of her lens combine
with a sharp film stock and high print value conveyed by her book’s
photogravure printing, to produce a relentless visual assault. In this
manner, Lendvai-Dircksen deployed photography’s best visual fidelity
to confirm how deeply the Heimat, the German homeland, actually
inscribed itself onto the eloquent physiognomy.
It is important to note that this pictorial discourse about Heimat
merged with a political and cultural discourse that had been rattling
the country since its unification in 1871. The decades that followed saw
the much delayed but exceedingly rapid industrialization of Germany’s
economy. The majority of the population continued to live on the land,
even through the Weimar period. But the country’s rise to become
one of the world’s top industrial powers in the late nineteenth century
precipitated a national identity crisis. Would Germany foster an urban
society complete with social mobility and unceasing cultural innovation?
Or would it recover its far less dynamic and more familiar communal
virtues as forged on the land through old-fashioned agricultural work?19
This crossroads was summed up by sociologist Ferdinand Tönnies as
a choice between Gesellschaft (society) and Gemeinschaft (community).20
The tension strung by this binary wracked the Weimar era from its
beginning. But it climaxed with a number of industrial and agricultural
crises in 1928, the sum of which saw deep setbacks for factory and
19
20
See David Blackbourn, History of Germany, 1780–1918: The Long Nineteenth Century
(London: Wiley-Blackwell, 2003).
Ferdinand Tönnies, Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft (Leipzig: Fues Verlag, 1887).
Fig. 3.7 Erna Lendvai-Dirksen, Geestbäuerin (Farming Peasant Woman from
the Geest Region), reproduced in Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Das deutsche
Volksgesicht (The Face of the German Race), (Berlin: Kulturelle VerlagGesellschaft, 1932), p. 53. Public domain.
3. The Timeless Imprint of Das deutsche Volksgesicht
115
agricultural workers before the depression began in late 1929. It was in
this broader context that Weimar’s photo-essays on human typologies
appeared and that Lendvai-Dircksen chose to visualize the eternal
human identity of Germany’s rural Gemeinschaft.21
It is also here that her images, so controlled, so removed from the
actual life situation of their subjects, emphasise their theme of toiling
peasant and embossed character. Many reactionary Germans through
the Weimar period and beyond strongly embraced an existing adulation
of the country’s rural Heimat, advocating this location not merely as
a site of traditional collectivity but as one of racial health and purity.
The pastoral terrain of Blut und Boden (blood and soil) set the alleged
contrast between urban and rural into brutally stark clarity. While cities
promoted rootlessness, miscegenation, and corporeal degeneration, the
countryside offered sun, fresh air, the forest, and regenerative physical
exercise. The heavily photographed, nationalist, right-wing nudist Hans
Surén, for example, exclaimed in the introduction to his 1925 book Der
Mensch und die Sonne (Man and Sun):
[a] desire to call attention to the fundamental facts of national existence
and development. If physical strength is allowed to decay, even the
highest achievements of the spirit and the most profound scientific
knowledge will not avert national decline and death.22
Without physical strength, the urban achievements of intellect and
science will fail to help a German nation in decline. Only in the Teutonic
countryside could this strength be recovered. His ‘Ode to Light’, which
also appears in his book’s introduction, exclaimed how this ‘aspiration
of the true German race’ could be realized beyond the city:
Hail to all of you who love nature and sunlight! Joyfully you wander
through field and meadow, over hill and vale. Barefoot in your linen
smocks open at the neck, your knapsack on your back, you wander
happily whether the skies be blue or storms rage. The straw in the barn
or the noble temple of the forest itself is our resting place at night.23
21
22
23
I draw this overview of German debates on urban and rural society from Jennings,
‘Agriculture, Industry’ (2000), and Detlev Peuckert, The Weimar Republic: The Crisis
of Classical Modernity (New York: Hill & Wang, 1993).
Hans Surén, ‘Ode to Light’ in Der Mensch und die Sonne (Stuttgart: Dieck & Coin
Verlag, 1925), translated in Anton Kaes, et al, eds, The Weimar Republic Sourcebook
(Oakland: University of California Press, 1994), pp. 678–79.
Surén, ‘Ode to Light’ (1925), p. 678.
Fig. 3.8 Leni Riefenstahl, Dancer, Olympia, 1938, courtesy Archives Riefenstahl.
3. The Timeless Imprint of Das deutsche Volksgesicht
117
According to this conception, the bucolic wind and sun stimulated
happiness while the strain of hiking, of carrying a backpack and
sleeping on simple hay conveyed nobility. ‘Placed in the bright frame
of exalted nature,’ Surén intoned, ‘the human body finds its most ideal
manifestation’.24
The most obvious photographic expression of this thinking in
the National Socialist era was the oeuvre of Leni Riefenstahl around
her production of Olympia, a two-part film produced during the
1936 Olympic games in Berlin. A series of film frames and separately
produced stills, particularly from the opening sequence, flooded the
country’s ideological space with racial thinking and largely fixed the
image of young white strength — with a few important exceptions, such
as the African American runner Jesse Owens. One of the more iconic
stills from the film’s opening featured a dancing nude woman with her
back arched and her arms raised against the sky, bright light framing the
edges of her taut body (see Fig. 3.8).
Her worship of the cloud-filtered sun followed directly on from the
famous motif of Fidus (a pseudonym for the artist Hugo Höppener),
which similarly depicted a nude athletic youth, in this case male,
exposing his body to the sunny elements (see Fig. 3.9).
Höppener was an adherent of the youth movement after the turn of
the last century, and he advocated its ideas of nudism, vegetarianism,
and naturalist ways of living that positioned the rural German Heimat
as the primary source of health.25 His Light Prayer, first produced around
1913 as a postcard, tightly distilled the relationship between the rural
sun and corporeal health by having its figure throw his nude body to the
sun’s regenerative rays and accompanying winds, forging a motif that
found repeated expression in the photography of the youth movement
published in numerous journals well into the Weimar era.
The similar iconographies maintained a grip on photography during
the National Socialist era, as Riefenstahl’s still demonstrates. But soon,
added to this was the related motif of young corporeal military strength
that removed these sun-nourished bodies from the rural Heimat and
instead placed them in marching grounds and urban festivals, making for
24
25
Surén, ‘Ode to Light’ (1925), p. 679.
See Ulrich Grossmann, Claudia Selheim and Barbara Stambolis, eds, Abruch
der Jugend: deutsche Jugendbewegung zwischen Selbstbestimmung und Verführung
(Nuremburg: Germanisches Nationalmuseum, 2013), exhibition catalogue.
Fig. 3.9 Fidus (Hugo Höppener), Lichtgebet (Light Prayer), 1894. © Deutsches
Historisches Museum / A. Psille.
3. The Timeless Imprint of Das deutsche Volksgesicht
119
an endless array of bare-chested men undergoing martial training. Both
permutations received the full endorsement of Hitler himself when he
publicly acclaimed such body types in a speech delivered at the opening
of the notorious 1937 Great German Art Exhibition, which was set in contrast
to the Degenerate Art Exhibition. Man has never, he declared:
been more similar in appearance and in sensibilities to the men of
antiquity than he is today. Millions of young people are steeling their
bodies through participating in competitive sports, contests, and
tournaments and, increasingly, are putting these bodies on display in
a form and constitution that has not been seen, much less imagined,
in perhaps a thousand years… This new type of man who, in all his
glistening, glorious human strength, made his spectacular debut at the
Olympic Games last year — this, dear sirs of prehistoric artist stammering,
is the model of man for the new age…26
With these words, Hitler meant to condemn modernist art and
Expressionism in particular. But more broadly, he was casting his lot in
with the most reactionary of right-wing aesthetic creeds orbiting around
an ever-transforming rightist ideology. His equation of modernist
figuration with victims of what he called physical degeneration had
largely been heralded by architect Paul Schulze-Naumberg in his
Weimar-era study entitled Kunst und Rasse (Art and Race) , the lengthiest
and most widely read discourse on nationalist art and its depiction of
the human body since Julius Langbehn’s 1890 Rembrandt als Erzieher
(Rembrandt as Educator).27 The scene had been set for a dominant
National-Socialist-era photography of a heroic human form shaped by
sun and militarism, and redolent of health over ‘degeneration.’
Lendvai-Dircksen and the Heimat
Lendvai-Dircksen, however, offered an alternative understanding of the
reactionary human form in photography. Her far more lugubrious take
on nature and the racial body invoked sickness, debilitating labour, and
26
27
Adolf Hitler, ‘Hitlers Rede zur Eröffnung des Hauses der Deutschen Kunst,
München, 18.7. 1937,’ in Mitteilungsblatt der Reichskammer der bildenden Künste (1
August 1937), 4, translation from, Anson Rabinbach and Sander L. Gilman, eds, The
Third Reich Sourcebook (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013), pp. 494–500
(quoted from p. 498).
Paul Schulze-Naumberg, Kunst und Rasse (Munich: Lehmann Verlag, 1928) and
Langbehn, Rembrandt (1890).
120
Photography in the Third Reich
martyr-like sacrifice as its most decisive features. In her unforgiving and
carefully posed images, signs of aging and decay inscribed by nature
were not just represented but actually heightened with a photographic
attentiveness that extended down to the very pores of her subjects’
faces. The ‘Woman from the Regensburg Region’ stares vacantly as
her closely framed face appears apparition-like from the blackened
background (Fig. 3.6). Static and inexpressive, her countenance speaks
through worried wrinkles and almost abject liver spots. The ‘Woman
from the Tölzer Region’ seems to sport an enormous goitre that confirms
her status as an authentic peasant but also transforms her into an
Amazonian colossus, transgressing traditional gender boundaries while
edging toward what the nationalist right often condemned as diseased
degeneration (see Fig. 3.10).
An unusually expressive ‘Woman from a Small Mecklenburg City’
closes her sunken eyes and cracks a smile to reveal dramatic dental decay.
Lendvai-Dircksen’s short and unfocused texts accompanying some
of these portraits serve to amplify the themes of age and deterioration
highlighted in her physiognomic studies. The words accompanying
‘Farming Woman of the Geest Region’ (Fig. 3.7) reads as if an epitaph:
She lived a life full of work on a meagre strip of land. Belonging to the
Niedersachsen racial type, which neighbours the Frisian type, the Geest
Volk are dour and hard, slow, withdrawn, hardworking. Their struggle
with the meagre land defines their existence. This seventy-year-old is
the embodiment of worry, she never thought of herself. Thinking only
of others, her nervous eyes stare out toward new duties, new and hard
demands.28
What the loquacious face does not say by itself, Lendvai-Dircksen is
happy to supply in her Fraktur gothic-print text, idolizing her subjects
through attributes of poverty, deterioration, hardship, and loss. Such
attributes stood in stark contrast to the health and physical exaltation
associated by the Right with the regenerative German countryside and,
as seen in Hitler’s Great German Art Exhibition opening, increasingly
associated with military service and sport.
In the case of men, Lendvai-Dircksen was often more careful. She
took pains to emphasize her subject’s powerful — if not occasionally
portly — masculinity. But her ‘Village Peasant from the Devil’s Heath’
28
Lendvai-Dircksen, Das deutsche Volksgesicht (1932), p. 52.
Fig. 3.10 Erna Lendvai-Dirksen, Frau aus der Tölzer Gegend (Woman from the Tölzer
Region), reproduced in Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Das deutsche Volksgesicht
(The Face of the German Race), (Berlin: Kulturelle Verlag-Gesellschaft,
1932), p. 154. Public domain.
122
Photography in the Third Reich
(Fig. 3.5), is a weak-willed poor man who steals the photographer’s
purse after posing for her, or so her text narrates. He later returns
the bag, complaining that he could not resist the evil lure of urban
wealth. This blending of the depicted pose with the moments before
and after it sees the man perform an act actually authenticating his
racial purity.
In her few young faces, Lendvai-Dircksen starkly violates her optical
precision by applying a heavy airbrush. In so doing, she seems to
emphasize the utterly blank slate of these physiognomies, the freshness
of that surface on which a character-building sun and soil will inscribe
an interior and latent German authenticity.
Modernity and Modernism
Complimenting Lendvai-Dircksen’s otherwise standard focus on
advanced age and toil is an insistent refusal of the modernity that might
otherwise aid her suffering peasants. She utterly removes her subjects
from the course of history in order to restrict the temporal narrative to
its strict task of nationalist identity formation. No tractors, no paved
streets, no signs of contemporary medicine, no technology at all ever
sully the insistent anachronism of her images. This odd time warp in
which only identity takes shape sets her work dramatically apart from
other photographs of rural peasants. These alternatives often play with
entertaining juxtapositions of old and new, and thus evoke the ‘nonsynchronicity’ or uneven temporal development that thinker Ernst
Bloch viewed as a social product of industrial modernization.29 August
Sander, for example, photographed his land-bound farmers with
modern agricultural implements or with the contemporary touches of
rural poverty in makeshift constructions. In Sander’s book, the intrusion
of the industrial into the rural defines the social moment that his book
navigates and that his assisted perception aimed to provide. By contrast,
Lendvai-Dircksen’s vision of rural poverty, as in her Dorfbauer aus dem
Teufelsmoor (Fig. 3.5), favours old bricks and rickety timber over Sander’s
improvised modern cinderblocks.
29
Ernst Bloch, Erbschaft dieser Zeit (Zürich: Oprecht & Helblin, 1935), republished by
Suhrkamp Verlag, Frankfurt am Main, 1985.
3. The Timeless Imprint of Das deutsche Volksgesicht
123
In a different venue for National-Socialist-era visual culture,
specifically the mystical and rabidly racial anthropological journals from
the mid-1930s, one finds many peasant portraits, often with acceptable
intrusions of modernity, such as telephone lines. Photographer Albert
Renger-Patzsch in the mid-twenties also permitted a temporally
contingent countryside, in some cases allowing rural half-timbering
to rub against the factory-scapes of industrial modernity in the Ruhr
region. Although these photographs did not all appear in photobooks,
they were nonetheless set into paginated or portfolio sequences that,
from one image to the next, marked the non-synchronicity of the
pictorial succession itself and the developing world outside.
In the case of Lendvai-Dircksen, however, the only sign of
modernity in her images is the photography itself. And significantly,
rather than suppress obvious signs of this technology’s presence, she
proudly highlights these indications in her work’s intricate detail
and traces of carefully arranged studio lighting. This, in turn, allows
her to transform three-dimensional physical features into a twodimensional play of form and grey tone, all the while emphasizing
the primal and timeless qualities of peasant physiognomy. By contrast,
the photographic medium announces its presence demonstratively. It
becomes a self-referential exercise in technologized vision, a dramatic
disclosure of forms, patterns, and underlying structures that the
unaided eye cannot see.
In this respect, her pictures closely followed trends in avant-garde
photography generally associated with the Bauhaus instructor László
Moholy-Nagy. They thereby intervened in the larger discourse on art
photography. For the Hungarian artist, largely working in Berlin by
1926, photography’s self-referentiality operated as a critical component
of the medium’s artistic legitimacy. In a typically modernist gesture, he
declared in 1927 that:
[the] first and foremost issue […] in today’s photographic work […]
is to develop an integrally photographic approach that is derived
purely from the means of photography itself; only after a more or less
exact photographic language has been developed will a truly gifted
photographer be able to elevate it to an ‘artistic’ level.30
30
László Moholy-Nagy, ‘Die beispiellos Fotografie,’ Das deutsche Lichtbild (1927),
translated as ‘Unprecedented Photography,’ in Christopher Phillips, ed., Photography
124
Photography in the Third Reich
Moholy-Nagy and his wife Lucia Moholy-Nagy famously began forging
this photo-specific language in the early twenties with photograms,
direct prints made by placing objects on light-sensitive paper.31 In these
images ‘sculpted with light,’ as Moholy-Nagy described the procedure,
juxtaposed forms tangle against each other and offer optical titillation.
Because the photogram process often made it difficult to discern exactly
what these objects were, Moholy-Nagy could claim that his and Lucia’s
pictures produced new relationships of form rather than representing
existing relationships already found in the phenomenal world. By his
reckoning, such work freed photography from mere reproduction,
allowing it instead to become an autonomous tool of art that might
train the capacities of human perception to perceive purely formal
relationships. Later Moholy-Nagy realized similar strategies with the
camera, turning the lens sharply downward or upward in order to
defamiliarize the viewer with exactly what it was that she or he saw.
These photographs also stressed a play of form over a revelation of
content. The pictures, he explained, ‘suffice to establish a new kind of
seeing, a new kind of visual power’.32
Where Moholy-Nagy’s ‘New Vision’ enhanced modern perception
through formal pictorial means, the more content-based ‘New
Objectivity’ of other photographers foregrounded overlooked social and
natural structures through a use of repetition. Renger-Patzsch’s careful
1928 image of shoe lasts seems to unveil hidden forms woven into the
world of industry. Karl Blossfeldt’s near-microscopic imagery provides
much the same unveiling of hidden forms, this time in nature, revealing
the aesthetic product of evolution’s natural selection. In the world of
advertising, such extraordinary play with form and repetition served
to cast commodities in a stunningly new and attractive light, charting
the course from bag to bean to delicious cup of coffee in one of RengerPatzsch’s most famous commercial photographs.
But for many right-wing Germans, the ‘New Vision’ of Moholy-Nagy
and the seemingly more sober ‘New Objectivity’ of Renger-Patzsch
and Blossfeldt were associated with urban modernity, uncontrolled
31
32
in the Modern Era. European Documents and Critical Writings, 1913–1940 (New York:
Museum of Modern Art, 1989), p. 84.
See Renate Heyne and Floris M. Neusüss, eds, Lászlo Moholy-Nagy: The Photograms.
Catalogue Raisonné (Ostfildern: Hatje Cantz, 2009).
Moholy-Nagy, ‘Unprecedented Photography’ (1927), pp. 83–84.
3. The Timeless Imprint of Das deutsche Volksgesicht
125
industrialization, and international trends in photography that
seemingly erased nation-defined content. Such images appeared to
fragment and aestheticize a modern life that many reactionary Germans
deemed deeply alienating and foreign. Lendvai-Dircksen herself wrote
that, ‘although our time bears the distinct stamps of science, technology
and commerce, one can scarcely talk of a human unity because the
man of today is struck off balance by an imbalanced attention and an
overtaxing of sensation […]’.33 Remarkably, however, her images also
use ‘New Objectivity’ techniques to tease out invisible and overlooked
patterns. The result provides the same strain on the viewer’s visual
faculties.
It is with such thinking in mind that one can return to her equation
of photography with the peasant face. She principally employed this
operation to shift modernist photography away from its associations
with technology, science, and alienation, and instead orient the medium
toward mystical and nationalist notions of racial authenticity. Hers was
not a newly objective vision of the world, but something she termed a
‘psychology of vision’, a deeply subjective investigation of the national
persona, paradoxically expressed with the cold technical precision of
modernist photography.34 The visual power of her images enhanced this
ideological rhetoric, while her principles lent gravity to formal exercises
that might otherwise be dismissed by her targeted audience as hollow
formalism.
But Lendvai-Dircksen’s equation of the authentic German face with
the light-imprinted image did something else as well. It displaced the
equation made in Sander’s book — and others like it — that saw the
act of flipping through pages as navigating across an arc of class or
professional identity. As noted in Sander’s Antlitz der Zeit, the perusing
reader passes up and down a hierarchy of social difference largely
defined by profession. In the process of comparing one photograph to
the next, she or he experiences the distinctions of contemporary social
formation in the duration of consuming the book itself. But because
Lendvai-Dircksen saw identity as fixed and inherent, shy of its slow
imprinting by the German sun and soil, reading her photobook cannot
33
34
Lendvai-Dircksen, Das deutsche Volksgesicht (1932), p. 8.
See Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, ‘Zur Psychologie des Sehens,’ in Das deutsche Lichtbild
(1931), five pages, not paginated.
126
Photography in the Third Reich
serve as a time-based equation of identity’s social formation. Instead,
each page sees the revelation of pre-existing identity in a flash. In a
display approaching pyrotechnics, every moment of the shutter’s snap,
as experienced by the reader from print to print, becomes yet another
affirmation of identity’s life-long inscription, its natural emergence over
de-historicized time. In such a way, the allegory of the photo for the face
obscures the disjunction between the temporal development of identity
and its frozen stasis in ideology.
Lastly, consider another consequence of this displacement. In
taking her photographs on a supposed journey through Germany’s
countryside, Lendvai-Dircksen removed her subjects from the flow
of their everyday lives and placed them in an alien temporal register
carefully orchestrated by her photographic peregrination. As the shutter
snapped and the flashbulb ignited, she locked her subjects into her
tour of the countryside and, correspondingly, into fierce debates about
Germany’s destiny and identity, disputations which the photographs as
a book would contribute to and advance. Her pages in sequence provide
a powerful visual form for, and intervention in, racial theories rapidly
developing on the eve of Germany’s National Socialist takeover. Each
new book of hers thereafter, fifteen in total, responded to and extended
this discourse, thereby contributing to the larger context from which her
project had emerged.
In her first and perhaps most important book, Lendvai-Dircksen
uses sequencing and photo technology to perform a number of odd
but interrelated manoeuvres, which compensate for the fundamental
stasis of identity and society stipulated by her rightist ideology. She
intended these operations to provide a right-wing nationalist alternative
to modernist photography, creating an emotional, or — as she saw
it — psychological impact for her audience, particularly where the cool
Neue Sachlichkeit (New Objectivity) otherwise provided sober analysis.
But one of her manoeuvres in particular, which likened the tortuous
stamping of German identity across the peasant face to the imprinting of
the photograph itself, proffered a fundamentally different sort of bookbased photographic scenario. It reassigned the temporal experience
of the late-Weimar photobook away from the social processes of
identity’s formation, as charted over pages, to the life-long stamping
of physiognomic signs that could supposedly be found in any one of
3. The Timeless Imprint of Das deutsche Volksgesicht
127
her many photographs. Though this supposed embossing of identity
took time, even an entire lifetime, it ultimately revealed an underlying,
essential, and static ethnic character. Her implied allegory of the
photo for the face served to obscure the disjunction between temporal
development and frozen stasis. It also formed an aspect of her alternative
to modernist photography.
As it turned out, however, her contemporaries scarcely took up the
formula that she offered once the National Socialists achieved power in
early 1933. Thereafter, the continual focus on festivals, rallies and sports
quickly generated a large body of photographs that stressed youthful
bodies nourished by the rigours of competition and military training.
Photographers such as Heinrich Hoffmann, Max Ehlert, Leni Riefenstahl,
and many lesser known photojournalists hired to documents events for
the illustrated press, simply overlooked the rural origins that LendvaiDirksen stressed. In other cases, they placed their photographed
sports and military figures in the countryside without the extreme
signs of wear so important for Das deutsche Volksgesicht. The onset of
the Second World War accelerated the rising emphasis on the rugged
healthy soldier who explored the countryside sometimes for leisure but
more often for slaughter. Even Erich Retzlaff, one of the other notable
photographers devoted to rural peasants during this era, increasingly
avoided the physical marks of advanced age and wear in favour of
elaborate regional costumes and youthful figures, albeit with important
exceptions.35 Lendvai-Dircksen herself increasingly gave more space to
younger peasants in her subsequent books and, in the case of her book
on the autobahn, she even offered images of bare-chested men of working
age employed on the vast public works project.36
Because such visions turned out to be rare in her larger oeuvre, it
is intriguing to consider what her career might have become after the
turning point of 1933. In the same year that she published Das deutsche
Volksgesicht (1932) she also released the book Unsere deutschen Kinder
(Our German Children), which featured 105 high-quality photographs
of peasant children. The subject of this other book is nearly the opposite
35
36
See Christopher Webster van Tonder, Erich Retzlaff: Volksfotograf (Aberystwyth:
Aberystwyth University, School of Art Gallery and Museum, 2013).
Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Reichsautobahn. Mensch und Werk (Berlin: Volk und Reich
Verlag, 1937).
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Photography in the Third Reich
of Das deutsche Volksgesicht, although the minors who range from infants
to toddlers are almost all dusted or even smeared with the soil that
would go on to impress their features in older age, at least as far as the
other book suggested. Though hedging her bets with these two nearly
simultaneously published volumes, Das deutsche Volksgesicht defines
what National-Socialist-era photography could have become, had not
sport and militarism come to define the paradoxically reactionary
modern conditions of Germany after 1933.
HEIMAT
4. Photography, Heimat, Ideology
Ulrich Hägele
Heimat is an idyll, Heimat is the earth, Heimat is tradition — and Heimat
is work. But the term is problematic. Heimat is historically a difficult
notion to decode as its meaning has shifted significantly over the years.
Heimat is a ‘chameleon,’ according to Hermann Bausinger: the idea of
Heimat links to ‘the idea of an emotional relationship that is constant; but
this constancy could only ever be a reflection of specific times, because
the notion of Heimat itself changed its hue, indeed its character and its
meaning again and again.’1 The Grimm dictionary defines Heimat as
‘land or just the land in which one is born or has permanent residence.’2
Heimat was thus linked to a geographical area and to the agricultural
structure of a rural world characterized by agriculture. Heimat also
had a traditional social custom in this context. Because the link to the
rights of Heimat were acquired through birth, marriage, or through
an official position for life: if one went into the world and became
impoverished, the extended Heimat community was notionally obliged
to welcome one’s return. Heimat became synonymous with rootedness,
family, home, and farm. In contrast, the notion of an urban Heimat has
long remained outside of such imaginings. The cities represented the
opposite of Heimat: anonymity and mass concentration, mobility and
rapid change, poverty and misery — the rootlessness of a life beholden
to the capitalist system.
Heimat as a term is typically German. In most other languages there
is no specific equivalent. Since its origination in the early nineteenth
1
2
Hermann Bausinger, ‘Chamäleon Heimat — eine feste Beziehung in Wandel’,
Schwäbische Heimat 4 (2009), p. 396.
Jakob Grimm and Wilhelm Grimm, Deutsches Wörterbuch, Vol. 10 (Leipzig: S. Hirzel,
1975), pp. 864–66.
© Ulrich Hägele, CC BY 4.0
https://doi.org/10.11647/OBP.0202.04
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Photography in the Third Reich
century, the understanding of Heimat changed, particularly in the period
after 1871 when the German Empire prospered politically, economically,
socially, and culturally. These changes were self-evident across the new
notion of German nationhood. In view of the topographical patchwork
on the map, which was now to be woven into a whole, Heimat in the
national context remained a utopia that one could dream of, which was,
however, a long way off. Moreover, Heimat was diametrically opposed to
modernity. Above all, the bourgeois circles in the metropolitan centres
and industrial regions now raised the notion of Heimat to an ideal, which
was to stand in opposition to the ever-advancing modern age and the
associated loss of values from the past.
Heimat and the Foundation of National Meaning
Starting from the traditional concept of Heimat based on one’s place
of birth, Heimat was stylized as a contrasting model to modernity, that
is, to the industrialized world. Hermann Bausinger characterised this
as a ‘Kompensationsraum’, the notion of Heimat for (specifically) the
bourgeoisie, as being above all a complex reflex reaction to a nostalgic
feeling of loss as well as the foundation of an emergent identity. Heimat
was linked to a timeless and mostly romantically presented set of ethical
and moral standards of value, all forming part of a strategy to seek to
neutralise elements of anything considered ‘foreign’ and ‘modern’.3
The broader notion of Heimat served as part of a bourgeois-intellectual
resistance against a general deracination — against the ‘specifically
metropolitan extravagances of social division, whims, affectations’ ,
as the sociologist Georg Simmel opined in a study on the metropolis
of Berlin in 1903.4 To this end, around the turn of the century, several
platforms were formed, such as the Lebensreformbewegung (Life Reform
Movement) and the Naturschutzbewegung (Conservation Movement).
And the aim of early Heimatfotografie (Homeland photography) can
be explained by these common denominators: the visual preservation
3
4
Hermann Bausinger and Konrad Köstlin, eds, Heimat und Identität. Probleme
regionaler Kultur. Studien zur Volkskunde und Kulturgeschichte Schleswig-Holsteins
(Neumünster: Waxmann, 1980), p. 25.
Georg Simmel, ‘Die Großstädte und das Geistesleben’, in Theodor Petermann, ed.,
Die Großstadt. Vorträge und Aufsätze zur Städteausstellung. Jahrbuch der Gehe-Stiftung
zu Dresden (Dresden: Gehe Stiftung, 1903), p. 187.
4. Photography, Heimat, Ideology
133
of traditional culture as well as the desire to form an identity for the
politically new.
This identification of Heimat and rural folk culture also presented
an image of national unity to the outside world. A prerequisite to form
this overarching conceptual representation of a unified whole was a
broad familiarity with the respective costumes, representations, and
iconography of the nation. For the dissemination of images, photography
was considered the predestined medium. With this tool, a large number
of significant and relevant subjects could be documented in a short space
of time. Above all, the Heimatschutzbewegung5 (Homeland Protection
Movement) enthusiastically adopted the photographic form to spread
the notion of Heimat.
Oscar Schwindrazheim summarised his thoughts on the potential
role of photography in this context in a text written in 1905. In this essay,
he criticised the influence of metropolitan culture on art and folk art
alike, as a detrimental ‘alien influence’, and stated that treasures that
had survived from ‘the central Germanic culture, from ancient times
to the present in the farmhouse, smaller town house, peasant art and
petty bourgeois art’ were now, ‘defenceless, abandoned and left to
ruin’. This, he continued, was countered by the Heimatschutzbewegung,
which had used photography as a means of capturing an encounter
with the ‘ancient variety of folk traditions’ in villages and thus reach
an ever-growing number of Germans. Photography’s role in enthusing
these ‘supporters of the folk’ therefore remedied past shortcomings in
representation. Schwindrazheim’s vision was conservative. His interest
was the representation of a pure, beautiful, and authentic rural world.6
Whilst Schwindrazheim’s interpretation of the potential of
photography was very much one that favoured an aesthetic focussed
on ethereal and purely idyllic images of the Heimat, Paul SchultzeNaumburg developed a visual process in which ‘the poetry of our
villages’ of the Heimat might be identified in relation to progressive
5
6
Heimatschutzbewegung literally translates as the Heimat protection movement.
This movement emerged in the late nineteenth century as a reaction to rapid
demographic changes and increasing industrialisation. The Heimatschutzbewegung
or Heimatbewegung rejected modernity and extolled instead a return to traditional
values, an appreciation of the virtues of agrarian life, the romanticisation of nature,
and regional and national Germanic identity, amongst other things.
Oscar Schwindrazheim, ‘Heimatliche Kunstentdeckungsreisen mit der Camera,’
Deutscher Kamera-Almanach 1 (1905), 150–51.
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Photography in the Third Reich
urbanization. Chairman of the Deutschen Bundes Heimatschutz
(German Federation for Heimat Protection) and founding member of
the Deutschen Werkbundes (German Work Federation), he intended to
divorce the ‘good’ from the ‘bad’, the old from the new, via the path of
visual confrontation between example and counterexample, presented
under the mantle of quality craftsmanship. With regard to cosmopolitan
art and its effect on an indigenous way of life, he spoke of a ‘threatening
disease’ that had seized ‘all parts of our culture’. Schultze-Naumburg,
in his polarizing view, used a terminology that classified modernism as
reprehensible and, accordingly, as something that was in opposition to
traditional, ethnic values. He wrote of a ‘dreary poverty and desolation’,
of ‘degeneration’ and an urban ‘avarice, which manifests as a dreadful
blind greed’. On the other hand, he set the ‘characterful and true beauty’
of the rural, which had ‘proven itself through the centuries as the
standard’.
Figures 4.1a and 4.1b are an example of this comparative process. It
is the ‘good bench’ and the ‘ugly bench’: on the one hand, a traditional
seating arrangement nestles around a gnarled linden tree whilst echoing
the undulations of the landscape; it is contrasted with an industrially
manufactured piece of furniture, with cast-iron stand and boardlike seat.7 Schultze-Naumburg objected in particular to the choice of
building materials: for him, iron and steel were the epitome of industrial
mass-production: a mirror image of the growing metropolises and
industrial areas in direct opposition to a rural ‘naturalness’. Ultimately,
the Heimatschutzbewegung was very much up to date in terms of the
contemporary propaganda that it employed. Two very modern media
were used to document, disseminate, and popularize the ideas of
the movement: the camera, as a recording device, and the magazine,
for reproduction. In this sense, the self-proclaimed guardians of this
endangered cultural heritage were trying to motivate broader sections of
the population to cooperate in a kind of collective visual rescue operation.
During the 1920s, a discourse emerged that was focussed on the
evolution of German society and this gathered momentum, not least
because of the lost war. The question of the origins and capacities of the
people themselves became a central theme of this inquiry in order to
7
Paul Schultze-Naumburg, ‘Der Garten auf dem Lande’, in Heinrich Sohnrey, ed.,
Kunst auf dem Lande (Bielefeld/Leipzig/Berlin: Velhagen & Klasing, 1905), p. 183.
4. Photography, Heimat, Ideology
Fig. 4.1a and 4.1b Eine ‘gute’ und eine ‘schlechte’ Bank als visuelle Gradmesser (A
‘Good’ and ‘Bad’ Bench as Visual Indicators), reproduced in
Heinrich Sohnrey, Kunst auf dem Lande (Art of the Countryside)
(Bielefeld/Leipzig/Berlin: Velhagen & Klasen, 1905), p. 182.
Public domain.
135
136
Photography in the Third Reich
determine how an individual’s provenance affected their contribution to
the modern era. August Sander’s large-scale photographic project ‘People
of the 20th Century’ was very much a manifestation of this era’s search
for new interpretations. About forty-five portfolios were planned, each of
which was to be accompanied by twelve photographs, beginning with ‘the
peasant, the earth-bound man […], all the strata and occupations up to the
representatives of the highest civilization and down to the idiot’.8 Sander,
as a creative photographer, carefully directed each image, often setting
the protagonists against striking backgrounds or including conspicuous
paraphernalia or objects, which often had a function relevant to their
occupation. His principle motivation was the observation of milieus.
Sander began his project with the peasant and was thus, as Karl
Jaspers observed, working at the height of the anthropologically
dominated zeitgeist, which was ideologically overlaid by the notion of a
special connectivity to the soil. However, Sander’s photographs present
the costume as a relic, something that was, in the main, only cherished
by old women in the countryside. Above all, his juxtapositions bring to
light the stark social differences that were commonplace in rural areas.
Sander’s work can be interpreted from two points of view. On the one
hand, his unmistakably social-documentary portraits convince with
their use of a modern and transformative approach to image making,
traceable to Dadaist approaches of the early twenties. His pictures
are social frescoes,9 which certainly hint at nineteenth-century genre
painting. At the same time, he expanded the range of motifs by including
aspects of urban culture. His objective approach to image-making relates
Sander’s work to the New Vision and New Objectivity. On the other
hand, the social-documentary aspect should not be overstated, because
Sander proceeded, as did most other artistically ambitious ethnographic
photographers, from a peasant archetype by which the interpretation
of his sitters was constrained.10 Accordingly, his photographs reflect
8
9
10
August Sander, Menschen des 20. Jahrhunderts with a text by Ulrich Keller (München:
Schirmer & Mosel, 1980), p. 33. Sander’s project remained unfinished. The printing
plates and the remaining copies of his 1929 book, Antlitz der Zeit (‘Face of Our
Time’) were seized and destroyed by the National Socialists in 1936.
Sylvain Maresca, La photographie. Un miroir des sciences sociales (Paris: L’Harmattan,
1996), p. 19.
Martina Mettner, Die Autonomie der Fotografie. Fotografie als Mittel des Ausdrucks und
der Realitätserfassung am Beispiel ausgewählter Fotografenkarrieren (Marburg: Jonas,
1987), pp. 72–75.
4. Photography, Heimat, Ideology
137
a ‘medieval hierarchy of stances,’11 a somewhat cloying conception
of society: Sander does not show his workers in the Marxist sense, as
proletarians who can be exploited through alienating assembly line
work, but as people who accord to a somewhat romanticised ethos of
skilled artisans. The photographer’s work was produced, as Ulrich Keller
noted, ‘forcibly, in an ideologically charged field’.12 August Sander’s
pictures move in an intermediate domain of traditional and modern
Heimat photography. Some of them are clearly socially critical — one
reason why the National Socialists proscribed Sander from practicing
as a photographer.
The National Socialists fully understood the significance of
photography and film as carriers of a message to popularise their
policies — as early as 1933, Joseph Goebbels had demonstrated his
grasp of the power of photography, suggesting that the photograph
should be given priority over the word, especially in propaganda.13
Between 1933 and 1945, images such as Willy Römer’s presentation
of a precarious Heimat before the First World War were considered
undesirable. Indeed, most of the practitioners of the New Photography
chose, or were forced, to emigrate. The photographers who stayed
remained committed to the regime and divided the visual-journalistic
‘cake’ among themselves: Heinrich Hoffmann was responsible for
the Führerbild and the visualization of the NSDAP. Erna LendvaiDircksen continued to publish illustrated books about the people’s
Heimat across various regions of the German Reich, as well as images
of children and the dramatic construction of the autobahns. Hans
Retzlaff concentrated on depicting traditional rural costumes, which
had already disappeared almost completely from everyday life by the
1930s, and published a picture book about the Arbeitsmaiden am werk
(Labour Service Women at Work). Finally, Paul Wolff and his ‘Leica
Photography’ mimicked the modernist ‘fig leaf’ of the new colour
technology (see Fig. 4.2).
11
12
13
Sander, Menschen des 20. Jahrhunderts (1980), p. 11.
Ibid., p. 21.
Joseph Goebbels in his opening speech to the exhibition ‘Die Kamera’ in Berlin 1933,
reproduced in Druck und Reproduktion, Betriebsausstellung auf der ‘Kamera’, 1 (1933),
pp. 3–6.
Fig. 4.2 Cover image from Hans Retzlaff, Arbeitsmaiden am Werk (Labour Service
Women at Work) (Leipzig: E. A. Seemann, 1940). Public domain.
4. Photography, Heimat, Ideology
139
Völkische Heimat
The main photographic protagonist of the so-called völkischen Heimat
was Erna Lendvai-Dircksen. Her seminal work was the volume Das
deutsche Volksgesicht (The Face of the German Race) published in 1932.
Besides an introductory text by the author and some descriptions
relating to photography, the book contained 140 photographs,
beautifully reproduced as copper plate photogravures. Her work
focused in particular on the portrait of the individual — group shots,
pictures of families, or a mother with her children are not featured in
the volume, and there are few people from urban areas: ‘The urban
man has abandoned the mother soil and a natural life’.14 Accordingly,
Lendvai-Dircksen focused on depicting a rural world whose people
are the epitome of the Volkskörper15 or body of the nation, and she
is one of the few contemporary Heimat photographers who tried to
substantiate her working method in theoretical terms. The ethnic
German Volk were positioned as the antithesis of those merely of
the state or city dwellers: ‘One talks of the “people of the land” in
contrast to the “city dweller” and that is to say what is meant. To talk
of the Volk is to speak of a unified natural community, with its roots
anchored in the soil of the landscape. It is a one-of-a-kind entity that,
being as simple as it is organic, is not accessible to a quick, superficial
understanding.’16 In a contribution to the 1931 volume Das Deutsche
Lichtbild (The German Photograph) she struck a blow for the nationalconservative Heimatfotografie, which had been popularised at the turn
of the century by Paul Schulze-Naumburg and Oscar Schwindrazheim
as part of the Heimatschutzbewegung. The narrative is concerned with
notions of worthiness, harmony, beauty and culture, as elements
intrinsically bound to the ‘Ur-landscape’.17 Participating in the 1928
Pressa exhibition in Cologne, Lendvai-Dircksen had already outlined
these notions in the context of a presentation of her work to her
14
15
16
17
Quoted here from the 1934 edition: Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Das deutsche Volksgesicht
(Berlin: Drei Masken Verlag, 1934), p. 5.
Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, ‘Zur Psychologie des Sehens’ (1931) reproduced in
Wolfgang Kemp, ed., Theorie der Fotografie, Vol. 2 (München: Schirmer-Mosel, 1979),
p. 160.
Lendvai-Dircksen, Das deutsche Volksgesicht (1934), p. 6.
Lendvai-Dircksen, ‘Zur Psychologie des Sehens’ (1931), p. 158.
140
Photography in the Third Reich
colleagues from the GDL or Gesellschaft Deutscher Lichtbildner (Society
of German Photographers).18
The Stuttgart film and photo exhibition the following year, which
acted as a gathering for the entire European photographic elite, was
either given the cold shoulder by Lendvai-Dircksen or she was not
invited to participate, perhaps because she had defined her photography
as outside of a cohesive internationalist vision: ‘In exhibitions, the best
achievements clearly show what photography has to say for a people;
English, German and French photography, as far as they are ethnically
based, can be easily distinguished’.19 In contrast to this approach to an
ethnic photography of the Volk, Lendvai-Dircksen suggested archly,
the photographers of the New Objectivity and advertising were firmly
positioned as representatives of the cosmopolitan, urban centres: ‘These
premature miscarriages of a one-sided intelligence must be confronted
by the rooted, vital nature of true originality, which knows how to present
a true view of things and is able to counter the creeping pessimism
in a detoxifying way’.20 Two years before Hitler came to power, this
derogatory remark was to presage the path that photography would
take in the National Socialist state.21
Erna Lendvai-Dircksen came from a rural farming background and
grew up in Wetterburg, Hessen. Her career as a photographer was
typical of the time: first she studied painting (1903–1905 in Kassel),
then she pursued an apprenticeship as a photographer in Berlin that
she never completed. In 1916, she opened her own portrait studio in
Charlottenburg. At first, in terms of geography, the structure of her book
Das deutsche Volksgesicht seems somewhat strange. Starting with Frisia
and the Frisians, Lendvai-Dircksen moves on, seemingly at random,
through the book to Schleswig-Holstein, Mecklenburg, Masuria,
18
19
20
21
See for example Willi Warstat, review of the exhibition of the GDL (Gesellschaft
Deutscher Lichtbildner) International Press Exhibition (Pressa) in Cologne in 1928
in Das Atelier des Photographen 35 (1928), 126–28 and also Claudia Gabriele Philipp,
‘Erna Lendvai-Dircksen (1883–1962). Verschiedene Möglichkeiten, eine Fotografin
zu rezipieren’, Fotogeschichte 9 (1983), 56.
Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, ‘Ohne Titel’, in Wilhelm Schöppe, ed., Meister der Kamera
erzählen. Wie sie wurden und wie sie arbeiten (Halle an der Saale: Wilhelm Knapp,
1935), p. 35.
Lendvai-Dircksen, ‘Zur Psychologie des Sehens’ (1931), p. 162.
For more detail on this subject see, Falk Blask and Thomas Friedrich, eds,
Menschenbild und Volksgesicht. Positionen zur Porträtfotografie im Nationalsozialismus
(Münster: LIT Verlag, 2005).
4. Photography, Heimat, Ideology
141
Spreewald, Bückeburg, Bavaria, Württemberg, and Baden. The sequence
of works concludes with Hessen. In this dramaturgy there are aspects
that may in fact refer to the biography of the author — one part of her
heritage had its origins just where the book begins: ‘I did not discover
the German farmer when he became the “fashion”. The Dircksens are of
the oldest Frisian blood, and every hike between the Elbe and the Weser
estuary is like a homecoming for me’.22
Furthermore, the photographer seems to claim a connection between
this portrayal of human types (for instance, the photograph of a junge
Bäuerin aus dem hessischen Hinterland (Young Farmer’s Wife from the
Hessian Hinterland) and the established artistic tradition of Holbein,
Cranach, and Dürer, presenting comparisons on a double page (the
technique of visual doubling): young and old, daughter and mother,
husband and wife. The only objectivation, which Lendvai-Dircksen
partially thematises in detail, is the representation of clothing, which
in turn brings an ambivalent attitude to light: on the one hand,
she presents many portraits that include traditional costumes, the
symmetrical composition of which seems to coincide with the criterion
of photographic New Objectivity. At the same time, the portrait of the
Jungmädchen aus den Hagendörfern (Young Girls from the Hagen Villages)
conforms to a more stringent compositional expression. The dark hues
and blurred, unidentifiable background are two major pictorial features
in Lendvai-Dircksen’s illustrated books, as well as the juxtaposition of
figures over a double page (see Fig. 4.3).
An almost perfect symmetry is also evident in the picture of the
Spreewalderin im Brautputz (Woman from the Spreewald in Bridal Dress).
In this motif, another characteristic of her publication technique is also
recognizable: Lendvai-Dircksen often juxtaposed a page of text with a
picture, in which she sometimes emotively responded to the picture’s
theme:
Even if the folk costume traditions do inevitably decline and fade from
urban fashion trends, there is still much to be understood about the
ceremonial character of this ancient aesthetic. […] One has to admit it
about these daughters of the Spreewald: They know how to move the
22
Lendvai-Dircksen, ‘Ohne Titel’ (1935), p. 37.
142
Photography in the Third Reich
Fig. 4.3 Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Zwei Generationen gegenübergestellt (Two
Generations Compared), 1932, reproduced in Erna Lendvai-Dircksen,
Das deutsche Volksgesicht (Face of the German Race) (Berlin: Drei Masken
Verlag, 1934), pp. 140–41. Public domain.
body beautifully. There is nothing slack or synthetic, only the absolute
dependability of the natural.23
The description did not attempt to hide the fact that traditional
costumes had already largely begun to disappear from the countryside
by the 1920s, but it addressed this development openly, albeit with an
unmistakeable undertone of regret. In contrast, her contemporary, the
Heimat photographer Hans Retzlaff, tended to carefully eliminate any
reference to modern life in his pictures and captions relating to these
costumes. He thus focused on a stylized image of the past, which he also
sought to suggest was the model approach of modern living: a life lived
close to the ancestral soil.
In her accompanying texts, Lendvai-Dircksen sometimes treads a
fine line between a commentary and a waspish critique — this is clearly
evident in the example she presents of an older farming couple from
Hessen.
23
Lendvai-Dircksen, Das deutsche Volksgesicht (1934), p. 106.
Fig. 4.4 Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Kranke Frau (Sick Woman), 1932, reproduced
in Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Das deutsche Volksgesicht (Face of the German
Race) (Berlin: Drei Masken Verlag, 1934), p. 91. Public domain.
144
Photography in the Third Reich
Apparently, the farmer had, in earlier years, demanded too much physical
work of his delicate wife. The woman became ill, partially paralysed,
and ultimately lived in continuous agony. As the photographer stated
about the husband: ‘Is he innocent or guilty for his wife’s broken life?’24
When discussing the image of the woman, Lendvai-Dircksen states:
For 30 years she has been sitting on a low stool, growing ever lamer. This
terrible wasteland of years has worn down both her mind and her soul.
She did not even notice me photographing her. A woman’s fate! One of
many! She had a robust, almost overpowering man; what did he know
about the amount of hard work a young woman’s body can withstand
when the children come one after the other… The tender woman was
broken, […] an obstacle, waiting for death to deliver her.25
The text is highly moralising, sometimes even accusatory. This form of
critical presentation thus relates to the approach and published practice
of contemporary anthropological-medical racial hygienists. In magazines
such as Volk und Rasse (People and Race, etc., images of mentally ill
people or of Sinti, Roma, and Jews, for example, were visually staged and
provided with captions that rejected and often demeaned the subjects.
These ignominious commentaries were accompanied by the visual
separation of the groups concerned from representations of the bodies of
the ‘healthy’. Certainly, for Lendvai-Dircksen, the Volkskörper consisted of
her rural contemporaries: ‘Here is the world, here is life and growth. The
soil is really Mother Earth’.26 By accusing the farmer in visual and textual
terms of mistreating his wife, a stigmatisation occurs where the man is
seen to fall outside of the (moral) ‘norm’ of the Volkskörper.
Lendvai-Dircksen’s approach follows a certain pattern. Significantly,
the protagonists are represented as inevitable ‘victims of fate’27 and not
as autonomous individuals. In most of the pictures, the models don’t
look into the camera; their gaze is rather out of the frame, as if they have
something to hide. The older people, thematically the largest group of
her photo portraits, mostly appear to be careworn and marked by their
years. With the minor exception of a few images of the elderly, it is the
photographs of children who are the only ones arranged to look directly
24
25
26
27
Lendvai-Dircksen, Das deutsche Volksgesicht (1934), p. 224.
Ibid., p. 226.
Ibid., p. 7.
Rolf Sachsse, Die Erziehung zum Wegsehen. Fotografie im NS-Staat (Berlin: Philo Fine
Arts, 2003), p. 156.
4. Photography, Heimat, Ideology
145
into the camera. Lendvai-Dircksen photographed the young females in
a manner that was straightforward and slightly from above, this tended
to emphasise a passive and expectant role. When photographing the
younger males, she set the tripod somewhat below the face, which in
turn suggested a self-confidence and mental strength in her subjects.
The pictures often show a close-up view of (German) faces furrowed
by life, of delicate female youth, and a plethora of traditional costumes
(see Fig. 4.5).
The foreign and ‘the other’ have no place. The photographer thus
framed a traditional interpretation of the ethnic Heimat, which she herself
described as a quest to reconstruct an archetypal image, an Urbild,28 a
picture that in turn refers to the Romantic period or to the painterlyfigurative peasant painting of artists like Hans Thoma (1839–1924). In
this context it is hardly surprising that Lendvai-Dircksen relied on the
elderly as the main subject matter for her book. Of the one-hundredand-forty portraits, fifty-five are older men and women, twenty are
young women, and only ten are young men. In the concluding sentence
of the book, Erna Lendvai-Dircksen wrote: ‘Only in the perfect circle
of a whole life do we witness its whole sum; and as an old tree shows
most clearly the individual peculiarities of its kind, so does the old
man who becomes the most distinctive type, the visual biography of
his ethnicity.’29 In Lendvai-Dirksen’s work, as in the work of the other
protagonists of this ethno-cultural Heimatfotografie, a significant aspect
becomes clear in the dramatic construction of these staged photographs:
men, women, and children are either shown as individuals of a type or
separated according to gender. After the outbreak of war, save for the
elderly, there are few men represented in this photographic milieu.
In an excellent essay, Claudia Gabriele Philipp describes LendvaiDircksen’s photographs as ‘Nazi ideology in its purest form’.30
However, when reflecting on the photographer’s early response to
her own work, as well as the photographs themselves, one would be
doing the photographer an injustice to categorise her entire working
portfolio within the category of racial photography. Her way of taking
28
29
30
Lendvai-Dircksen, Das deutsche Volksgesicht (1934), p. 138.
Ibid., p. 13.
Philipp, ‘Erna Lendvai-Dircksen (1883–1962). Verschiedene Möglichkeiten, eine
Fotografin zu rezipieren’ (1983), 48.
Fig. 4.5 Erna
Lendvai-Dircksen,
Junge
Schwälmer
Bäuerin
(Young
Swabian Peasant Woman), 1932, reproduced in Erna LendvaiDircksen, Das deutsche Volksgesicht (The Face of the German Race)
(Berlin: Drei Masken Verlag, 1934), p. 235. Public domain.
4. Photography, Heimat, Ideology
147
photographs was initially multi-layered and was by no means entirely
counter-propositional to the ‘overarching utilitarian approach’ of
photographic New Objectivity. Her ‘great love for monumentality’31
does not necessarily contradict this ‘modern’ photography either.32
Some of her portraits and images of plants from the 1920s, but also
her later landscape and architectural photographs, undoubtedly
fulfil the criteria of the New Vision: an extreme close-up approach,
full image detail and optical clarity, as well as the use of an axially
symmetrical image composition.33 Nevertheless, Lendvai-Dircksen
was an opportunistic photographer who willingly placed her art at
the service of the National Socialist regime. As Hannah Marquardt’s
research revealed, the photographer received financial support
for her extensive travels from the Reichsschrifttumskammer (Reich
Chamber of Literature), a sub-department of Dr Joseph Goebbels’
Reichskulturkammer (Reich Chamber of Culture). Lendvai-Dircksen
proceeded to develop her work in series and produced a broader
overview of her leitmotifs, including corresponding landscape pictures
of the region encompassed by each specific publication. Finally, she
was able to assemble her own publications from a large pool of visual
material and also to contribute to other publications — for example, the
article ‘Volksgesicht’ in the Berliner Illustrirte Zeitung34 in 1930 contained
variations of those photographic illustrations that were shown in her
later monograph Das deutsche Volksgesicht. She also worked with wellknown figures in the National Socialist establishment, such as Fritz
Todt and Franz Riedweg. Riedweg, who was primarily responsible
for recruiting volunteers for the pan-European and anti-Bolshevik
Germanic SS, wrote an epilogue for her volume of photography entitled
Das deutsche Volksgesicht. Flandern that was centred on the ‘Germanic’
look of the Flemish.35
31
32
33
34
35
Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Nordsee-Menschen. Deutsche Meisteraufnahmen (München: F.
Bruckmann, 1937).
See Sachsse, Die Erziehung zum Wegsehen (2003), p. 57. Also, Jeanine Fiedler, ed.,
Fotografie am Bauhaus (Berlin: Dirk Nishen, 1990).
See Philipp, ‘Erna Lendvai-Dircksen (1883–1962). Verschiedene Möglichkeiten,
eine Fotografin zu rezipieren’ (1983), 40.
Berliner Illustrirte Zeitung 39:11 (1930), 467–68.
Erna Lendvai Dircksen, Das deutsche Volksgesicht. Flandern (Bayreuth: Gauverlag,
1942). Riedweg was a highly influential figure in the SS and close associate of
Reichsführer SS, Heinrich Himmler (1900–1945).
148
Photography in the Third Reich
In terms of her own methodology, Lendvai-Dircksen was initially
critical of the approaches of photographers and researchers whose
work proceeded specifically from the work of the race scientist Hans
F. K. Günther, asserting: ‘It is not achieved with race-psychological
comparisons or with cranial measurements alone; life is something
vibrant, and its meaning emerges from this context’.36 Elsewhere, she
noted, ‘the emergence of national and ethnic folk traditions as part
of a living community’ had ‘nothing to do with the racial form’.37 By
association, Lendvai-Dircksen’s studies of the human face with a
so-called search for the psychological soul, suggests a certain closeness
to the work of Ludwig Ferdinand Clauss. Accordingly, her photographs
were regarded as suitable illustrations for magazines relevant to the
field of racial studies38—Günther also published some of her pictures.39
In addition, her publications also presented National Socialism with a
‘liberal’ veneer, and a range of illustrated books were published in the
run-up to the 1936 Olympics.40
The Heimat Front
After 1933, völkisch photography or Heimat photography41 was not
intended to be an overt depiction of documentary reality, but rather
it represented a construction of reality that accorded to the ideals of
National Socialist ideology. Accordingly, when looking through the
illustrated books, the impression received is that agricultural and
manual labour in the German Reich was carried out exclusively by
36
37
38
39
40
41
Lendvai-Dircksen, ‘Ohne Titel’ (1935), 38.
Lendvai-Dircksen , Das deutsche Volksgesicht (1934), p. 8.
See Friedrich Merkenschlager, Rassensonderung, Rassenmischung, Rassenwandlung
(Berlin: Waldemar Hoffmann, 1933); also, Arthur Gewehr, ‘Bildniskunst und
Rassenkunde’, Gebrauchs-Photographie und das Atelier des Photographen 41:12 (1934),
88; also see for example Volk und Rasse 4 (April 1942); and Volk und Rasse 6 (June
1942).
See Hans F. K. Günther, Rassenkunde des deutschen Volkes. Mit 29 Karten und 564
Abbildungen (München: Lehmann, 1930), figure 113, ‘Spicka-Neufeld bei Cuxhaven,
Friesland, Nordisch.’ The photograph also appeared uncropped in Das deutsche
Volksgesicht, on page 57 as ‘Friesischer Fischer aus dem Marschland Wursten’.
See Deutschland. Olympia-Jahr 1936 (Berlin: Volk und Reich, 1936).
Völkisch or Heimat photography as used in the terminology of the National Socialist
state, see Paul Lüking, ‘Richtlinien des VDAV für fotografische Arbeiten,’ Fotofreund
13 (1933), 207.
4. Photography, Heimat, Ideology
149
striking-looking peasant types and blonds in traditional costumes in
large families with many children — all doing humble work that knew
no technical aids. But the reality of life in the countryside was in obvious
contradiction to this, for the National Socialist regime intensified the
mechanization and motorization of the agricultural economy. The
policy of land consolidation was used to increase production so that,
in the event of war, food supplies could be secured in an autarkical
manner. Where there were once relatively untouched landscapes, fourlane motorways now appeared; initially this did not much benefit the
stated aim of increasing the mobility of individual families, but was, it
has been argued, linked to aspects of the strategic considerations of the
war planners.42
Hans Retzlaff made a considerable contribution to this ideologisation
of documentary photography with his photographs of traditional
costumes.43 Despite — or precisely because of — the discrepancy between
everyday reality and photographically staged reality, his photographs
were not only published in large numbers in illustrated books and in
magazine articles. They also served — when sold to schools, universities
and other educational institutions in the form of slides and paper
prints — as teaching objects to illustrate and convey a representation
of rural life. The images of ‘folk’ photographers were thus the starting
point for more scientific interpretations in the spirit of National Socialist
ideology. For example, the headdress of the ‘Spreewaldkindes aus Burg
in Sonntagstracht’, taken by Hans Retzlaff in 1934 and acquired by the
Tübingen Institute for German Folklore, according to one contemporary,
represents the ‘living essence’ through which ‘the rural German, yes,
even a sense of Germanic tribal consciousness’ is particularly well
expressed.44
42
43
44
See Götz Aly, Hitlers Volksstaat. Raub, Rassenkrieg und nationaler Sozialismus (Frankfurt
am Main: S. Fischer, 2005), and also J. Adam Tooze, Ökonomie der Zerstörung. Die
Geschichte der Wirtschaft im Nationalsozialismus (München: Siedler, 2007). [Editor’s
note — The notion that the autobahns were designed to facilitate military ends
has long been debunked, see for example Thomas Zeller’s Driving Germany: The
Landscape of the German Autobahn, 1930–1970 (Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2010).]
See Gudrun König and Ulrich Hägele, eds, Völkische Posen, volkskundliche Dokumente.
Hans Retzlaffs Fotografien 1930 bis 1945 (Marburg: Jonas, 1999).
Ferdinand Herrmann and Wolfgang Treutlein, eds, Brauch und Sinnbild. Eugen Fehrle
zum 60. Geburtstag (Karlsruhe: Südwestdeutsche Druck und Verlagsgesellschaft,
1940), p. 229.
Fig. 4.6 Hans Retzlaff, Spreewaldkind aus Burg in Sonntagstracht (Spreewald Child
from Burg in Sunday Costume), vintage silver gelatin print, 1934, courtesy
of Archiv Ludwig-Uhland-Institut für Empirische Kulturwissenschaft,
Universität Tübingen. Inv.-Nr. 5a383.
4. Photography, Heimat, Ideology
151
By disseminating the photographs in illustrated books in the mass
media, they ‘served the so-called folk traditions and thus became
a political instrument’.45 Reichsarbeitsführer (Reich Labour Leader)
Konstantin Hierl apparently appreciated Retzlaff’s style of working and
commissioned him in 1939 to compile an illustrated book about the
Arbeitsmaiden.46 It was to be his last before the end of the war and at the
same time the only one without an ethnographic or folkloristic theme.
Hans Retzlaff’s illustrated book Arbeitsmaiden am Werk (Labour
Service Women at Work (see Fig. 4.2) was published in 1940, soon after
the outbreak of the Second World War. The ninety-six high-quality
intaglio copperplate plates, mostly as full-page images, were intended
to provide a more eloquent insight than mere words into ‘the first state
school of education for female youth as a sign of faith of a new era,’ as
the book’s introduction states.47 The volume thus assumed a political
function within the framework of the war planning of the National
Socialist regime and the racial ideology of blood and soil. Despite
the visual nature of this book, illustrated as it was with the help of
professionally crafted photographs as the central feature, the editors
were not, apparently, confident enough to rely fully on the power of the
pictures alone. This is evidenced by the fact that the illustrations were
preceded by a thirty-page introduction by the RAD’s Generalarbeitsführer
(General Work Leader) Wilhelm ‘Will’ Decker. Decker’s text is divided
into several sections, namely: ‘the idea’, ‘the way’, ‘the form’, ‘the
substance’, ‘the service’, ‘the work’, ‘recreation and leisure time’, and
‘the flag’. The last section marks a link to the first plate ‘Raising the
flag before the start of the day’s work’. It shows two women in RAD
uniform, the so-called ‘working maidens’48 of the book’s title, raising a
large swastika flag on a wooden flagpole. In the background are other
women giving the Hitlergruß (the Hitler salute).
Hans Retzlaff’s Arbeitsmaiden am Werk is divided into five main topics
without this being obvious to the reader at first glance, for example,
45
46
47
48
Margit Haatz, Agnes Matthias and Ute Schulz, ‘Retzlaff-Portraits im ikonographischen
Vergleich,’ in Völkische Posen, volkskundliche Dokumente (1999), p. 53.
A photographic study of women serving in the Reichsarbeitsdienst or RAD.
Will Decker, in the ‘Introduction’ of Hans Retzlaff, Arbeitsmaiden am Werk (Leipzig:
E.A. Seemann, 1940), p. 10.
‘Working maid’ or Arbeitsmaid was the women’s labour service (RADwj) equivalent
to the rank of private.
152
Photography in the Third Reich
in the form of the subheadings: ‘daily routine’, ‘agricultural work’,
‘childcare’, ‘camp activities’, and ‘leisure activities’. The series of pictures
on agricultural work is interrupted twice by pictures on the subject of
childcare, resulting in three series on work and two series of children’s
pictures. With only a few exceptions, these are all outdoor shots. In
addition, the illustrated book contains three chronological levels, some
of which are intertwined: firstly, the six-month service of the young
women in training during their stay in the Arbeitsdienst camps,49 learning
domestic activities, political education, and excursions, then the daily
routine of the morning flag-raising through to early exercise, rollcall, the
journey to work, activities at the workplace, as well as leisure, and the
activities in and around the camp. Finally, all the rural and agricultural
activities of the women were related to the course of the seasons, starting
with planting in spring and continuing through the hay harvest in late
summer to giving Advent wreaths to farming families as gifts during
the Christmas season. The (mostly) portrait-format illustrations are
presented in the style of a photo album, with short captions, provided
by Else Stein, Stabsführerin (Staff Leader) in the RAD.
The opening sequence already conveys in visualized form the five
main characteristics of the Reich Labour Service of the Female Youth
(RAD/wJ) within the regime. The images demonstrated that the
organization: had a political-propagandistic function (raising the flag);
had a strict hierarchy based on the Führerprinzip or leader principle
(camp leader versus private); was subject to military drill (standing in
rank and file); emphasized the disciplinary strengthening of the body;
and each individual was mindful of her feminine role, serving as a part
of the supposedly racially homogeneous and cohesive Volksgemeinschaft
or ‘the people’s community’.50
49
50
The Arbeitsdienst camps were part of the Reich Labour Service for young men
and women; originally intended as a means of alleviating unemployment, it
became in effect a form of national service. See for example Thompson, Paul W.
“Reichsarbeitsdienst.” The Military Engineer, 28.160 (1936) 291–92.
See for example, Ulrich Herrmann, ‘Formationserziehung — Zur Theorie und Praxis
edukativ-formativer Manipulation von jungen Menschen’ in Ulrich Hermann and
Ulrich Nassen, eds, Formative Ästhetik im Nationalsozialismus. Intentionen. Medien
und Praxisformen totalitärer ästhetischer Herrschaft und Beherrschung (Weinheim/
Basel: Beltz, 1993), pp. 101–12. Also see Jill Stephenson, ‘Der Arbeitsdienst für die
weibliche Jugend,’ in Dagmar Reese, ed., Die BDM-Generation. Weibliche Jugendliche
in Deutschland und Österreich im Nationalsozialismus (Berlin: Verlag für BerlinBrandenburg, 2007), pp. 255–88.
Fig. 4.7 Hans Retzlaff, Militärischer Drill (Military Drill), reproduced in Hans
Retzlaff, Arbeitsmaiden am Werk (Labour Service Women at Work) (E. A.
Seemann, Leipzig 1940), p. 44. Public domain.
154
Photography in the Third Reich
The three pictorial chronological levels are partly interwoven. The first
section, which begins with three women engaged with early-morning
sports, comprises six shots on three double pages. The pictures show the
young women alone or in a group and on their way to work by bicycle.
This is followed by a sequence of fourteen photographs depicting
individual agricultural activities. The picture of a young woman leading
a team of oxen onto the field serves to catch the eye: one of the few
examples in the illustrated book in which movement is recorded, as the
cheerfully laughing young woman walks between the two oxen towards
the camera; a farmhouse can be seen in the background.
‘The Image of Baking Bread’ leads into the third chapter: the
Arbeitsmaiden with the farm children. The woman sits at the table at
lunch with the children; Retzlaff apparently arranged that the table be
taken out of the kitchen into the open air for the photographs. The RAD
girl gives the infants, or rather, small children, ‘Klaus and Peter’, milk
from the bottle and helps ‘Bärbel’ with her schoolwork. The atypical
mention of the children by name here contradicts the usual practice of
anonymous titles, an approach that is otherwise intended to underline
the deindividuation of the individual within the RADwJ.
The following section continues the activities of the Arbeitsmaiden,
who are now shown out working in the fields (hoeing beets, planting
salads, vegetable harvesting, and so on). The visual leitmotif in this
series is the three-quarter portrait ‘Time of Haymaking’ taken from
below, on which a young woman carries a load of hay. She smiles and
looks out of the picture to the right towards the low sun. Again, light
and shadow areas fall on her face and body. A working tool — probably
a hay fork — sticks diagonally in the hay, dividing the image field
diagonally into a triangle and an irregular square.
Through twenty-eight images on fourteen double pages, the
next section visualizes the third and last part of the rural work. An
outstanding example with a leitmotif function here is the illustration
with the signature ‘In the labour service, the working girl gets to know
her beautiful German home’ (see Fig. 4.8).
A woman stands on a mountain meadow with a young mountain
farmer. The terrain drops steeply at their feet. The man in the shirt has
shouldered a scythe. With a sweeping gesture he points out of the frame
of the picture, the woman in front of him standing slightly outside the
frame of the image. The background of the scene is marked by a valley
Fig. 4.8 Hans Retzlaff, Patriarchale Rollenverteilung: ‘Im Arbeitsdienst lernt
die Arbeitsmaid ihre schöne deutsche Heimat kennen’ (A Patriarchal
Distribution of Roles: ‘In the work service, the young working woman
gets to know her beautiful German Homeland’), reproduced in Hans
Retzlaff, Arbeitsmaiden am Werk (Labour Service Women at Work)
(Leipzig: E. A. Seemann, 1940), p. 87. Public domain.
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Photography in the Third Reich
that extends to the horizon in the low, mountainous, partly wooded
landscape.
The illustration is one of only thirteen examples in Arbeitsmaiden am
Werk in which Retzlaff’s image features a man. Whereas most of these
representations of men are of older farmers who are seen to be giving
these women careful instruction in their work, this specific image does
not represent the father-daughter configuration, but rather a young,
heterosexual couple that reproduces a traditional and timeless structure
in its presentation of gender roles. With his outstretched arm pointing
the way, the man is assigned an active role, whereas the woman following
him attentively is portrayed as reacting.51 Furthermore, photography is
used in a symbolically multi-layered manner in its integration in the
overall context of the book. The placement of the man and woman, after
the series of pictures about childcare, suggests the reproductive function
of the young woman, for whom a future as a wife and mother in an
agrarian ideal was clearly intimated through the photographic context.
In addition, the mountain landscape crossed by a river not only serves
as a grandiose backdrop. The water, flowing through the depths of the
valley, remains invisible to the observer. As one of the basic elements
of nature, it represents the natural world in contrast to the tamed
environment shaped by man. Symbolically, water functions as a sign of
life, fertility, and sexuality. In this context, images representing water
suggest a small and largely hidden metaphorical reference to the idea of
the Volkskörper. At the same time, the (concealed) visualization of fluid,
as Uli Linke explains, results in an equally metaphorical connotation: a
collective appropriation of the female body.52 In this sense, the picture
motif could have remained interesting in journalistic terms up until more
recent times — the magazine Heimat 2010 published the photograph of
a young woman from Eltville sitting in a dirndl over the Rhine looking
down into the valley.53
51
52
53
See Marianne Wex, ‘Weibliche’ und ‘männliche’ Körpersprache als Folge patriarchalischer
Machtverhältnisse (Frankfurt: Verlag Marianne Wex, 1980). Also, Helmut Maier,
‘Der heitere Ernst körperlicher Herrschaftsstrategien. Über “weibliche” und
“männliche” Posen auf privaten Urlaubsfotografien,’ Fotogeschichte 41 (1991), 47–59.
See Uli Linke, German Bodies. Race and Representation after Hitler (New York/London:
Routledge, 1999).
See Heimat, 5 (November/December 2010). The headline reads: ‘Vertrautheit,
Geborgenheit und der Duft von frischem Hefekuchen bei meiner Oma an einem
Samstagmorgen,’ (Familiarity, security and the smell of fresh yeast cake at my
grandma’s on a Saturday morning).
Fig. 4.9 Dirndl-Heimat in einer Illustrierten (An Illustration of Traditional Heimat
Costume), Heimat, September 2010, Heft 9, p. 15. Fair use.
158
Photography in the Third Reich
Another potential interpretation is suggested by the iconographic
tradition of the picture motif itself. In the person of the mountain farmer
we have before us none other than the Grim Reaper, who has personified
death since the medieval depictions of the Dance of Death — an
assumption that gains added plausibility through the title of the picture
on the left side as ‘harvest work’ and the intrinsic theme of cutting
inherent to this title. However, a more far-reaching interpretation,
where there was a concealed, even subversive reference to the everyday
casualties of war in 1940, would be in stark contrast to Retzlaff’s usual
photographic image practice. More likely, the photographer wanted to
imply the death of the enemy in the war. According to the rhetoric of
the pictures, the reaper, represented by the German man, mows down
the enemy, whilst the German woman gives new life to the land thus
conquered.
Arbeitsmaiden am Werk ends with two sequences of pictures about
domestic work in the camp and leisure activities, the latter presented
in the form of song recitals, ball games, and excursions. The seasonal
chronology ends with the photograph ‘Christmas in the camp’, in which
the women are gathered in front of a Christmas tree by the fireplace.
The conclusion of the book — and thus also the end of the chronology
of the period of service — is marked by one of the young women saying
farewell to a farmer’s wife and the entire village: a polite distance is
maintained whilst shaking hands and handing over flowers.
The overall concept of Retzlaff’s Arbeitsmaiden am Werk is based on
Gustav von Estorff’s volume Daß die Arbeit Freude werde! (When Work
Becomes a Joy) from 1938, which was also a political text and included a
preface by Reichsarbeitsführer Hierl.54 With fifty-nine illustrations printed
in offset, this publication was considerably narrower, but the originators
had already conceived of a chronological division of thirds through the
various activities (the six-month period of service, the work during the
day, and the overall cycle of the year). Although the volume does not
54
See Gustav von Estorff, Daß die Arbeit Freude werde! Ein Bildbericht von den
Arbeitsmaiden. Mit einem Geleitwort von Reichsarbeitsführer Konstantin Hierl und
einem Vorwort von Generalarbeitsführer Dr. Norbert Schmeidler (Berlin: ZeitgeschichteVerlag Wilhelm Andermann, 1938). Another illustrated book on the subject is
Hildruth Schmidt-Vanderheyden, ed., Arbeitsmaiden in Ostpommern. Ein Bildbuch
für Führerinnen und Arbeitsmaiden, von der Bezirksleitung XIV, Pommern-Ost (Berlin:
Klinghammer, 1943).
4. Photography, Heimat, Ideology
159
end with Christmas singing, it does conclude with a night-time record
of a solstice celebration.
Some of Retzlaff’s illustrations correspond to this model down to the
last detail. Estorff had already had the RAD women presented standing
with their bicycles in an honour-guard formation, with the camp leader
sending them off to their working day with a handshake. Estorff’s image
is a close-up, whilst Retzlaff chose a slightly more distanced camera
position. The press photographer Liselotte Purper also represented the
young women in a rather lively light in her reports.55 Her protagonists
are shown on a dusty village road.
Fig. 4.10 Liselotte Purper, Arbeitsmaiden auf dem Weg durchs Dorf (Labour Service
Women on their Way through the Village), vintage silver gelatin print,
1942, courtesy of Staatliche Museen zu Berlin / Stiftung Preußischer
Kulturbesitz.
55
Purper worked repeatedly and, apparently with great success, on the theme of
these ‘Arbeitsmaiden’. A photo book, first published in 1939, had by 1942 reached
a circulation of 24,000 copies. See Gertrud Schwerdtfeger-Zypries, Liselotte Purper:
Das ist der weibliche Arbeitsdienst! (Berlin: Junge Generation, 1940). The photography
discussed here is not included in the book.
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Photography in the Third Reich
They laugh, wear their hair open and have fashionably rolled their socks
over their ankles. There is a pavement in the foreground and, on the
left, two village children are perched on a wall. Purper’s picture was
created in the tradition of modern photo reportage, which began in the
1920s and aimed to present everyday life as authentically as possible
in the media, while at the same time meeting artistic demands — even
when working with topics from the rural environment, which otherwise
aroused ethnological or folkloristic interest at best.
On the other hand, the photo illustrations in Retzlaff’s ‘Arbeitsmaiden’
appear both thoughtfully constructed and politically compliant, and this
is confirmed by the text’s two extensive essay contributions. He focuses
on the reproductive factors in the lives of these young women as soonto-be housewives and mothers, whereby domestic tasks, other work, and
physical training form the framework of camp life. However, until the
final fulfilment of her duty, the woman is presented as largely asexual;
someone who, along with all the other likeminded girls, had to stand by
her husband and otherwise had no other needs to express — especially
not the desire for male closeness.
As can be seen from Retzlaff’s, Estorff’s, and Purpers’ different
approaches, National Socialist photography ultimately cannot
be assigned clear and homogeneous design features. In National
Socialism, photography might most easily be explained by the
question of what it does not show: socially critical themes and dayto-day life, industrialization, and armaments production are as absent
as intercultural coexistence in the city and in the countryside. Sinti
and Roma, Jews, homosexuals, and people with physical and mental
disabilities are at best presented in a stigmatizing, racial-ideological
context, such as in the SS’s openly anti-Semitic work Der Untermensch.56
In contrast, the visual language in the context of industrial photography
and advertising is often aesthetically up to date, even when measured
against international trends of the time. The illustrated books in
particular represented a visual niche within the controlled and censored
media and publishing apparatus, which stood out from other printed
products of that time not least due to their modern typographic design.
In the context of the various manifestations of modernism, the National
Socialists used progressive methods in media visualization and also in
56
Reichsführer SS, SS Hauptamt, Der Untermensch (Berlin: Nordland, 1942).
4. Photography, Heimat, Ideology
161
communication, engineering, and armaments, where they were able to
present their policies in the right light.
The pictorial tendencies of National Socialist photography can best
be characterized under the sign of ‘modernity with a view to a closeness
with nature’.57 In concrete terms this resulted in a monumentalization
and heroization of people and objects; a typification and idealisation of
man and nature; the use of a visual argument through juxtapositions,
simplifications, and repetitions. In addition, there were distortions
of history in the interplay of image and text.58 While the aspects of
monumentalization and heroization, as well as the juxtaposition
of images of man in the sense of racial ideology, were reserved for
forthright propagandistic illustrations in specific inflammatory writings
and for the National Socialist press, the other characteristics are present
in Retzlaff’s work Arbeitsmaiden am Werk. In a subtle way, however, this
volume also deals with the subject of race: the introduction talks about
the ‘Arbeitsmaiden’ embodying ‘the blood values of the Nordic race’.
Accordingly, some of the images include stereotypical blonde women and
children that might allude to the homogeneous ‘Aryan folk body’ from
which everything that was foreign and different had been purged. The
women, for their part, according to the text, performed an educational
‘honourable service for their people’ and in the Reichsarbeitsdienst ‘little
talk was needed about National Socialism, because the Reichsarbeitsdienst
itself was the practical application of National Socialism’.59
The political-propagandistic function and the associated ambiguity
or concealment of everyday reality is expressed in the photographs — for
instance, by idyllising and idealising the service and its protagonists,
by situating them in a supposedly untouched world that nourishes
an unbroken tradition and thus maintains the illusion of being able to
establish ‘pre-industrial social relations within an industrial system’.60
The reality was different. During the course of the war — in the
summer of 1941, compulsory military service under the newly created
57
58
59
60
Detlef Hoffmann, ‘“Auch in der Nazizeit war zwölfmal Spargelzeit”. Die Vielfalt der
Bilder und der Primat der Rassenpolitik,’ Fotogeschichte 63 (1997), 61.
Rolf Sachsse, ‘Probleme der Annäherung. Thesen zu einem diffusen Thema:
NS-Fotografie,’ Fotogeschichte 5 (1982), 59–65 and Sachsse, Die Erziehung zum
Wegsehen (2003), p. 15.
Decker, Arbeitsmaiden am Werk (1940), p. 10.
Stefan Bajor, ‘Weiblicher Arbeitsdienst im “Dritten Reich”. Ein Konflikt zwischen
Ideologie und Ökonomie,’ Vierteljahreshefte für Zeitgeschichte 28:4 (1980), 341.
162
Photography in the Third Reich
Kriegshilfsdienst or KHD (War Auxiliary Service) was extended from
six to twelve months — the young women were no longer used only
in agriculture, but increasingly in administration, in war production,
and finally also in the Wehrmacht itself, for example in air defence.61
The allocation of work within the RADwJ and KHD also did not run
as smoothly as the illustrated books portrayed. Due to a high level of
labour turnover, there were considerable problems in the recruitment of
female management personnel. The women in the camps were also often
disturbed by a lack of privacy. More problematically, the farmers found
the young helpers’ activities to be ineffective and too expensive, as their
regular working hours of six hours a day, six days a week, especially
during harvest time, did not correspond to the actual need of at least
eleven hours a day.62
With the Arbeitsmaiden am Werk project, Hans Retzlaff had left his
traditional ‘folkloristic’ terrain for the first time in favour of a topical
theme grounded in contemporary reality. His pictorial language,
however, continued to be oriented towards a backward-looking view of
‘folkish’ Heimat photograph. As a result, the propagandised features,
‘led even deeper into timelessness, into the impasse of mythologization’,
which, in a time of upheaval, helped to assert ‘a detached, transcendent
being’.63 The recurring public image for the home front was that of an
illusory world with stereotypically recurring, strongly symbolically
charged images of the individual female leader and her young workers,
who mastered every job with flying colours and who were also the
potential bride for the young farmer on the alpine pasture or a caring
surrogate mother in the extended family of farmers. Retzlaff’s official
illustrated book was thus directed against the literary culture of the
Weimar Republic by supporting the propaganda strategists’ demand
for images to take precedence over words. Photography was assigned
the function of a supposedly truthful communicator and cultural
carrier of ideology, and it was given a firm place in racial-ideological
propaganda.
61
62
63
Stephenson, ‘Der Arbeitsdienst für die weibliche Jugend’ (2007), 265
Ibid., 271–76.
Gunther Waibl, ‘Photographie in Südtirol während des Faschismus,’ in Reinhard
Johler, Ludwig Paulmichl and Barbara Plankensteiner, eds, Südtirol. Im Auge der
Ethnographen (Vienna: Edition per procura, 1991), p. 146.
4. Photography, Heimat, Ideology
163
The Heimat in Colour
The fact that the technique of colour photography is largely obscured
as part of its propaganda function becomes understandable when
the political application of the new medium is taken into account. In
1939, the National Socialists celebrated the centenary of photography.
Initially, the new technology was seen as a patriotic way of highlighting
the achievements of German industry internationally. ‘Agfacolor’ was
to be marketed as a leading export within the aspirational economic
framework of autarky, which focused to a considerable extent on the
chemical industry. The propaganda role is, however, equally relevant.
Colour photography, for example, was ‘involved in fundamental
considerations of mass psychological influence, especially with regard to
the creation of positive images of memories’.64 These ‘positive memories’
could not be created with ordinary photographs of everyday life and
work, but rather with ‘beautiful photographs’65 from a propositional
notion of a healthy and wholesome homeland. Accordingly, the picture
themes were strongly oriented towards a pastoral past. The integration
of colour photography into National Socialist propaganda became
more and more important during the war. Photographers such as
Hans Retzlaff marketed postcard series of rural scenes under the label
‘Banater Schwaben’ and ‘Reichsarbeitsdienst’. These colour pictures
were popular with soldiers, and relatives and friends would readily
send postcards into the field or to military bases, wherever the soldier
was stationed. For example, in August 1941, a group of Hitler Youth girls
(Jungmädel) sent the postcard ‘Bei der Heuernte in Norddeutschland’ to
their schoolmate Heini Kühl, a lance corporal who was serving in Paris:
‘We send our best wishes to you at the muster. In autumn ‘41 you go.
Unfortunately, all too soon’66 (see Fig. 4.11).
The colour picture shows a blonde young woman raking hay
in a meadow. She wears a white apron, a blue blouse, and a red
headscarf — the work uniform of the Reichsarbeitsdienst. However, the
role of colour photography as a medium of direct propaganda during
64
65
66
Sachsse, Die Erziehung zum Wegsehen. Fotografie im NS-Staat (2003), p. 148.
Martin Hürlimann, Frankreich. Baukunst, Landschaft und Volksleben (Berlin/Zürich:
Atlantis, 1927), XXVIII.
Colour photographic postcard by Hans Retzlaff, ‘Reichsarbeitsdienst für die
weibliche Jugend. Bei der Heuernte in Norddeutschland,’ Series II, No. 2.
Fig. 4.11 Hans Retzlaff, Bei der Heuernte in Norddeutschland (Haymaking in
Northern Germany), picture postcard, 1941, Archiv Ulrich Hägele).
Public domain.
4. Photography, Heimat, Ideology
165
the National Socialist era must not be underestimated. With this longterm effect, the all-pervasive propaganda of the National Socialist
regime, in the sense of presenting a positive world view and in light
of the subsequent horrors of war, appear as a kind of visual virus that
can, in retrospect, distort a rational reading of the past even for future
generations.
Amateur photographers and photographic literature played a
fundamental role in the success of colour photography. From 1938,
the Photoblätter (Photo News), Agfa’s in-house magazine, massively
promoted the new films and gave amateurs practical advice on using the
materials. Paul Wolff, one of the more prominent of the National Socialist
propaganda photographers, played a decisive role in making colour
photography popular with amateurs during the war. Even the title of
his 1942 illustrated book Meine Erfahrungen … farbig (My Experiences …
in Colour) closely followed a corresponding 1930s publication67 by the
author on 35mm photography with the Leica camera and reads in large
part like an advertising brochure for I. G. Farben, under whose supervision
the development of the colour-reversal process had been driven forward.
Wolff had invited Heiner Kurzbein, head of the picture-press department
at the Reich Ministry for Propaganda and Popular Enlightenment to
write the forward to the first edition.68 The fifty-four photographs were
made by Paul Wolff, Alfred Tritschler, and Rudolf Hermann, although the
photographers are not mentioned in the captions. Instead, Wolff provides
detailed explanations of some of the pictures. The emotional Heimat
paradigm of a Germanic-dominated history, still apparent in the 1939
colour photography book Die deutsche Donau (The German Danube),69
had by this point almost completely disappeared. Image composition and
visual staging are here orientated towards a more objective, commercial
style of photography. Technical equipment, the workplace (whether it is
a hospital ward or in front of a blazing blast furnace) and holidays on
the beach have now become the focus. The women photographed radiate
the self-confident elegance of well-paid, professional models and the
photographs seem more akin to those of a fashion magazine. The National
67
68
69
See Paul Wolff, Meine Erfahrungen mit der Leica (Frankfurt am Main: H. Bechhold,
1934). The book with 192 gravure illustrations had sold over 50,000 copies by 1939.
Paul Wolff, Meine Erfahrungen … farbig (Frankfurt am Main: Breidenstein, 1942).
See Kurt Peter Karfeld and Artur Kuhnert, Die deutsche Donau. Ein Farbbild-Buch
(Leipzig: Paul List, 1939).
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Photography in the Third Reich
Socialist visual stratagem has, it seems, been shaken: a young woman with
loose blonde hair lights a cigarette from a candle in a lascivious manner;
another, seated behind the steering wheel of her car, flirts through the
open sunroof with the filling-station attendant. Atmospheric landscape
pictures of the Alps, flower studies, architectural and art photographs
are also present. However, this time they do not come from the Reich
itself. The architectural images are all exclusively Italian — Assisi, Siena,
Perugia, and Florence. In addition, the few remaining representations
of traditional costume do not originate from Germany. Wolff presents a
‘Little Girl from the Sarentino Valley’ (see Fig. 4.12).
The photographic image of the pastoral, which had played a central
role in the illustrated books since the 1920s, was visually moving
south and eastwards, beyond the cultural sphere of Central Europe.
The women portrayed wear headscarves and seem to have gathered
in the field to pray. If one reads the possible symbolic components in
the publication — the picture is placed on the right side, the contextual
information printed on the left — the gaze of the women is to the right,
out of the picture frame, a suggestion that, geographically at least,
the image might be read as a turning-away from the Reich towards
the East. Nevertheless, the question arises why Wolff broke with the
usual pictorial conventions of analogous publications. Was this done
to visually de-ideologize the publication in anticipation of a possible
defeat? Was the author considering future marketing for a new edition
of the book after the war, or were there simply no equivalent images
from Germany? Why does the staged, ethnically orientated colour
Heimat photography of the rural milieu suddenly no longer play a role?
The second and third editions of this volume Meine Erfahrungen … farbig
were published — without the foreword by Kurzbein, but still with the
illustrations of the first edition — in 1948 by the Frankfurter Umschau
Verlag.70 In terms of its photographs, at least, the work was able to
survive the end of the National Socialist era without major changes.
This suggests that Paul Wolff and his co-author Alfred Tritschler had a
certain foresight about the sales of the book beyond the end of the war.
In this sense, the visual removal of ideology in the publication can be
explained. Certainly, it was not due to any lack of corresponding colour
photographs from the Reich. For example, Eduard von Pagenhardt’s
1938 publication — an anthology of colour illustrations by various
70
The total circulation was 35,000 copies.
Fig. 4.12 Paul Wolff, Kleines Mädchen aus dem Sarntal (A Little Girl from the
Sarentino Valley), 1942, reproduced in Meine Erfahrungen… farbig (My
Experiences… in Colour) (Frankfurt am Main: Breidenstein, 1942), Plate 18.
Public domain.
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Photography in the Third Reich
photographers — had already touched on ‘modern life’, idyllic
landscapes and the folkloristic genre of Heimat photography.71 Besides
night shots of the world exhibition in Paris and atmospheric illuminated
swastika flags, naked, ball-playing women were also presented, as well
as pictures of the tranquil and technology-free life in the countryside.
The latter was represented by the work of Erich Retzlaff with his
Agfacolor portraits, but also by photojournalist Emil Grimm — in the
image entitled ‘Schwere Arbeit,’ two workers standing in the water on
the banks of a river try to move a boulder with the help of a horse and
cart. By contrast, Meine Erfahrungen … farbig presents a cross section of
innocuous topics; pictures with National Socialist symbols are looked
for in vain.
Conclusion
At the beginning of the 1930s, the notion of Heimat was already no
longer solely related to the region one came from. As with the first
wave of enthusiasm for the notion of Heimat at the turn of the century, a
photographic visualisation played a decisive role in this transformation.
For example, Lendvai-Dircksen had reinterpreted the Heimat and the
folkloristic component of traditional costume as a specific characteristic
of an ethnic-Germanic way of life. Her photographs thus mutated into
an instrument to exclude those parts of the German population that fell
through the grid of racial ideology: Jews, Sinti, and Roma, the mentally
ill, the physically and mentally disabled as well as critics of the regime;
all were robbed of their place in the Heimat. Persecution, expulsion,
emigration, and murder were to follow. What mattered now was no
longer so much a demonstration of the achievements of technology, but
rather a representation of a pristine rural utopia as evidenced by the
eternal splendour of traditional costumes. This media-propagandistic
construction of the visual gaze contradicted the reality of a hegemonic
National Socialism striving towards a society that embraced state-ofthe-art technologies. This technological reality does not appear in these
picture series. The other pictorial aspects: gender roles, the visualisation
of different generations, or the racial presentation of blonde girls, mostly
71
Eduard von Pagenhardt, ed., Agfacolor, das farbige Lichtbild. Grundlagen und
Aufnahmetechnik für den Liebhaberfotografen (München: Knorr & Hirth, 1938).
4. Photography, Heimat, Ideology
169
dressed in traditional costume, is certainly evident. Hans Retzlaff’s visual
approach — the frontality of the subjects, the concentration on historical
vestments, the de-individualization in favour of types — fosters this
stylistic reduction in the documentation of traditional costume. His
photographs ignore current social and societal circumstances and
instead suggest the timelessness of an ancient, homogeneous rural
culture. Another decisive factor for the propagandistic potential of this
völkisch photography is the fact that it was commissioned as part of an
educational and didactic tool by scientific disciplines such as Ethnology
that employed a scientific method. No objective verification of sources
took place. In this respect, Hans Retzlaff’s works could also visualise
ideology — in the form of a kind of visual rhetorical objectivation, in
which a traditional utensil, a custom, or a farmer’s cottage could indicate
its ‘Germanic’ roots.
Hans Retzlaff’s illustrated books, like the corresponding examples
by Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, remained focussed on the idealisation of the
rural world during the 1930s. Any reference to the present was, at best,
demonstrated by the continuity of tradition through National Socialism.
The viewer is spared an encounter with technical achievements as well
as armaments, industrialisation, mobility, social problems, and life
in the big city. Nor did they address those groups of the population
that increasingly suffered from racial ideology. Certainly, the title
of Retzlaff’s book, Arbeitsmaiden am Werk, had explicitly confirmed
that the author had primarily directed his camera at young women.
However, implicitly this expressed a propagandistic element, vis-à-vis
the people on the home front who would have to come to terms with
the absence of men during the war. By 1940, National Socialist society
already largely consisted of women, children, and older men working
primarily in agriculture — just as Retzlaff had recorded it. Last but not
least, the visual constructions crafted in these illustrated books still
defined the collective memory of National Socialism long after 1945. Up
until the present day, these euphemistic images served to compensate
for an individual’s involvement with the regime. Indeed, using these
often-innocuous images as evidence, these individual encounters and
experiences during the period of National Socialism have been presented
in a somewhat different light.
170
Photography in the Third Reich
The ideologization of colour photography was somewhat different.
Initial responses were determined by the primarily technically motivated
tendencies of segmented modernism: as long as it did not disturb
the ideology of ‘Blood and Soil’, then National Socialism recognised
the successes of technology as part of an overall Germanic cultural
achievement. Agfacolor’s colour process was regarded as one of those
achievements, not least because it was a reasonable competitor to the
American Kodachrome process; the prospect of the economic benefits
to the state of bringing in foreign capital cannot be ignored either. In the
mid-1930s, however, colour photography with the new 35mm technique
was still in an experimental stage. Heimat photography was part of it,
but not the only element. The focus was also on technology, transport,
fashion, and leisure. The fact that Wolff and his partner had recognised
the sign of the times at an early stage can be seen from the fact that
the illustrated books of colour photography could later be reprinted
with almost no major changes. At the end of the war and in the years
that followed, the notion of Heimat, and indeed Heimat photography,
continued to play a role as part of a nostalgic and backwards-looking
milieu, even if only from the point of view of those who were part of the
millions of displaced Germans who had fled or been forcibly expelled
from former German territories.
MYTH
5. ‘Transmissions from an
Extrasensory World’1:
Ethnos and Mysticism in
the Photographic Nexus
Christopher Webster
How far, since then, the ocean streams
Have swept us from that land of dreams,
That land of fiction and of truth,
The lost Atlantis of our youth!2
Introduction
In contrast to the increasingly lurid scholarly research on the broader
subject of the ‘Nazi Occult’ that has appeared since the end of the
Second World War, the relationship to mythic occult currents and
esoteric themes in the photography of Ethnos3 in National Socialist
Germany has not been examined in any great depth. However, recent
scholarship has confirmed that there were indeed powerful esoteric
(as well as exoteric) occult currents that undoubtedly influenced
the cultural mythos of National Socialist Germany. This influence
1
2
3
Erste Gesamtausstellung der Werke von Fidus zu seinem 60. Geburtstage (First complete
exhibition of the works of Fidus for his 60th birthday) (Woltersdorf bei Erkner:
Fidus-Verlag, 1928), p. 9.
From the frontispiece dedication to George Washington Green, in Henry Wadsworth
Longfellow, Ultima Thule (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1880).
As noted in the introduction to this volume, I use ‘Ethnos’ as a summary term for
this ethnically driven approach to (in particular) the autochthonous peasant and
other ‘people of the soil’.
© Christopher Webster, CC BY 4.0
https://doi.org/10.11647/OBP.0202.05
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Photography in the Third Reich
included the photographic portfolios of Ethnos that were developed for
propaganda and ideological purposes. Eric Kurlander’s definitive work
Hitler’s Monsters: A Supernatural History of the Third Reich (2017) explores
this influence in Austria and Germany, arising as it did from a latenineteenth- and early-twentieth-century paranormal milieu, as well as
how this influence continued to play a part in what Kurlander terms the
‘Supernatural Imaginary’ throughout the era of the Third Reich itself.
As Kurlander explained:
From cosmopolitan Berlin to Catholic Munich, from Saxony to SchleswigHolstein thousands of Germans flooded to seances, astrologers, tarot
readers, parapsychological experiments, occult bookstores and even
esoteric schools and university courses… the sheer size and diversity of
the occult marketplace in Germany and Austria suggests that it tapped
into a mass consumer culture that was unique in depth and breadth
when compared to other countries. Berlin and Munich alone were home
to thousands of spiritualists, mediums and astrologers who appealed to
tens and perhaps hundreds of thousands of consumers.4
Kurlander’s intelligent work builds upon a slim but significant corpus
of scholarly works that have dealt with this topic and its influence (or
otherwise) on the origins and direction of National Socialism itself.5
Kurlander, who has written the preface to this volume, described
how this influence in National Socialist Germany, this ‘Supernatural
Imaginary’, was ‘…a space in which a range of popular esoteric, pseudoscientific, folklorist, and mythological tropes might be exploited in the
4
5
Eric Kurlander, Hitler’s Monsters, A Supernatural History of the Third Reich (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 2017), p. 14.
See Joscelyn Godwin’s Arktos: The Polar Myth in Science, Symbolism and Nazi
Survival (London: Thames and Hudson,1993), Corinna Treitel, A Science for the
Soul: Occultism and the Genesis of the German Modern (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 2004), Thomas Hakl’s Unknown Sources: National Socialism and the
Occult (Sequim: Holmes Publishing Group, 2005) and the classic work of Nicholas
Goodrick-Clarke, The Occult Roots of Nazism: The Ariosophists of Austria and Germany,
1890–1935 (New York: New York University Press, 1992). In addition, there have
been, over the last two decades, a growth of scholarly studies focussed on esoterica
in toto in academia, as well as academically grounded research societies such as the
European Society for Studies in Western Esotericism, the American Association for
the Study of Esotericism, and the Cambridge Centre for the Study of Esotericism,
amongst others. Added to these are the growing number of postgraduate study
courses and academic chairs related to Western and Eastern esotericism (for
example at the University of Amsterdam, the École pratique des hautes études, Rice
University Houston, the University of Groningen and, until 2014, the Essex Centre
for the Study of Western Esotericism, led by the late Goodrick-Clarke).
5. Ethnos and Mysticism in the Photographic Nexus
175
building of ideological consensus across a diverse Nazi Party and all the
more eclectic German population’.6
This chapter explores how the influence of nineteenth-century völkisch
and occult currents on National Socialism percolated the mass-reproduced
photographic images of Ethnos, with its framing of the German as ‘other’,
and how the National Socialist syncretisation of myth, the occult, science,
and art found a nexus in these photographic images. Additionally, as
will be seen, the work of influential (if controversial) scholars such as
Herman Wirth, and the powerful influence of political institutions such
as Heinrich Himmler’s Ahnenerbe, also played a direct role in forming this
visual manifestation of a race apart, with a divine origin in a mythical
Urheimat in the ‘ultimate north’. The allusion to an occult myth of divine
forebears in these photographically staged portrayals of the ‘Aryan’
added to and extended the celebration of a racial type in line with ‘race
science’. Photographers of Ethnos, such as Erich Retzlaff or Hans Saebens,
often incorporated typological approaches that included a metaphysical
and esoteric basis. They used the machine-generated optical and chemical
processes of photography to make work that was breaking the bounds of
its empirical realm, in a kind of nationalist ‘staged’ photography, just as
cinema did in the interwar period.
Occult Currents
In his 1961 essay ‘The Mystical Origins of National Socialism’, George
L. Mosse explored a ‘revolt against positivism’ that had formed part of
the cultural and semi-religious prelude to the advent of the Third Reich.
Part of the powerful attraction of this resistance to aspects of modernity
was its setting against the backdrop of a struggle or searching for a
national identity in opposition to an emergent globalism. The mysticism
evident in the photography of Ethnos was effectively a manifestation in
silver of a tradition arising from this ‘revolt against positivism’, with its
emphasis on racial uniqueness. As Mosse further explains:
This German reaction to positivism became intimately bound up with
a belief in nature’s cosmic life force, a dark force whose mysteries could
6
Eric Kurlander, ‘The orientalist roots of National Socialism?’, in Eric Kurlander,
Joanne Miyang Cho, Douglas T. McGetchin, eds, Transcultural Encounters between
Germany and India (New York: Routledge, 2014), pp. 164–65.
176
Photography in the Third Reich
be understood, not through science, but through the occult. An ideology
based on such premises was fused with the glories of an Aryan past,
and in turn, that past received a thoroughly romantic and mystical
interpretation.7
And when ariosophists like Guido von List had adopted this notion,
they had further cemented the idea that: ‘Nature… the great divine
guide and from her flowed the life-force. Whatever was closest to
Nature would therefore be closest to the truth… the Aryan past was
the most “genuine” manifestation of this inner force.’8 Not only was the
Aryan hypothesised as being racially purer and culturally less ‘tainted’,
it was very often intimated (and sometimes even overtly asserted) that
these historically grounded people were even godlike, descendants of a
Hyperborean homeland — a case of Ex Septentrione Lux — or the light
from the North. This idea had been vociferously posited by racialist and
völkisch thinkers in the late-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in
opposition to the Classical idea that all knowledge was Ex oriente lux
(out of the east, light). Citing a polygenetic origin of humanity, that
is, that humankind did not originate from a single common ancestral
stock (such as the modern ‘Out of Africa’ theory),9 some publications
in which this photography of Ethnos appeared insinuated that, in
addition to the presentation of these country people as exemplars of
their nation with ‘superior’ qualities, that they were in fact a race apart,
having a divine origin in the ‘ultimate north,’ a celestial Herrenrasse, a
polar ‘Master Race’. For example, in the book Deutsches Volk — Deutsche
Heimat (German People — German Homeland) (1935), produced by
the NS-Lehrerbundes (the National Socialist teachers association), the
image of a dolmen10
7
8
9
10
George L. Mosse, ‘The Mystical Origins of National Socialism’, Journal of the History
of Ideas 22:1 (January-March, 1961), 81.
Mosse, ‘The Mystical Origins of National Socialism’ (1961), 84.
The theory of a single origin of modern humanity from Africa (a monogenesis)
had become the firmly accepted scientific hypothesis by the mid-2000s. It was,
however, quite quickly challenged, especially as more and more sophisticated
DNA evidence emerged. Some scientists now conclude that humankind’s origins
are much more complex and, speculatively at least, perhaps do indeed derive from
separate emergences in different regions. See for example, Nikhil Swaminathan ‘Is
the Out of Africa Theory Out?’ Scientific American, 8 August, 2007, https://www.
scientificamerican.com/article/is-the-out-of-africa-theory-out/
A dolmen is a single-chamber megalithic tomb.
5. Ethnos and Mysticism in the Photographic Nexus
177
Fig. 5.1 Wilhelm Carl-Mardorf, reproduced in Deutsches Volk — Deutsche Heimat
(German People — German Homeland) (Bayreuth: Gauverlag Bayerische
Ostmark G.m.b.h., 1935), p. 32). Public domain.
is reproduced with a text entitled ‘Das Werden des Volkes’ (The
Becoming of the People/Folk). This use of Werden suggests, in the
Nietzschean sense, the struggle of ‘becoming’. There are no visible
links to modernity; rather the timeless presence of the stones, imposed
against the sky, are presented to act as reminder of the great age and
history of the German people. The burial chamber’s imposing presence
is reinforced by the photographer’s use of a simple implied triangle
composition. The accompanying text states: ‘Their original settlements
were the open coastal areas of the Baltic Sea and the North Sea. Even
178
Photography in the Third Reich
today we encounter visible relics of their huge stone memorials. By the
beginning of our own era, their settlements had advanced along the
Rhine and Danube and reached far into the east of Europe.’11 Here, it is
intimated, lie the first signs, the relics of the Urvolk (Germanic Ancestors),
following their postdiluvian arrival on the shores of northern Europe at
the start of their long journey east and south into their hinterland to
‘become’ the Germanic Volk.
The Atlantean myth12 had been particularly influential on, and was
further popularised by, nineteenth-century occultists such as Helena
Blavatsky. Blavatsky was a mystic, writer, and the co-founder of the
Theosophical Society in 1875. Her two-volume work, The Secret Doctrine
(1888), explored the origins of mankind; it linked to new scientific ideas
such as evolution, but melded these ideas with mysticism. In particular,
her occult exploration of ‘Root races’, the development of the Aryan race
and the links to an Atlantean homeland are significant. Importantly for
this discussion, these ideas filtered through to the völkisch pan-German
mystics and occultists of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries
who would create their own racial and spiritual philosophy, namely,
Ariosophy (the wisdom of the Aryans). Ariosophists such as Guido
von List and Jorg Lanz von Liebenfels adapted ideas from a broad range
of influences, including Blavatsky’s Theosophy, and notions of Aryan
racial history as espoused by figures such as Arthur de Gobineau, who
had pronounced on the theory of the Aryan master race in his essay The
Inequality of the Human Races (1855). In the Ariosophic musings of Jorg
Lanz von Liebenfels, for example, it was postulated that certain ‘pure’
lines, ‘…were the closest living descendants of the former god-men’13
whose earliest recorded ancestors ‘were the Atlanteans who had lived
on a continent situated in the northern part of the Atlantic Ocean…’ and
11
12
13
‘Ihr ursprüngliches Siedlungsgebiet waren die offenen küstengebiete an Ostsee
und Nordsee. Hier treffen wir noch heute als äusserlich sichtbare Zeugen ihrer
gewaltigen steinernen Grabdenkmäler. Bis zum Beginn unserer Zeitrechnung
waren ihre Siedlungen bis an Rhein und Donau vorgedrungen und reichten weit
hinein in den europäischen Osten.’ Reichsamtsleitung des NS-Lehrerbundes, Deutsches
Volk — Deutsches Heimat (Bayreuth: Gauverlag Bayerische Ostmark G.m.b.h., 1935),
p. 32.
The earliest account of the history of ‘Atlantis’ is Plato’s late dialogue Critias (4th
century BC) in which the philosopher discusses the location, history, and power of
the Atlantean island.
Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, The Occult Roots of Nazism, Secret Aryan Cults and their
influence on Nazi Ideology (New York: New York University Press, 1992), p. 97.
5. Ethnos and Mysticism in the Photographic Nexus
179
that, ‘They were […] descended from the original divine Theozoa with
electromagnetic sensory organs and superhuman powers.’14 Effectively,
as Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke has pointed out, the Social-Darwinian
concept of a coming biological struggle for survival of the fittest was
accepted and amalgamated with the notion of the inevitable dawn of a
mystical and supreme root-race, the Aryan.15 Such occult, Ariosophist
ideas bled into nationalist political thinking and were nurtured by the
fratricidal apocalypse of the First World War.
In his book Atlantis and the Cycles of Time, Joscelyn Godwin suggested
that:
After the First World War Germany was in need of myths that would
excuse its defeat and give its people hope for the future. Ariosophy lay
readily to hand with its enticing myth of a Nordic-Aryan-Atlantean origin
for the German folk… The recent war had proved how the inferior races,
with whom the Aryans unwisely interbred, had become their enemies
both from within, by polluting their blood, and from without.16
As curious as this notion of an alternative and even mystical origin of the
‘Aryan’ (or, as it came to be alternatively named, the Nordic-Atlantean)
may seem, it was variously endorsed by figures at the highest levels of
the NSDAP. The Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler had himself stated
‘That the Nordic race did not evolve, but came directly down from
heaven to settle the Atlantic continent’.17
Himmler’s interest in a Northern origin had been partly inspired by
the research of the pre-historian Herman Wirth. Wirth was an eclectic
14
15
16
17
Goodrick-Clarke, The Occult Roots of Nazism (1992), p. 209. Also, according to
Goodrick-Clarke (p. 262), Lanz von Liebenfels’ belief in the Atlantean origin
had been inspired by the works of two specific post-WW1 books: Karl Georg
Zschätzsch, Atlantis, die Urheimat der Arier (Atlantis the Original Homeland of the
Aryans) (Berlin: Arier-Verlag, 1922) and Hermann Wieland, Atlantis, Edda und Bibel
(Atlantis, Edda and Bible) (Weissenburg: Gross-deutscher Verlag, 1925).
Goodrick-Clarke, The Occult Roots of Nazism (1992), p. 13.
Joscelyn Godwin, Atlantis and the Cycles of Time, Prophecies, Traditions, and Occult
Revelations (Rochester, Vermont: Inner Traditions, 2011), p. 124.
Himmler’s belief in a celestial origin of the Aryan race had been confided to
Zoologist and Ahnenerbe expedition leader Dr Ernst Schäfer, who revealed the
details of this discussion with Himmler when Schäfer was interrogated after
the war. ‘The Activities of Dr. Ernst Schäfer, Tibet Explorer and Scientist with
SS-sponsored Scientific Institutes’, Headquarters United States Forces European
Theater, Military Intelligence Service Centre, 12.02.1946, NARA, RG238, M1270/27
(quoted in Heather Pringle, The Master Plan, Himmler’s Scholars and the Holocaust
(New York: Hyperion, 2006), p. 150).
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Photography in the Third Reich
and eccentric Dutch scholar whose research had led him to conclude
that the Nordic race had originated on a now lost northern Atlantic
continent. His 1928 book Der Aufgang der Menschheit: Untersuchungen zur
Geschichte der Religion, Symbolik und Schrift der atlantisch-nordischen Rasse18
(Ascent of Mankind: Studies on the History of Religion, Symbolism and
Texts of the Nordic-Atlantean Race) presented the notion that these
so-called Nordic-Atlanteans had been the bearers of language, text, and
civilisation to the world after a great cataclysm or climatic change had
forced them to leave their northern homeland and migrate across the
globe. When Wirth encountered the Oera Linda Book in 1922 he seemed
to have discovered a treatise that confirmed his ideas. The Oera Linda
Book was a supposedly ancient Frisian text whose assertions linked
with Wirth’s notion of the Nordic-Atlantean origins of the Germanic
peoples. Cornelis Over de Linden had revealed the manuscript in 1867,
when he presented it for translation and publication in Dutch. The
book chronicled the history of a Nordic-Atlantean people whose nation,
Atland or Aldland (read: Atlantis), had been destroyed and who had
subsequently settled in Frisia. This Nordic Urrasse had comprehensively
influenced the historical and cultural development of Europe and had
even been the originators of the Phoenician and Greek alphabets.19
Wirth’s theory of a Nordic-Atlantean race was regarded as
controversial even in its day, but his outputs were often very positively
received. In a 1929 book review of Der Aufgang der Menschheit written
for the journal the American Anthropologist, John M. Cooper explained:
The writer’s general thesis is that pretty nearly everything worth while
in the higher spiritual culture of the Occident harks back originally to
blond, longheaded Nordics. Our historic Nordic race is the offspring of
the arktisch-nordische or vor-nordische Urrasse that first appeared in the
Tertiary on the then vast warm Arctic continent. These Proto-Nordics,
with the coming of the glacial epoch, wandered perforce southward, into
North America, “Atlantis,” and Asia…
18
19
Herman Felix Wirth, Der Aufgang der Menschheit: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der
Religion, Symbolik und Schrift der atlantisch-nordischen Rasse (Ascent of Mankind:
Studies on the History of Religion, Symbolism and Texts of the Nordic-Atlantean
Race) (Jena: Eugen Diederichs, 1928).
Many scholars rejected the book as a forgery as it challenged historical orthodoxy,
but the debate still rages, and the modern proponents of its veracity continue to
make the case for a thorough re-examination. For more information about the
ongoing translation and research into this document see the blog: Saved From the
Flood — Oera Linda Studies, http://fryskednis.blogspot.com/
5. Ethnos and Mysticism in the Photographic Nexus
181
… The whole work is planned to be issued in two parts… They may
be cordially recommended to all the faithful who believe with Wirth that
the Nordic race is ‘die Trägerin der höchsten Geistesveranlagung und die
Urheberin der höchsten Geisteskultur.’20
A 1933 article in the Dutch newspaper the Telegraaf explained Wirth’s
Nordic-Atlantean hypothesis as an alternative (and potentially
engaging) pagan belief system for the modern era. Under the banner
‘Actual Primordial Religion of the Aryans’, the subtitle dramatically
states, ‘Polar region regarded the birthplace of the noble Nordic race’:
In Germany, a daily increasing movement of people can be observed,
that turns away from Christianity and wants to return to the original
Germanic and Aryan gods. This movement had been moderate, since
many felt uncomfortable worshiping Wodan again. But now, Wirth has
come with his “Hailbringer” and it is under this banner, that the antiChristian Germans can somewhat decently unite if they want…21
Although he came to vociferously reject the full conclusions of Wirth’s
hypotheses — especially in light of Wirth’s endorsement of the Oera Linda
Book,22 and Wirth’s ongoing patronage by Heinrich Himmler — Alfred
Rosenberg, who considered himself to be the chief philosopher of the
NSDAP, had also explicitly referred to an alternative origin of the Aryan
race as Nordic-Atlanteans.23
Rosenberg himself had, like the Ariosophic mystic Lanz von
Liebenfels, been inspired by reading Karl Georg Zschätzsch’s 1922 book
Atlantis, die Urheimat der Arier (Atlantis, the Original Homeland of the
Aryans). Consequently, in his book Der Mythus des 20. Jahrhunderts
20
21
22
23
John M. Cooper, American Anthropologist 36:4 (October-December 1934), 600–01.
‘the bearer of the highest spiritual predisposition and the creator of the highest
spiritual culture.’
‘Prof. Wirth’s Heilbrenger,’ Telegraaf (The Telegraph) 14 May 1933. Translation
and source courtesy of Jan Ott, Saved From the Flood — Oera Linda Studies, 14
February 2016, https://fryskednis.blogspot.com/2016/02/
Wirth produced a beautifully bound German translation in 1933: Die Ura Linda
Chronik (The Oera Londa Chronicle) (Leipzig: Koehler & Amelang GMBH, 1933).
Despite being largely derided as unreadable, Rosenberg’s 1930 book, Der Mythus des
zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts (Myth of the Twentieth Century) had a significant reach,
with the book selling well over a million copies and consequently having a broad
influence: Alfred Rosenberg, Der Mythus des 20. Jahrhunderts. Eine Wertung der
seelisch-geistigen Gestaltenkämpfe unserer Zeit (The Myth of the 20th Century. A
Maluation of the Mental-Spiritual Struggles of Our Time) München: HoheneichenVerlag, 1930).
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Photography in the Third Reich
(The Myth of the Twentieth Century) Rosenberg speculated that: ‘…
the ancient legend of Atlantis… appear[s] in a new light. It seems not
impossible that where the waves of the Atlantic Ocean now crash and
erode giant icebergs, once a blossoming continent rose out of the water,
on which a creative race raised a mighty, wide-ranging culture, and sent
its children out into the world as seafarers and warriors’.24
Although the entire Atlantean hypothesis was still largely dismissed
within academia, and amongst Nordicists generally (and Rosenberg
certainly did not continue to espouse this view publicly, at least),
Himmler did continue to entertain the idea and to consider the Atlantean
hypothesis as a more than plausible one. Indeed, Himmler maintained
a correspondence with one of the few academics to defend the thesis,
the archaeologist and professor of the University of Berlin, Albert
Herrmann.25 Furthermore, in a speech made to senior officials and SS
officers on the occasion of Reinhard Heydrich’s funeral in 1942, the need
for a mystical racial faith to replace Christianity was affirmed once more
when Himmler referred directly to the ‘ancient one’ of the Oera Linda
Book, Wralda:
Today at Heydrich’s funeral I intentionally expressed in my oration from
my deepest conviction a belief in God, a belief in fate, in the ancient one
as I called him — that is the old Germanic word: Wralda. We shall once
again have to find a new scale of values for our people: the scale of the
macrocosm and the microcosm, the starry sky above us and the world
in us, the world that we see in the microscope. The essence of these
megalomaniacs, these Christians who talk of men ruling this world, must
stop and be put back in its proper proportion… By rooting our people in
a deep ideological awareness of ancestors and grandchildren we must
once more persuade them that they must have sons… That is our mission
as a nation on this earth. For thousands of years it has been the mission of
24
25
Alfred Rosenberg, Der Mythus des 20. Jahrhunderts (The Myth of the 20th Century)
(1934 edition), p. 24.
Herrmann published a book to this effect, titled Unsere Ahnen und Atlantis: Nordische
Seeherrschaft von Skandinavien bis Nordafrika (Our Ancestors and Atlantis: Nordic
Maritime Domination from Scandinavia to North Africa) (Berlin: Klinkhardt &
Biermann, 1934). For more on the alternative origins of the Germans and the National
Socialist academic position see Johann Chapoutot, Greeks, Romans, Germans: How the
Nazis Usurped Europe’s Classical Past (Oakland, California: University of California
Press, 2017).
5. Ethnos and Mysticism in the Photographic Nexus
183
this blond race to rule the earth and again and again to bring it happiness
and culture.26
In 1934, on Himmler’s invitation and in collaboration with
Reichsbauernführer (Reich Peasant Leader) Richard Walther Darré,
Wirth had been instrumental in the founding of the SS research
institute known as the Ahnenerbe.27 Himmler’s Ahnenerbe was initially
perceived as a research society of pre-history, and the intent was
that it would pursue scholarly research into discovering the history,
cultural foundations, and myths of the Germanic peoples. The
Ahnenerbe’s remit expanded rapidly and after 1937 (when Wirth
was effectively frozen out)28 became less of a völkisch research group
and much more (ostensibly) rigorously academic under the guiding
hand of Walther Wüst.29 However, with Himmler’s interests in
esoterica and the occult seemingly unquenchable,30 and as he was an
attentive and micromanaging chief, areas most academics considered
pseudo-science continued to play a part in the broader programme
of Himmler’s institute. Some areas that were examined included:
‘radiesthesia (‘pendulum dowsing’), cosmobiology, and biodynamic
26
27
28
29
30
Heinrich Himmler, ‘Gedenkrede für Reinhard Heydrich,’ English translation in
Jeremy Noakes and Geoffrey Pridham, eds, Nazism, 1919–1945, Vol. 2, State, Economy
and Society 1933–1939 (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 2000), p. 304. Original
German: ‘Rede vor den Oberabschnittsführern und Hauptamtschefs im Haus der
Flieger in Berlin am 9. 6. 1942 (Gedenkrede für Reinhard Heydrich) (Speech to the
upper section leaders and chief officers in the House of Airmen in Berlin on June 9,
1942, memorial speech for Reinhard Heydrich),’ U.S. National Archives and Records
Administration, College Park, MD, T-175, Roll 90, Frames 2664–2685; reproduced in
Bradley F. Smith and Agnes F. Peterson, eds, Heinrich Himmler: Geheimreden 1933 bis
1945 und andere Ansprachen (Heinrich Himmler: Secret speeches 1933 to 1945 and
other speeches) (Frankfurt am Main: Propyläen, 1974), pp. 159–61.
Its full title eventually became the Forschungs und Lehrgemeinschaft des Ahnenerbe
(the Research and Teaching Community of the Ancestral Heritage).
By 1937 the controversial and financially extravagant Wirth had effectively been
‘retired’ as it was felt that the Ahnenerbe needed to become (ostensibly at least)
more academically grounded and ‘scientific’.
As well as exploring pre-history and archaeology, other areas of research included
(but were not limited to) anthropology, meteorology, philology, nuclear science,
musicology, and folklore.
For a scholarly examination of Himmler and his interest in the occult see, Stephen
Flowers and Michael Moynihan, The Secret King: The Myth and Reality of Nazi
Occultism (Los Angeles & Waterbury Center, VT: Feral House & Dominion Press,
2007).
184
Photography in the Third Reich
agriculture.’31 These were but a few of the areas of esoteric sciences
often keenly endorsed and explored. Such interests extended to
photographic propaganda, and fragmentary evidence exists that the
Ahnenerbe supported (both ideologically and financially) the work
of photographers engaged with these studies of a mythic Ethnos. An
implicit framing of the ‘Germanic’ peasant in ‘supernatural’ terms,
and often with links to an occultic Nordic-Atlantean hypothesis,
demonstrably continued.
Urbild des Gottmenschen (Archetype of the God-Man)
The portrait of a young farmer by Erich Retzlaff, was reproduced in a
1935 issue of the NS-Frauen-Warte to accompany an article entitled ‘Der
blonde Junge’ (The Blond Youth) by Erika Meyer. The closely cropped
three-quarter profile of the blond youth accentuates a face that is both
solemn and stoically resilient, with its intense out-of-the-frame stare.
That intensity is intended to point to a deep passion and strength of
belief. And Retzlaff’s image of youth accords with Meyer’s textual
narrative accompanying the image: ‘Yes, my Heimat, my soil, my work!
The blond boy feels it every day, that’s why his forehead is so solemnly
serious. That’s why he speaks so little, that’s why his eyes have the
brightness of joy and happiness: my Heimat — my work.’32
As Figure 5.2 suggests, central to the photographic interpretation
of a ‘mysticism’ in the photography of Ethnos was the figure of the
farmer, the Bauer. In völkisch terms, the people of the countryside were
regarded as exemplars of the nation as a whole, untainted by that
perception of a cosmopolitan degeneracy and alienation postulated as
being inherent to life in the city. This notion was central too to National
Socialism, reviving as it did an old tradition of representations of the
peasant where the peasant motif was presented as an anchor to bloodand-soil conceptions.33 In contrast to a metropolitan ethnic diversity and
31
32
33
For more on the seeming paradox between the National Socialist state’s efforts to
determine what was (useful) ‘scientific occultism’ and what was ‘occult charlatanry’
(and therefore repressed), and the strange mélange explored by Himmler’s
Ahnenerbe, see Eric Kurlander, ‘The Nazi Magicians’ Controversy: Enlightenment,
“Border Science,” and Occultism in the Third Reich,’ Central European History 48:4
(December, 2015).
Erika Meyer, ‘Der blonde Junge,’ (The Blond Youth) NS-Frauen-Warte 4 (1935–1936),
106 (author’s translation).
For more on the peasant motif in German art and photography see Christian
Weikop, ‘August Sander’s Der Bauer and the Pervasiveness of the Peasant Tradition’,
Fig. 5.2 Erich Retzlaff, Bauer aus der Marsch (A Farmer from the Fens) reproduced
in NS-Frauen-Warte 4 (1935–1936), 106. Public domain.
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Photography in the Third Reich
the supposed cultural corruption of the cities, the simple country folk,
surviving with their traditions into the twentieth century, were presented
as important representatives of a long tradition that stretched back into
the mists of time and as such were the guardians of the purest spirit and
blood of the race, with (notionally at least) a photographically framed
aspect of holiness. In this photograph by Hans Saebens, for example,
the young North Frisian girls from Föhr are pictured in their traditional
communion costumes (see Fig. 5.3).
Saebens has used a soft, flattering filter to create a diffused glow of
light around the two subjects. The girls are both in profile with their
mouths slightly open as if they have been captured in song or in prayer.
The whole is framed like a Wagnerian, operatic motif of a hallowed
interaction between ritual, history and tradition. In this framing of a the
‘supernatural imaginary,’ it is irrelevant that the service is a Christian
one; rather, the selection and framing suggests that these girls are seen as
emanations of light, representatives of an ancient and mystical bloodline
that bears the spark of both the divine and the eternal.
As an example of this characterisation, the National Socialist IndoEuropeanist Walther Wüst elucidated in 1936:
We are, as we can assert with pride based on the most recent, careful,
racial research, ‘the oldest people on the earth.’ Our forefathers were
farmers, established farmers in the noblest meaning of the word, who,
even four thousand years prior to recorded history, had known how
to plow and had managed highly developed animal husbandry and
agriculture. Their lives took fullest expression in the cleared arable
landscape surrounded by forests. That was their world, not the nervesplitting, immoral city.34
Erich Retzlaff’s first series of physiognomic portraits of rural Germans
was published in three volumes, beginning in 1930 with his Das Antlitz
des Alters (The Face of Age), followed by the two-volume Deutsche
34
Tate Papers 19 (Spring 2013), https://www.tate.org.uk/research/publications/
tate-papers/19/august-sanders-der-bauer-and-the-pervasiveness-of-the-peasanttradition
This was a speech Wüst gave to the opening of Pflegstätte für Germanenkunde
(Promotional Centre for German Studies) in 1936, quoted in Stefan Arvidsson,
Aryan Idols: Indo-European Mythology as Ideology and Science (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 2006), p. 191.
Fig. 5.3 Hans Saebens, Konfirmandinnen aus Föhr (Confirmants from Föhr), vintage
silver gelatin print, c.1936. Courtesy of Aberystwyth University, School of
Art Museum and Galleries.
188
Photography in the Third Reich
Menschen (German People) in 1931.35 As ‘examples’ they were widely
reproduced — for example, in the August 1932 picture-magazine
Atlantis, these images were reproduced in full-page format and bore the
caption: ‘from different regions of Germany, they show the German face
still undistorted by urban civilization’.
Fig. 5.4 Erich Retzlaff, Hafenarbeiter aus Emden & Friesischer Fischer (Harbour
Worker from Emden & Frisian Fishermen) reproduced in ‘Atlantis’, Heft
8, August 1932, pp. 486–87. Public domain.
In the post-1933 era, these collections of the physiognomic peasant type
proliferated. Retzlaff, Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, and others produced
further volumes of racial-physiognomic studies throughout the 1930s
and 1940s. Received favourably by the National Socialists, these
aestheticised photographic portfolios framed the subjects in these
books in a different manner to that of the ‘scientific’ quantitative route
of racial photography so typical of anthropological studies. According
to the Dutch scholar Remco Ensel, when discussing correlating Dutch
35
Respectively: Erich Retzlaff and Jakob Kneip, Das Antlitz des Alters (The Face of
Age) (Düsseldorf: Pädagogischer Verlag g.m.b.h., 1930); Erich Retzlaff, Die von der
Scholle (Those of the Earth) (Göttingen: Verlag der Deuerlichschen Buchhandlung
o.J., 1931), and Erich Retzlaff, Menschen am Werk (People and Work) (Göttingen:
Verlag der Deuerlichschen Buchhandlung o.J., 1931).
5. Ethnos and Mysticism in the Photographic Nexus
189
Heimat photographs from the same period, this ‘folksy’ photography
differed from anthropological racial photography in that it ‘specialized
in a semiotic interpretation of signs. A people’s character had to be
read, not measured or calculated’.36 This was a science of looking and
evaluating transmuted into art through the photographer’s lens, which
was ultimately intended to underline a readable racial characteristic that
was also representative of the Volksgeist or spirit of the nation.
An example of Himmler’s ideological and political involvement in the
work of these photographers of Ethnos is evident from the fact that Erich
Retzlaff had been offered support by Himmler’s Ahnenerbe. The support
followed the development of a 1942 collaborative project proposed by
Retzlaff and the Dutch photographer Willem F. van Heemskerck Düker37
with the Metzner Verlag.38 The proposal outlined a project centred on
picturing the inhabitants of the ‘Germanic Netherlands’. Not only was
strengthening links with other ‘Germanic’ nations considered important
politically, especially if they were now an occupied territory, but there
was also a view that, ideologically, the Nordic characteristics of the
lower German region, and Scandinavia in particular, were indicative of
a purer racial quality that was inherited from that mystical, progenitor
race of beings who had, in Himmler’s view, come ‘down from heaven’.
The 1942 meetings between Retzlaff and van Heemskerck Düker in
Berlin were outlined in a report by Machteld Nachenius, van Heemskerck
Düker’s secretary-assistant.39 Although the report is brief, it contains
36
37
38
39
Remco Ensel, ‘Photography, Race and Nationalism in the Netherlands’, in Paul
Puschmann and Tim Riswick, eds, Building Bridges. Scholars, History and Historical
Demography. A Festschrift in Honor of Professor Theo Engelen (Nijmegen: Valkhof Pers,
2018), p. 254.
Van Heemskerck Düker worked for the Dutch Volksche Werkgemeenschap
(People’s Working Community), a cultural department of the SS and the Dutch
arm of the Ahnenerbe.
Rolf Sachsse has suggested that it is likely that Retzlaff benefited from his
relationship with his lover Regina Dorsch (Verlag Otto Beyer) who made use of her
influence in publishing to secure valuable contracts for Retzlaff with the Metzner
Verlag. Certainly, Retzlaff was involved with at least three book projects with the
Metzner Verlag between 1943 and 1944 (Rolf Sachsse, personal communication,
August 2014).
Machteld Nachenius was a photographer herself and her work had been included
in Hamer publications such as Friesland-Friezenland (Frisia-Frisia) (Willem
Frederik van Heemskerck Düker and Sytse Jan van der Molen, Friesland-Friezenland
(Frisia-Frisia) (Den Haag: Hamer, 1942)). As Machteld noted, ‘The Ahnenerbe
offers 100 Isopan F, colour film and a Leica model IIIa.’ These notes (translated
from the Dutch) are from a 1942 report by Machteld Nachenius the secretary of van
190
Photography in the Third Reich
clues as to the supposed significance of the inhabitants of the northwestern ‘Germanic’ shoreline, as well as confirming further Ahnenerbe
involvement with the consultation of the pre-historian, eminent
archaeologist and Ahnenerbe associate Professor Wilhelm Unverzagt.40
The patchy notes further outline the meetings with the publishers
and Unverzagt, and the intentions of the project, especially with regards
to the regions to be studied and the emphasis to be placed on those
photographed:
Friday 10th April: We agreed in principle to have VHD write the text
and to collaborate on the pictures. R. mentioned several locations in Sl.
[Schleswig] Holstein and in Northern Friesland that were worth a visit…
Saturday 11th April: Meeting with Prof. Dr. Unverzagt, on which occasion
more locations for Sl Holstein were discussed.
Van Heemskerck Düker was already familiar with Retzlaff’s work before
being invited to work with Retzlaff on this Ahnenerbe-supported project.
The two photographers had already both featured in a text written and
edited by Van Heemskerck Düker himself. That book was titled FrieslandFriezenland (Frisia-Frisia) and was published in 1942, so their working
acquaintance was still fresh when the new project was suggested that
same year. As well as the work of Erich Retzlaff, Friesland-Friezenland
featured the work of the Germans Hans Retzlaff and Hans Saebens, as
well as a range of Dutch photographers of Ethnos such as Nico de Haas
and van Heemskerck Düker himself.41 Van Heemskerck Düker was, by
40
41
Heemskerck Düker, they were made on their journey to Berlin (7–12 April 1942)
and are provided here courtesy of Dr Remco Ensel (personal communication, 12
August 2013).
Dr Wilhelm Unverzagt was a member of the NSDAP and an Ahnenerbe researcher.
He was responsible for a number of archaeological digs in the Balkans under the
supervision of the Ahnenerbe managing director Wolfram Sievers and Ahnenerbe
archaeologist Herbert Jankuhn, in a project Himmler termed Totalerforschung
(complete research). Retzlaff was demonstrably active in the Balkans at the time
Unverzagt and Jankuhn were there, and Retzlaff certainly made physiognomic
studies of Caucasus peoples, some of which I have recently viewed and the
negatives of which I was able to add to the archive of Aberystwyth University’s
School of Art Gallery and Museum in 2015. I have yet to establish whether or not
Retzlaff was directly involved in the Ahnenerbe project in the Caucasus. However,
given the difficulty of civilians travelling during the war, and with his confirmed
previous Ahnenerbe sponsorship, it does seem exceedingly likely.
Like van Heemskerck Düker, de Haas was a member of the SS and part of the Dutch
Volksche Werkgemeenschap (People’s Working Community). Notably, de Haas was
5. Ethnos and Mysticism in the Photographic Nexus
191
1942, also an SS-Onderstormleider (SS — Junior Assault Unit Leader) in
the Dutch SS and, as part of the ‘Feldmeijer group’,42 he was involved
in publications and promotional materials designed to reinforce the
notion of a Greater Germany and a shared destiny. With its exploration
of Dutch and German Friesland, Friesland-Friezenland photographically
‘demonstrated’ the racial, cultural, and chimerical links between the
two nations and thus underlined the notion that the ‘Germanic’ was a
concept that superseded modern political boundaries and, moreover,
linked the two peoples to a ‘superior’ historical and mythic past. These
earlier publications and projects were Ahnenerbe-funded via the Dutch
National Socialist publisher the Hamer Uitgeverij.43
Fig. 5.5 Van eenen bloede: jongens uit Oost- en Westfriesland (Of One Blood: Youths
from East and West Friesland) double page spread in W. F. van Heemskerck
Düker, Friesland-Friezenland (Frisia-Frisia) (Den Haag: Hamer, 1942), pp.
156–57. Public domain.
42
43
one of only a very few Dutch nationals who personally received the highly prized
SS honour ring from Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler.
Henk Feldmeijer was a Dutch National Socialist and leading member of the Volksche
Werkgemeenschap (People’s Working Community).
The Stichting Uitgeverij Hamer (Hamer Publishing Foundation) was a proponent of
the Greater German Reich and the publishing house was set up with a contributory
donation by Himmler himself.
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Photography in the Third Reich
The references to an occulted Nordic-Atlantean origin are even more
marked in these Dutch Hamer publications with which van Heemskerck
Düker was involved, both as an editor and as a photographer. The layout
and content of the text further reinforces this concept. For example,
despite having lost his position of honorary president in the Ahnenerbe
by 1939, the Dutch Herman Wirth was still being lauded in these Dutch
National Socialist photographic publications and his theories of the
origins of the ‘Aryan’ in a northern Atlantis presented as axiomatic. In
one such photographically illustrated text, Zinnebeelden in Nederland
(Symbols in the Netherlands) (1940), it is stated:
Professor Herman Wirth […] has emphatically and repeatedly pointed
out, that we are wrong to assume that our race, with which the runes
are so closely connected, is of Eastern origin. In his opinion, a Northern
cultural origin is most probable and this would additionally explain the
specific use of the solar cycle in the runes.44
These photographs were signs of a racial consubstantiality that could be
identified with, to create a national unity where, as Kurlander observed,
‘the individual considers himself part of an overreaching, godly essence
that is seeking to unfold itself’.45
The people whom these photographers selected to be fixed in place
in picture-books, exhibitions, and illustrated magazines exemplified the
Norwegian author Knut Hamsun’s peasant type, that is, someone who
was ‘A tiller of the ground, body and soul; a worker on the land without
respite. A ghost risen out of the past to point to the future, a man from
the earliest days of cultivation, a settler in the wilds, nine-hundred years
old, and, withal, a man of the day.’46 The figure of the autochthonous
peasant, framed as an archetype, is not presented as an individual but
rather as a representation of something primordial from the National
Myth. The people are offered to the viewer without being named, rather,
as in the physiognomic paradigm of the era, they are titled with their
occupation and location. These photo-stories, these series of images
collected together in the new medium of the photo-book, were designed
44
45
46
W. F. van Heemskerck Düker and H. J. van Houten, Zinnebeelden in Nederland
(Symbols of the Netherlands) (Den Haag: Hamer, 1940), p. 14.
Eric Kurlander, Hitler’s Monsters (2017), p. 172.
Knut Hamsun, Growth of the Soil (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1917), Book 2, chapter
12, p. 252.
5. Ethnos and Mysticism in the Photographic Nexus
193
to be encountered, identified with and read; presenting an idealised
entry point to this National Myth.
For example, SS-Obersturmbannführer (SS-Senior Assault Unit
Leader) Dr Franz Riedweg wrote in the concluding note to LendvaiDircksen’s book Flandern (1942):
We turn to man, not, as in the past, as a physiological organism, as an
intellectual carrier or as a creature burdened with guilt, but to man as a
creature related to God and the founder of eternal values. His face is for
us the mirror of his being. From the gaze, from the smile, from the play
of his movements comes the divinity of thought and the power of mind.
From the clarity of the forehead shines the light of reason.
In this series we look at the face of the people, that is, we turn to
those people in whom the ancient currents of race, blood and national
traditions are unbroken and visibly alive.47
These images of Ethnos produced in the National Socialist state were
a visual representation of a time when, according to the eminent
psychologist Carl Jung, the spirit of Wotan was awakening: ‘a god has
taken possession of the Germans and their house is filled with a “mighty
rushing wind.”’48 When navigating this contentious web of identity,
history, and belonging, Jung, a close contemporary of the photographers
who made this work, elucidated on the milieu and spirit of Germany in
the 1930s that relates to this manifestation of a mythic photography of
Ethnos. According to Jung, archetypal images (or primordial images)
occur as ‘…universal patterns or motifs which come from the collective
unconscious… the basic content of religions, mythologies, legends and
fairy tales.’49 Jung’s exposition on the role of the archetype is relevant to
this photography, in which the figures that were photographed as those
most ‘ordinary folk’ are transformed and representative of archetypal
imprints, which represented the reawakening of the German to a lineal
thread that extended back into the dim past. Although illustrative of a
47
48
49
Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Das Germanische Volksgesicht, Flandern (The German Face,
Flanders) (Bayreuth: Gauverlag Bayreuth, 1942).
Carl Gustav Jung, ‘Essay on Wotan’ [First published as ‘Wotan,’] Neue Schweizer
Rundschau (New Swiss Review), n.s. III (March 1936), 657–69. English
translation by Barbara Hannah in Essays on Contemporary Events (London:
Kegan Paul, 1947), pp. 1–16, http://www.philosopher.eu/others-writings/
essay-on-wotan-w-nietzsche-c-g-jung/
Quoted in James A. Hall, Jungian Dream Interpretation: A Handbook of Theory and
Practice (Toronto: Inner City Books, 1983), p. 120.
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Photography in the Third Reich
variety of ages, occupations, and regions, these images often depicted a
range of what are clearly intended to be representations of archetypal
figures. There is the Volk mother, the traditional representation of the
childbearing, working woman who is perhaps one of the most powerful
of these archetypes and which was a representation of the literal future
of the nation.
Fig. 5.6 Hans Saebens, Schaumburg Lippe Bückerburgerinnen (Bückerburg Woman
from Schaumburg Lippe) vintage silver gelatin print, c.1936. Courtesy of
Aberystwyth University, School of Art Museum and Galleries.
5. Ethnos and Mysticism in the Photographic Nexus
195
Fig. 5.7 Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Ostpreußische Frauen (East-Prussian Women)
reproduced in ‘NS-Frauen-Warte’, Heft 1, 1 Juli, 1939, pp. 14–15.
Public domain.
Along with this pagan, fertile representation of the Madonna and
child, females of different ages are also widely represented. Figure
5.7, for example, is a double page spread from a 1939 edition of the
journal NS-Frauen-Warte featuring the work of the photographer Erna
Lendvai-Dircksen. It contains several images of elderly women (the
crone archetype) and a young girl (the maiden) to illustrate the point.
As was often the case, significant quotations were placed alongside the
images (in this case a traditional lullaby) all in a Fraktur script. Thus,
the modernity of this glossy, photographically illustrated magazine is
fused with the traditions of the past, just as the ‘modern’ photographs
represent ‘traditional’ female roles. In the accompanying text, LendvaiDircksen suggests that the faces of these women might be read as
indicative of humour, struggle, and hardship and that these faces are ‘a
poem of the nature of the tribe’.50 So past, present, and future are joined
together in a linked chain of a traditional femininity.
50
Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Ostpreußische Frauen (East-Prussian Women), NS-FrauenWarte, 1 (July 1939), 14–15.
196
Photography in the Third Reich
Visual representations of the male were treated similarly and
included the hero, the youth, and the wise old man. As in the NS-FrauenWarte pages, the images and text in an example from the journal Volk
und Rasse (see Fig. 5.8) represent the ‘warrior’, two images of Waffen-SS
soldiers ‘in the field’.
Like the NS-Frauen-Warte examples, the journal Volk und Rasse
provided archaism — with its fraktur text — accentuated alongside
the modernity of its photographic reproductions and magazine format.
Similarly, these soldiers are presented as archetypal warriors or knights;
one holds the harness of a horse and no modern weaponry is evident.
The men are reproduced in dramatic profile, their physiognomic traits
evident, situated on the page above two happy children who play in
glowing sunshine. The legend reads: ‘The goal of all struggle is to secure
a living space for our children’.51
But these journals would go even further in attempting to anchor the
sense of a mythic tribal consciousness. In a 1939 NS-Frauen-Warte article
(see Fig. 5.9), the historical legacy of the Germanic peoples is once more
extolled in a modern context. Entitled Vorgeschichte und Gegenwart or
‘pre-history and the present’, the article is filled with quotes from the
Edda and illustrated with photographs of modern Germans dressed in
the ‘attire’ of the bronze-age German.
The text describes the historic and ongoing legacy of the Nordic race
and how National Socialism had reawakened their power to grasp a
future that awaited them, whilst reminding the Volk of their ancestral
legacy.52 These modern Germans were posed in historic costumes as
having transcended time and as representative of perfect modern
replicas of an ancient current — as their racial heritage was ‘untainted’.
So, modernity and the new political consensus were melded perfectly
and linked to an ongoing tradition of community, history, and myth.
These photographic motifs, played out as they were in these popular
and easily received formats such as magazines, were intended to elicit
a recognition of a flowing collective unconscious that, once realised,
would stream through and unite the Volk in a primeval joining and
51
52
Otto Kolar, Waffen-SS im felde (Waffen-SS in the Field), Volk und Rasse, 2 (February
1942), unpaginated frontispiece.
Joachim Benecke, ‘Vorgeschichte und Gegenwart’ (Pre-history and the Present),
NS-Frauen-Warte 15 (January 1939), pp. 456–59.
Fig. 5.8 Otto Kolar, Waffen-SS im felde (Waffen-SS in the Field) reproduced in Volk
und Rasse, Heft 2 February 1942, frontispiece. Public domain.
198
Photography in the Third Reich
Fig. 5.9 Joachim Benecke, Vorgeschichte und Gegenwart (Pre-History and
the Present), ‘NS-Frauen-Warte’, Heft 15 January 1939, pp. 458–59.
Public domain.
elicit a powerful national awakening. National Socialist ideologues and
propagandists, like their predecessors in the nineteenth- and earlytwentieth-century völkisch mise-en-scène, recognised the unifying
power of myth as well as the powerful influence of occult thinking on
contemporary Germans, and thus promoted (and exploited) it as part
of their overarching cultural programme.
The photographic portfolios of the likes of Erna Lendvai-Dircksen,
Erich Retzlaff, and others, present motifs infused with a mytho-spiritual
edge, an echo of Jung’s suggestion of Wotan’s awakening.53 Unlike the
‘unfixed physiognomy of the sitters’ in Helmar Lerski’s Weimar-era Köpfe
des Alltags (Everyday Heads), these collections provide a mythification
that will ‘shape the sitters as heroic icons of an imagined German
53
In a later (post-war) correspondence, Jung further commented on the desirability
of the racial archetype when discussing the problems facing Western man in
the globalist era. Jung wrote, ‘He can only discover himself when he is deeply
and unconditionally related to some, and generally related to a great many,
individuals with whom he has a chance to compare, and from whom he is able to
discriminate himself.’ C. G. Jung to Miguel Serrano, Zurich, 14 September 1960; in
M. Serrano, Jung & Hesse: A Record of Two Friendships (New York: Schocken Books,
1968), p. 84.
5. Ethnos and Mysticism in the Photographic Nexus
199
identity.’54 Such photographic constructs, therefore, also provided a
marker of exclusion for those who fell outside of this narrative.
Conclusion
In 1974, Susan Sontag wrote a critique of Leni Riefenstahl’s 1973
photographic book The Last of the Nuba (German title Die Nuba). Sontag’s
essay ‘Fascinating Fascism’ posited Riefenstahl’s post-war volume as
representative of, as she termed it, a ‘Fascist aesthetic’. According to
Sontag, Riefenstahl ‘interprets the Nuba as a mystical people with an
extraordinarily developed artistic sense… [overcoming] the challenge
and ordeal of the elemental, the primitive… epics of achieved community,
in which triumph over everyday reality is achieved by ecstatic selfcontrol and submission.’55 However, it is certainly this element of the
mystical, the notion of the ‘uncorrupted’ (by modernity), something
that links tradition and the present, a striving for perfection and a
danger of immersion in a globalizing world that links Riefenstahl’s
post-war project with her innovative (and now notorious) film work
during National Socialism, as well as being characteristic of the work
of her pre-1945 German contemporaries who were photographing
the autochthonous peasant. Indeed, such notions also continue to be
expounded by those considered to be of the European New Right and of
the neo-folk and racial pagan scene today. As folklorist Carolyn Emerick
recently suggested, ‘We can see that mythos and ethnos had always
gone hand in hand as part of one holistic whole state of being before
universalist ideology began working to sever the “ethnikos” from their
folk identity.’56
Modern forms of communication, such as photography, were
masterfully manipulated to promote the image and ideas of National
Socialism through visual propaganda, such as the photography under
54
55
56
Pepper Stetler, Stop Reading! Look! Modern Vision and the Weimar Photographic Book
(Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2015), p. 165.
Susan Sontag, Under the Sign of Saturn (New York: Straus & Giroux, 1980), pp.
86–87. Sontag’s essay goes on to ‘position’ Riefenstahl’s work as an extension of
the work that Riefenstahl created during the Third Reich. Riefenstahl’s post-war
re-imagining of her creative career as being that of an artist whose work was ‘used’
by the state and over which she had no control is critiqued by Sontag.
Carolyn Emerick, ‘Cultural Mythos & the Return of the Ethnikos,’ Arktos Journal
(posted online 29 October 2018), https://arktos.com/2018/10/29/cultural
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Photography in the Third Reich
discussion here. Photography was just one element in that larger picture,
but it was a significant one. Many photographers were employed in
building up a picture of an energetic and healthy nation steeped in
tradition and this mystical Ethnos, which stood outside of ‘scientific’
typological studies. These photographers set about to manifest visually
a spirit of optimism and change running through their country, a visual
story of a revolution in living and being, but contextualised in relation
to tradition, to a half-glimpsed (but ever present) occultic myth and to
the ‘Heimat’. It was in sharp contrast to the representative and utilitarian
lot of the ‘revealed’ individual framed in much of the physiognomic work
of the Weimar era. Lerski’s Köpfe des Alltags had exposed (according to
Pepper Stetler),
…the melancholic fate of the individual under this system of modern
vision. Ultimately, it articulates the unsettling death of the individual
in the face of Weimar’s desperate craze for visual legibility and a fixed
system of identity. Rather than providing such a system, the ephemeral
faces of Köpfe des Alltags uncannily remind us of what was lost in the
heady alliance of modernity and physiognomy during the Weimar
Republic.57
The dramatic pictorial constructions of physiognomic Ethnos that were
presented in the Third Reich era attempted to showcase this supposed
newfound ‘health and vitality’ and reverse the ‘unsettling death’ by
visually formalising a link between Volk and myth, a metaphysical,
occultic convergence through photography. The physically strong
peasants labouring on the land, the close observation of the face and
body, the traditional costume or activity, all staged a picture of a healthy,
vibrant culture, of a seemingly unified national body. Photography
became a decisive part of this narrative of a nation renewed. The
photographers of Ethnos who were making these images (for example,
Hans Retzlaff, Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Erich Retzlaff, Otto Kolar, HemkeWinterer, Friedrich Franz Bauer, etc.) honed their approach to show a
people who were healthy and vital. What’s more, these images were often
imbued with a romantic mysticism, a closeness to the earth, to the soil
of the progenitor ‘ancestors’. These atavistic pictures are a photographic
theatre. Although the people in the photographs are ordinary people,
57
Stetler, Stop Reading! Look! (2015), p. 181.
5. Ethnos and Mysticism in the Photographic Nexus
201
farmers and people (in the main) of the countryside, they are also actors
on the photographer’s stage. This was not an uncommon practice in the
1930s as the genre of documentary photography evolved. The ‘story’
was often told using ‘real’ actors.
These were spaces where the supernatural might be framed and thus
suggested, in a ‘real-world’ setting, like the metaphorical and staged
creative photography associated with modernism. These German
photographers, were using their medium as a catalyst, as a visual
philosopher’s stone, to create an imaginative transmutation in the
mind of the viewer and introduce ‘a mythicized Germany… sacralised,
restored as homeland, re-rooted, founded on a new order, united within
a single community, healed of sickness, and purged of pollution.’58
Whether or not all of these photographers themselves fully believed in
the myth that they were framing is unknown.
The notion of a mythic Nordic-Atlantean progenitor race also
presented Germany’s Reichsführer-SS with an opportunity of seizing
upon and proclaiming, a radical and a unique racial foundation for
the Germanic peoples. This photography formed part of a corpus of
visual evidence of a para-historical provenance of those ‘purer-blooded’
Germanic peoples, coloured as such readings were, with völkisch, occult
notions of the Aryan as ‘god-man’. With the financial and material
support from Himmler’s Ahnenerbe, even ‘lowly’ photography came to
play a part in this process of alluding to a crypto-history of the Germans
as descendants of a ‘holy’ progenitor race from a Nordic Atlantis. As
the historian and specialist in Western Esotericism Nicholas GoodrickClarke has stated, this foundational myth of an Aryan descent from
a Nordic Atlantis; ‘… reflected a utopian imperialism for those who
bewailed the impotence and demoralization of the Weimar republic.
Pessimists and opponents of the present were drawn to [the] idea that a
revival of this Thuata-Atlantean culture would signal the rebirth of the
Germanic race’.59
To look upon these völkisch photographic folios, therefore, is to be
presented with a performative, cataphoric mirror of silver, framed
58
59
Roger Griffin, Modernism and Fascism: The Sense of a Beginning under Mussolini and
Hitler (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), p. 140.
Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, Black Sun: Aryan Cults, Esoteric Nazism, and the Politics of
Identity (New York: New York University Press, 2003), p. 130.
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Photography in the Third Reich
within an occult mythos. The intended audience of the illustrated
books and magazines was expected to identify with the photographs,
to recognise that they were linked: it is an identitarian process. The
aim was to reinforce a sense of connectedness to an organic society,
to recognise a cultural and racial unity against the growing power of
the forces of globalism (and the approaching struggle for existence).
National Socialist ideologues, like their nationalist predecessors in
the nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century völkisch mise-en-scène,
exploited the power of an occult myth and thus integrated it into the
overarching cultural programme of the regime. The mythlore, the
crypto-history, embedded in these photographs, suggested that the
origin of those people in the photographs (and by extension the reader
or viewer who identified with them) had an alternative, ‘holy’, and
unique origin in a primordial homeland distinct from all the other
races of man. For those sympathetically nationalist photographers, their
interpretation of these mystical ideas was coloured by such a völkisch
interpretation, particularly in their photographs of the Bauer. Whilst
employing the supposedly objective eye of the camera to produce the
racial-physiognomic photograph, these portrayals also attempted to
point to something beyond classification, and beyond these social and
cultural conditions of the time. Their portraits of the peasant were
certainly ideological in that they framed their sitters as representatives
of an idealised and unsullied Germanic blood stock, but simultaneously
they are meant to be suggestive of the spiritual. They attempt to point to
the numinous. The mythos of these photographs was that this ‘singular’
race had come from Ultima Thule, Atlantis, Hyperborea… and as such
they carried a divine spark unique to their blood. This suggestion was
intended to be liberating, so that even the lowliest worker was framed as
an aristocrat of humankind, the much vaunted Übermensch (Superman)
with the earthly world as his deserved prize.
SCIENCE
6. Science and Ideology
Photographic ‘Economies of
Demonstration’ in Racial Science
Amos Morris-Reich
The main aim of this chapter is to enter into the respective scientific logics
of a variety of scientific and/or scholarly fields and to reconstruct, from
within this logic, the use of photographic techniques with regards to
‘race’ before and during the so-called Third Reich. The argument in this
chapter is twofold. Firstly, within the various branches of biologically
oriented science and scholarship in Germany between 1900 and the
1940s, the scientific uses of photographic practices and techniques varied
greatly: both in their epistemological definition, with regard to the
scientific-political agenda that they were intended to drive; and in terms
of their place in the respective economies of scientific demonstration.
And secondly, it is only based on this recognition that the changes in
form, scope, purpose, and social effect of the use of photography during
the Third Reich can be evaluated.
Consequently, the first part of the chapter will be dedicated to the
reconstruction of the main methodological uses of photography for the
study of race in the German context from the beginning of the century
until the end of the 1920s. This methodological perspective embraces a
survey of Rudolf Martin’s standardization of photography as a measuring
device in physical anthropology; Eugen Fischer’s use of photography
for the observation of patterns of Mendelian hereditary characteristics
within families; Felix von Luschan’s use of ‘type’ photographs in
ethnology and physical anthropology; Hans F. K. Günther’s massive
and complex serialization strategies; and Ludwig Ferdinand Clauss’s
© Amos Morris-Reich, CC BY 4.0
https://doi.org/10.11647/OBP.0202.06
206
Photography in the Third Reich
use of photography as a form of self-evidence to bring to the eye a racial
essence that was already known a priori by the mind.
The second part of the chapter argues that during the era of National
Socialism, these techniques were redefined because their scientific,
political, and aesthetic contexts had been transformed. Irrespective of
the original (scientific and/or ideological) context of their development,
or the range of scientific purposes to which they were originally put
to use, during the Third Reich their uses narrowed, transforming their
contexts and economies of demonstration. The range of scientific and
ideological positions with which photography was aligned became
smaller, and, rather than being guided by any substantial scientific
questions, these positions were used to uphold components of the
National Socialist worldview and, sometimes, the immediate political
concerns of the regime. But this process of contraction was not limited to
the science-politics nexus, in the strictest sense of the term, as it reflected
broader contemporary cultural-political processes. The chapter ends by
suggesting that, during the period of the Third Reich, the scientific uses
of photography increasingly overlapped with the political and aesthetic
ideologies of National Socialism in general and with certain branches of
documentary and art photography in particular.
However, in order to bring the epistemological diversity to the surface,
several interpretive procedures must first be undertaken. To begin with,
it is necessary, difficult as this may be, to resist the common tendency to
collapse the history of the biological sciences or biologically influenced
humanities into the political sphere. In other words, judgment must be
suspended on what appear to be objectionable scientific, political, and
cultural or social ideas and practices. Secondly, the scientific intentions
of those who introduced photography into scientific discourses should
be taken (more) seriously, by reconstructing the internal logic of these
spheres of knowledge production. Finally, it is also necessary to free
an analysis of these photographic practices from the anachronistic
imposition of later critical notions of photography, as advanced by
Roland Barthes and Susan Sontag. None of these procedures is without
problems, but the payoff is that the epistemological and ontological
diversity of photographic techniques and practices comes into view.
Several historical and methodological considerations complicate
writing about the scientific photography of the Third Reich. These
complications all have to do, in one way or another, with the rather
6. Science and Ideology
207
swift turn that history took in 1945 with the collapse of National
Socialist Germany, but one of them is connected to dramatic changes
in the definition of science, while the others pertain more specifically
to photography. Strands of science and ideology that, a short while
earlier, were not only legitimate and socially well embedded but in some
cases enjoyed hegemonic status could suddenly no longer be publicly
upheld. The particularly important consequences of this shift in history,
for our purposes, are as follows.1 Firstly, because scientists wanted to
re-establish their scientific reputations, they were compelled to distance
themselves from what very quickly came to be understood as National
Socialist political ideology, in contrast with science. As a result, a new
configuration of differentiations emerged between what qualified as
scientific and what was damned as ideological. Importantly, this new
configuration was not only different from the one that prevailed until
the collapse of National Socialist Germany, but it was also different from
the one found among the opponents of the scientific racial paradigm
prior to the rise to power of the National Socialists. This was a distinctly
West German configuration, and it changed the relationship between
branches of science and knowledge in the immediate past, which in turn
complicates the account of the history that led to the National Socialist
era and the history of the Third Reich itself.
The second complication touches on photography. This chapter
reconstructs the uses of photography in science based on the
epistemological and conceptual status of photography in respective
scientific contexts. But because photography is a visual medium, visual
parallels present themselves between photographs generated for different
purposes and in different contexts. Science is never completely detached
from society and culture, but in the case of scientific photography,
comparisons with photography outside of science narrowly understood
spring even more strongly and immediately to mind.
1
For the elaboration on the difficulty of historical contextualization see, Amos MorrisReich, ‘Taboo and Classification: Post-1945 German racial writing on Jews,’ in Leo
Baeck Yearbook 58 (2013), 195–215. For a broader contextualization of photography
within twentieth-century German history, and for comprehensive bibliographies
on the subject, see Elizabeth Harvey and Maiken Umbach, eds, Photography and
Twentieth-Century German History, a special issue of Central European History 48:3
(2015); and Jennifer Evans, Paul Betts, and Stefan-Ludwig Hoffmann, eds, The Ethics
of Seeing: Photography and Twentieth-Century German History (New York: Berghahn,
2018).
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Photography in the Third Reich
The third complication has to do with the perception of photographs,
a question of particular importance. In most cases, we have no
documentation of, and therefore cannot judge, the perception of
photographs apart from the broader contexts in which they were
generated and used. But precisely because that broader context is
accessible, the perception of the photographs is in fact accessible as well.
The underlying logic of the photographs — the explicit and implicit
assumptions and expectations found in their broader context — gives
the historian information about how they were perceived. This means,
however, that even if there is an insistence on photographic contingency
as a feature of the medium, in a highly antisemitic or racist context,
there would be no justification for the assumption that the expected
audience would have perceived something other than what it was
intended to perceive. In other words, in Roland Barthes’s terms, the
historian’s interest is in the studium of the photographs, their average
effect, rather than in their possible punctum.2 Because the perspective
employed here is methodological, focusing on the most important or
influential developments in the use of photography for the study of
race, single photographs will not be analysed; rather, there is a focus on
the relationship of the relative place of photographs within respective
economies of demonstration, that is, what photographs were expected to
do within their broader context of scientific or scholarly argumentation.
The demystification of the perception of photographs can begin once
it is acknowledged that, although it is intuitive to view photographs as
if they documented reality or represented a portion of reality from a
perch outside that portion, in fact photography is a part of the reality
it documents; it partakes and plays a constitutive role in that reality. In
this sense, then, the trajectory of scientific photography described in this
chapter, rather than running parallel to the social, political, economic, or
cultural history leading into the Third Reich, is an active component of
those histories. The methodological perspective adopted here, focusing
on systematic attempts to use photography for the study of race, leads
to the core of the racial sciences. The photographic techniques discussed
here were embedded in the work of scientists who were committed to
principles of race, and all of the scientists discussed in this chapter who
were active in the National Socialist period were committed to racial
2
See Roland Barthes, Camera Lucida (New York: Hill and Wang, 1981).
6. Science and Ideology
209
determinism. Consequently, looked at very generally, taking a step back
from the important differences between them (discussed below), the
photographic techniques discussed here have in common that they
naturalized a biologically oriented conception of humans, society,
culture, and history and deepened the (conscious and unconscious)
notion of the foundational place of ‘race’ in every aspect of the collective
and individual life of the nation.
The fourth complication is that all the uses of photography that can
be found in the Third Reich were invented prior to the period. Their
meaning was transformed during National Socialism because they were
now embedded in a transformed political context. Simply from the
point of view of quantity, there was an avalanche of publications with
photographs, as race was omnipresent in Germany, in both the private
and public spheres. This exponential growth found expression in the
flourishing of journals and books, in newspapers and newsreels. It is also
important to note that while, up until roughly 1927, both the supporters
and the opponents of racial determinism employed photographs to
underpin their arguments, by the end of the 1920s the opponents of racial
determinism had gradually come to realize that photography played into
the hands of their opponents, and so photography virtually disappeared
from their own scientific publications.3 These considerations frame the
discussion that follows.
The principal argument in this chapter is that it is impossible to
understand racial photography as scientific evidence in the National
Socialist period without considering its longer historical course before
and after the Third Reich. Between 1900 and the 1930s, the scientific uses
of photographic practices and techniques varied greatly within branches
of biologically oriented German science and scholarship, both in their
epistemological definition and in terms of their place in respective
economies of scientific demonstration. Uses ranged from the illustration
of human diversity by ‘type’ photographs, through anthropometric
photography intended to generate statistical information, to Gestalt
‘thought experiments’.
Before entering into a detailed discussion of select cases, it is
important to state explicitly that not only are the photographic practices
3
For more on this realisation see: Amos Morris-Reich, ‘Photography in Economies of
Demonstration: The Idea of the Jews as a Mixed-Race People’, Jewish Social Studies
20:1 (Fall 2013), 150–83.
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Photography in the Third Reich
different, but so too are the respective concepts of race, the scientific
methods for its study, and even the general conceptions of science,
and that there are various complex relationships between all of these
elements. Concepts of race, for instance, ranged from those of the natural
sciences, which were fundamentally descriptive (such as Anthropologie
or physical anthropology , as part of the biological sciences of the day)
and which later relied heavily on statistical methods of measurement,
all the way to Gestalt psychology or phenomenology, which severely
criticized the experimental sciences and their scientific assumptions,
statistical methods in particular. With the advent of the Third Reich, in
which epistemological diversity was unified by a political framework,
the question of the significance of the epistemological diversity prior to
1933 necessarily hovers over the discussion.
Racial Photography: A Methodological Perspective
The most influential development of photography as racial evidence in
the German context around 1900 was found in physical anthropology.
In the German-language context, the most important tradition here
was developed and standardized by the German Swiss anthropologist
Rudolf Martin and his many students.4 Physical anthropology only
gradually turned into a respectable academic discipline around 1900.
It is important to note that Martin and his students, who standardized
anthropometric photography, did not do so out of any inherent
interest in photography or even any overt concern with the visual.
Most, if not all, physical anthropologists had a medical background,
and their introduction to photography formed part of their attempts
to introduce and standardize measuring devices. Furthermore, the
version of science to which physical anthropologists — most notably
Martin himself — adhered was descriptive. Martin, who was politically
liberal and whose second wife was Jewish (she was later a survivor of
Theresienstadt), viewed race as an inherent part of the study of human
variety in its natural scientific context.
4
See Amos Morris-Reich, ‘Anthropology, Standardisation and Measurement: Rudolf
Martin and Anthropometric Photography,’ British Journal for the History of Science
46:3 (2013), 487–516.
6. Science and Ideology
211
Martin’s major contribution to the field of physical anthropology was
not conceptual, but consisted in his crafting, over a decade, what became
the single most important textbook and manual of physical anthropology.
In this book he brought to anthropology criminology’s use of the camera
as a measuring device; that is, he moved it from individual identification
to (what he took to be) racial measurement (criminologists also used
their measurements to code race as one of the categories of description.)
In all four editions, from 1914 to 1966, photography was discussed in
the first half of the book, but as a form of material reproduction, not as a
form of representation. If the first objective of the anthropologist was to
obtain physical anthropological materials, such as skeletons and skulls,
in order to measure them, the second objective was to reproduce such
materials by way of photographic techniques or geometrical drawing,
also in order to measure them. Methodologically, photography was tied
quite tightly to statistical methods. The ultimate goal of anthropometric
photography, when carried out under sufficient scientific control — a
goal Martin believed his method and technique had achieved — was to
be transformed into statistical tables (see Fig. 6.1a and 6.1b).
Only statistical tables could represent the respective frequencies of
various racial traits. But this was also part of a larger vision of a natural
scientific field as, in the end, describing the physical variety of mankind.
This perspective, of course, does not provide the entire picture. Martin’s
book also employed other, already existing, uses of type photographs,
even if they were not explained or justified as instances of anthropometric
photography (see Fig. 6.2).
Furthermore, although Martin repeatedly stated that the study of
racial variation was only descriptive, numerous crude forms of racism
were incorporated, both textually and photographically, in his work.
Politically, too, much of the fine-tuning of anthropometric technique
took place during studies of prisoners of war in German and Austrian
camps, in ways that could not be separated from politics, not to speak
of the use of Martin’s methods and technique on Jews in ghettos before
they were sent to their deaths during the Third Reich.
Less important at the time than Martin’s standardization of technique
within anthropology, but more important in terms of the history of
medicine to the present day, was the introduction of photography for the
Fig. 6.1a Rudolf Martin, ‘Anthropometrie’, in A. Gottstein, A. Schlossmann, and
A. Teleky, eds, Handbuch der Sozialen Hygiene und Gesundheitsfürsorge
(Manual of Social Hygiene and Health Care) (Berlin: Lehmann, 1925),
p. 298. Public domain.
Fig. 6.1b Rudolf Martin, ‘Anthropometrie’, in A. Gottstein, A. Schlossmann, and
A. Teleky, eds, Handbuch der Sozialen Hygiene und Gesundheitsfürsorge
(Manual of Social Hygiene and Health Care) (Berlin: Lehmann, 1925),
p. 300. Public domain.
Fig. 6.2 Rudolf Martin, Lehrbuch der Anthropologie: In systematischer Darstellung
(Textbook of Anthropology: A Systematic Account) (Jena: Gustav Fischer,
1914). Public domain.
6. Science and Ideology
215
sake of observation by Eugen Fischer (1874–1967).5 Fischer introduced
his photographic practices at more or less the same time that Martin
standardized his, although Fischer belonged to a younger generation
of physical anthropologists already on its way towards the study of
human heredity. Here, photography was tied not to a descriptive form
of Anthropologie but to the first attempt to carry the reintroduction of
Mendelian genetics into the study of race and, more specifically, into the
study of racial mixing — or what Fischer termed ‘racial bastardization’.
Scientific or photographic control played no role in Fischer’s
photographic practice; there are also no traces of classical art in the
images that he produced, and his photography was not tied to statistics
in the same way as Martin’s. His notion of race, too, differed from
Martin’s in the sense that, rather than describe statistical frequencies of
physical traits, Fischer was committed to a deterministic notion of race
and sought to apply Mendel’s notions of genetic inheritance to its study.
Fischer’s famous Rehobother Bastards study, focusing on an African
population of mixed descent, appeared in 1913 (years before his
notorious career under National Socialism, though it was republished
numerous times, until 1961). Today, the broader colonial and genocidal
context of that study is recognized.6 At the time, the study was seen
as ground-breaking in shifting scientific attention from the study of
‘racial types’ to the study of ‘racial bastards’. In the book itself, Fischer
reproduces close to fifty photographs out of the 300 that he had taken.7
He focused his study on traits that he believed were racial and that he
conceived as Mendelian hereditary units.
5
6
7
On Fischer see Bernhard Gessler, Eugen Fischer (1874–1967): Leben und Werk des
Freiburger Anatomen, Anthropologen und Rassenhygienikers bis 1927 (Frankfurt: Peter
Lang, 2000). The earlier biography by Niels Loesch, titled Race as Construct, is even
more problematic. The best treatment of the development of Fischer’s ideas on race
is Amir Teicher, ‘Eugen Fischer’s Scientific Purview: The Development of a Scientific
Concept and the Interrelationship among Science, Society, and Politics in Germany,
1913–1936,’ Master’s thesis, (2008), Tel Aviv University [in Hebrew]. Fischer’s
photography has, surprisingly, garnered even less scholarship than have his ideas
on race. The only sustained treatment can be found in Kathryn Alice Steinbock,
‘Crisis and Classification: Photographic Portrait Typologies in Early 20th-Century
Germany’ PhD thesis, (2011), The University of Michigan.
Margit Berner, Annette Hoffmann, Britta Lange (eds), Sensible Sammlungen. Aus
dem anthropologischen Depot (Hamburg: Philo, 2011).
Eugen Fischer, Die Rehobother Bastards und das Bastardierungsproblem beim Menschen
(Jena: G. Fischer, 1913).
Fig. 6.3 Eugen Fischer, Die Rehobother Bastards und das Bastardierungsproblem beim
Menschen: Anthropologische und ethnographische Studien am Rehobother
Bastardvolk in Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika (The Rehobother Bastards and the
Bastardization Problem in Humans: Anthropological and Ethnographic
Studies of the Rehobother Bastard People in German Southwest Africa),
(Graz: Akademische Druck, 1961, original 1912), plate 2. Courtesy of
ADEVA Akademische Druck.
6. Science and Ideology
217
Fischer’s photographs focused on the faces and heads of his subjects. He
stated that the undressing of observed objects was neither possible nor
advantageous. Photographs, in his view, were not intended to replace
nor to extend measurements, which he carried out following Martin’s
method. His use of photography served rather to provide pictures of
patterns of Mendelian hereditary characteristics within families. His
photographs, therefore, focus on families: supposedly racially pure
parents (termed either Dutch or Hottentot) and their racially mixed
children. Significantly, the photographs attempt to demonstrate the
alternation of specific traits, rather than whole types. As Fischer was
interested in the genealogy of families, each photographed person
was named. Fischer attempted to break down types into Mendelian
traits, through the portrayal of the mixed offspring next to their ‘pure’
Khoikhoi or Dutch parents. The reader of the text and observer of the
photographs was requested to identify different traits found in the
offspring, and to track them to only one of the parents.
This use of photography epitomizes the Mendelian logic of traits
that exist irrespective of a whole type, distinct traits that, in persons
who are racially mixed, combine as ‘whole packages’ but do not blend.
Photographs were taken from the front, in half or full profile, and yet
are independent of measurements and free from strict considerations
of control in terms of distance, angle, or lighting. Fischer was not
aiming to transform the photographs into statistical tables. In his short
explanation of the tables of photographs, Fischer emphasized that the
classification of individuals under the photographs introduced as ‘Eu’,
‘Hott.’ Or ‘Mittl.’ — which later became standard practice in Hans F. K.
Günther’s work — afforded priority to the true (wirkliche) bloodlines
over appearance (Aussehen).
If, in Martin’s method, photography was in effect intended as data
for the generation of statistics, Fischer employed photographs for the
observation of traits. In the archive of his scientific papers in Berlin, one
can track some of the uses of photography in Fischer’s actual working
practices — cards with photographs or photographic clippings glued
onto them and Fischer’s handwritten working comments. Fischer
revisited his famous study in the 1930s, now interested especially in how
aging played out in his ‘bastard population’.8 He also published a book in
8
Eugen Fischer, ‘Neue Rehobother Bastardstudien,’ Zeitschrift für Morphologie und
Anthropologie 37:2 (1938), 127–39.
218
Photography in the Third Reich
1927, together with Hans F. K. Günther, that culminated with a display
of the most beautiful German heads of the Nordic race; in 1943, together
with the theologian and student of ancient Judaism Gerhard Kittel, he
published a crude antisemitic book with numerous photographs, in
which the uses of the photographs intersected in rather complex ways
with his more famous racial study and with Martin’s method (because
the few photographs of Jews included in the album had been taken in
Lodz, in early 1940, following Martin’s protocol) (see Fig. 6.4).
Fischer’s method undermined the veracity of the photograph, but,
in contrast the prevailing critical tradition of photography, this did
not derive from a reflection on photography but rather from Fischer’s
belief in a two-layered reality, that is, in the incongruity between the
phenotype and the genotype. Photography for Fischer could only
express the phenotypical surface; the genotype would remain hidden.
This is the source of Fischer’s undermining of the ‘truth’ of photography:
photographs do not necessarily tell the truth about reality; they can
‘deceive’ and cannot be fully trusted.
A third mode of using photographs in ethnology and physical
anthropology can be illustrated using the work of the politically liberal
opponent of antisemitism and Austrian-German polymath Felix von
Luschan.9 Type photographs were, of course, not invented by von
Luschan, but in the German-speaking context, von Luschan was central,
not only because of his prominence in the field but more specifically
because of the way his photographic practice were imbricated with his
anthropological sensitivity or prejudices to form racial types.
Von Luschan’s photographic practices interacted with a complex
and tension-riddled string of interrelated linguistic, archaeological,
biological, and cultural-political assumptions or theories. But the effect
of his photographs stemmed primarily from their photographic qualities;
through his use of serialized photographs, in particular, von Luschan
was able to demonstrate that certain features were somehow typical of
the group in question. This effect was achieved through careful selection
of individuals who tended to cluster around certain shared features
9
See in particular John M. Efron, Defenders of the Race: Jewish Doctors and Race Science in
Fin-de-Siècle Europe (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994); Anja von Laukötter,
‘Von der ‘Kultur’ zur ‘Rasse’ — vom Objekt zum Körper?’, in Völkerkundemuseen und
ihre Wissenschaften zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts (Bielefeld: Transcript Verlag, 2007),
pp. 91–124.
Fig. 6.4 Gerhard Kittel and Eugen Fischer, Das antike Weltjudentum Tatsachen, Texte,
Bilder (Jewry of the Ancient World, Facts, Texts, Images) (Hamburg:
Hanseatische Verlagsanstalt, 1943), p. 113. Public domain.
Fig. 6.5 Felix von Luschan, four types of photograph from one collection: 1903
Türke (Turk), 1904 Darde (Kaukasus), 1912 (Kurde), 1914 (Kurde).
Courtesy of Felix von Luschan, the collection of the Natural History
Museum Vienna, Department of Anthropology. Die Anthropologische
Abteilung, Naturhistorisches Museum Wien.
6. Science and Ideology
221
It was magnified by his photographic treatment of his subjects, which
was never explicitly elucidated. Unlike anthropometric photography,
these photographs were not intended for the purposes of measurement,
and von Luschan thus followed no form of control; in practice,
however, von Luschan tended to photograph his non-white and nonEuropean subjects (he did not photograph white Europeans) from very
close up — thus distorting their faces and, especially, enlarging their
noses — and often from an unflattering angle slightly lower than their
eyes. Furthermore, he used strong lighting on a neutral background, the
effect of which was both the elimination of much facial detail and, within
the genre of type photographs, an increased distance between the white,
German observers and the non-European, non-white photographed
subjects; the effect was to stress discontinuity and difference between
the two proposed classes of human.
The justification for discussing Martin and von Luschan in the current
context, both of whom died in the Weimar era, is twofold. Firstly, in visual
terms, their photographs set the tone for type photographs after their
time. And secondly, their techniques were later appropriated wholesale
by Fischer, Günther, and others. In fact, much of the discussion of the
Third Reich has to contend with scientific and ideological appropriation.
At first sight, the photographic practice of Hans F. K. Günther’s
Rassenkunde (racial lore) seems to derive far more from the kind of
photography produced by von Luschan than from that of Martin or
Fischer. But this impression conceals the fact that Günther in fact
developed a different and effective form of photographic practice. Von
Luschan produced his photographs himself, as part of his research and
documentation, while Günther relied on numerous sources of existing
photographs. Von Luschan, who, like Martin and Fischer, had a medical
background, believed he was relying on the hard science of anatomy and
skull indices in classifying populations. Photographs, in this respect,
were a superficial form of illustration and external to any real scientific
demonstration. For instance, von Luschan wrote a two-part article
on the Jews in the 1880s, and, on the re-publication of his principal
argument in a shortened version in 1905 in Arthur Ruppin’s first issue of
the first volume of the Zeitschrift für Demographie und Statistik der Juden,
he appended this photograph to the article. He was using a photograph
of an Armenian Christian Turk rather than a Jew to illustrate a claim
Fig. 6.6 Photograph of a Christian Armenian Turk reproduced in Felix von Luschan,
‘Zur physischen Anthropologie der Juden’ (The Physical Anthropology of
the Jews), Zeitschrift für Demographie und Statistik der Juden 1:1 (1905), 21.
Public domain.
6. Science and Ideology
223
about Jews that he had already formulated and published over a decade
earlier, based on what he believed to be essentially objective physical
anthropological science (see Fig. 6.6).
In Günther’s Rassenkunde, photographs were no longer the superficial
illustration of an independently reached scientific claim, but rather were
thoroughly integrated into the scientific demonstration or the form of
argumentation itself.10 This was the culmination of a process that had
been initiated — and not by Günther — in the second decade of the
twentieth century.
To speak about Günther in terms of the history of science is to create
serious historical and methodological problems. Günther is regarded as
the most important authority on race in National Socialist Germany; he
was Himmler’s mentor and was closely affiliated with the NSDAP and
the highest leadership even prior to the National Socialist party’s rise to
power (note, for instance, that Hitler’s only visit to a German university
between 1930 and 1945 was for Günther’s inauguration speech in Jena in
1930). Günther, who was trained in philology, developed a holistic and
deeply deterministic view of race. He was a proponent of the superiority
of the Nordic race, which he viewed as the only civilizational agent in
world history. He had a less favourable view of what he considered to
be the other elements of the German population, and he was ardently
antisemitic, conceiving the Jews as a Gegenrasse (counter-race) in world
history and the product of Gegenauslese (adverse selection). After 1945,
Günther became the epitome of the ‘racial ideologue’, first and foremost
in the eyes of scientists who now had to distance themselves and their
work on race from the immediate past. But even from a perspective
outside such an anachronistic West German point of view, Günther
had one foot in scholarship and another in ideology, with the two so
closely interwoven in this period that it is difficult to separate them,
even analytically. Because he lacked any medical or anthropological
background, Günther’s status within the scientific community was not
the same as, for instance, Fischer’s. But historiographic traditions after
1945 made the gap between them even larger, removing Günther from
the history of science much earlier and much more abruptly than Fischer.
In the current context, Günther is particularly important. As with
the other individuals discussed in this chapter, his assumptions about
10
See chapter three of Amos Morris-Reich, Race and Photography: Racial Photography as
Scientific Evidence, 1876–1980 (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2016).
224
Photography in the Third Reich
photography must be deduced from his actual photographic practices.
By far the most visually sensitive of any of the people addressed in
this chapter, he collected thousands of photographs from a network of
archives from all across Europe (like Darwin) — one can only speculate
on the number of photographs he had at his disposal and the amount
of time and energy he spent in using them, but the fact that he could
use more than five hundred photographs in one book is extremely
telling; his principal book, Rassenkunde des deutschen Volkes (München:
J. F. Lehmanns Verlag, 1922) came out in over twenty editions, and in
each edition he played around with the photographs, changing many
of them.
Günther’s forte was his clear grasp of the power of the serialization
of photographs. In a pragmatic sense and a highly politicized form he
shared this recognition with contemporaries like Walter Benjamin and
Aby Warburg. From a practical perspective, then, Günther’s was quite
close to those early voices in the critical tradition that proclaimed the
series as more important than the single image. Most of the effects of
Günther’s use of photographs derive, not from the single photographs
that he used, but from careful strategies of layout.
While there are important differences among the photographs he
used in his discussions of various racial groups, his propagandistic
effects are achieved far more through serialization and layout than
by individual photographs. A scholar of Aby Warburg has noted that
Warburg differentiated between serialization as ‘arrangement of form’
and serialization as ‘construction of meaning’, which seems to apply to
Günther’s photographic thinking as well.11 With the exception of the
Nordic type, rather than attempt to reduce complexity to a single racial
type or stereotype by use of massive serialization strategies, Günther
both destabilized and subtly re-stabilized visual patterns (see Fig. 6.7).
With the Nordic type, however (and only with that type), Günther
used serialization to erect and stabilize a prototype. Some of his
serialized photographic matrices manifested, in the human sphere,
Wittgenstein’s idea of ‘family resemblance’, that is, certain shared
features that crisscross a certain population but nonetheless cannot be
pinpointed by way of any shared common denominator.
11
Benjamin H. D. Buchloh, ‘Gerhard Richter’s ‘Atlas’: The Anomic Archive,’ October
88 (Spring 1999), 117–45, quotation from p. 127.
6. Science and Ideology
225
Fig. 6.7 Hans F. K. Günther, Rassenkunde des deutschen Volkes (Ethnogeny of the
German People) 10th ed. (Munich: Lehmann, 1926), p. 59. Public domain.
The answer to the question of what Günther was attempting to achieve
by the creation of such complex patterns is not easy to answer. But
it is important to note, in the current context, that what he actually
achieved was a kind of hybridizing instrument, that is, the gradual,
mostly subconscious ability of observers to isolate one or another
individual facial trait that Günther took to be racial (the shape of the
eye, the subject’s gaze, the lips, etc.) and segregate it from the rest of the
subject’s features. In effect, then, Günther taught his observers to break
types apart into what he believed were their underlying constitutive
racial components. His photographic series function as a matrix, in a
dialectical move between the deconstruction of types and their carefully
crafted reconstruction. The photographic patterns that Günther
created in pages and pages of photographs — none of them innocent
in their selection or organization — quite often evade easy definition or
classification (a somewhat surprising fact given that Günther so clearly
had one foot in ideology). With or without his political motivations,
Günther could be credited with developing and introducing in practice
the racial photographic matrix.
226
Photography in the Third Reich
Günther’s use of photography was, in a certain sense, more
complex — or more difficult to decode — than the written texts in
which the photographs were embedded. Günther was not the first to
use photographs that were produced for various social purposes — a
family photograph of a white German woman with her African
German husband and their children, could, in his hands, serve as
scientific evidence for the study of race — but in terms of quantity and
sophistication he practically created a new genre. His use of photographs
also relied on a tacit understanding that far more readers would actually
skim through photographic reproductions than read lengthy texts, thus
ensuring that his intended effects would be achieved even without the
texts that the photographs purportedly only illustrated.
The final innovative use of photographs in the study of race examined
here was the form developed by Ludwig Ferdinand Clauss. Here, too,
photography is closely tied to serialization, but in a different way than
in Günther. And unlike Martin, for whom photographs were data that
could be transformed into statistical information, Clauss attempted to
transform the racial photograph from evidence (a kind of Beleg) into a
form of self-evidence (or Evidenz), bringing to the eye an essence that
was already known a priori by the mind.
In contrast to all the cases discussed above, it is not even possible
to attempt to imagine Clauss’s method without photography; his
method, in truth, was an intrinsically photographic one.12 Clauss, like
Günther, had no medical, natural scientific, or physical anthropological
background — he was a senior student of the founder of modern
phenomenology, the Jewish German Edmund Husserl — and his
idiosyncratic use of photography as well as his ideas about race belong
far more to the history of the humanities than to the natural sciences.
12
Clauss’s principal book was Rasse und Seele. Eine Einführung in die Gegenwart
(Munich: J.F. Lehmann Verlag, 1926). In later editions a subtitle was added that
indicated its programmatic nature (Eine Einführung in den Sinn der leiblichen Gestalt).
For a remarkable biography of Clauss, see Peter Weingart, Doppel-Leben. Ludwig
Ferdinand Clauss: Zwischen Rassenforschung und Widerstand (Frankfurt: Campus,
1995); on his phenomenology, see Richard T. Gray, About Face: German Physiognomic
Thought from Lavater to Auschwitz (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2004); on
the relationship of his thought to Ludwig Klages’s, see Per Leo, Der Wille zum Wesen:
Weltanschauungskultur, charakterologisches Denken und Judenfeindschaft in Deutschland
1890–1940 (Berlin: Matthes & Seitz, Berlin 2013); on his photographic method, see
chapter four of Amos Morris-Reich, Race and Photography. Racial Evidence as Scientific
Evidence, 1876–1980 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2016).
6. Science and Ideology
227
Here photography was not only integral to the scientific demonstration
or argumentation process, it was in fact at the heart of the very process
of phenomenological observation that comprised Clauss’s form of racial
phenomenology (see Fig. 6.8).
Clauss’s use of serialization was close to that of Étienne-Jules Marey’s
(1830–1904) or Eadweard Muybridge’s (1830–1904) photographic
method for the study of movement. The rather idiosyncratic idea was
that race expressed itself in terms of style, which was racially determined
and could be observed in movement. In terms of style, the Nordic man,
defined as Leistungsmensch (man of performance), moved in a distinctly
Nordic way, the result of the interaction between anatomy and culture,
both of which were racially defined. The still camera, according to
Clauss, had the advantage over the eye that it could stop, freeze, and
represent moments of this movement. Hence, Clauss developed a
method of studying that movement by photographing carefully selected
individuals in movement, with small intervals between photographs.
Of course, by the time Clauss developed his photographic method,
technological advances in camera size, shutter speeds, and film
sensitivity entailed that his method was not technologically novel. In
terms of its visual language it, like all the other instances discussed here,
was, instead, conservative or reactionary.
The structure of Clauss’s publications, as can be seen from the first
lines of every chapter of his most important book, Rasse und Seele (Race
and Soul), derived from the textual elaboration of photographic series.
Rather than specimens of a type in the anthropological or biological
sense, the individuals Clauss photographed were closer in their
epistemological status to ‘examples’ in the sense discussed by Kant in
his moral philosophy. That is, rather than move from the racial type to
the specimen, Clauss believed the single individual he was studying
revealed the racial ‘rules’ of the type as a whole. In this he was following
the phenomenological method of gradually removing the accidental
from the object under scrutiny until only the core, the essence of the
phenomenon, could be grasped and described.
The status of photography in Clauss’s study of race was closely tied
to Gestalt traditions, as was his understanding of race. Following the
critique of Gestalt psychologists and philosophers in the Neo-Kantian
philosophical tradition, and the further critique of the experimental
Fig. 6.8 Ludwig Ferdinand Clauß, Rasse und Seele: Eine Einführung in den Sinn der
leiblichen Gestalt (Race and Soul: An Introduction to the Meaning of the
Bodily Form) (Munich: Gutenberg, 1937), pp. 78–81, photographs pp.
62–69. Public domain.
6. Science and Ideology
229
sciences, and also in opposition to Martin, who relied heavily on
statistical methods in the study of race, Clauss perceived race as an a priori
structure. Using the analogy of the difference between a stick broken
in two and an arrow broken in two, that is, an object that possessed
inherent structure transcending its autonomous constitutive ‘parts,’
Clauss proclaimed that race is Gestalt (Rasse ist Gestalt). In line with this
understanding of race, the status of photographs as scientific evidence
in his work approaches, ultimately, that of Gestalt thought experiments.
In this instance, Clauss took one of the principal photographs from
his book Rasse und Seele and abstracted from the photograph only the
outline. He then gradually modified the outline until the racial Gestalt
was damaged to such an extent that the racial essence could no longer
be observed and grasped (according to what he claimed he had tested
on numerous observers) (see Fig. 6.9).
Expansion and Contraction in the Third Reich
The five ways of using photography in the scientific study of race that I
have now documented point to the diverse nature of the racial photograph
in terms of its epistemological definition and respective role in scientific
demonstration, intertwined with sometimes competing ideas of race,
visual language, and photographic technique. The employment of
photographs within scientific writing was closely tied to transformations
in concepts of objectivity in particular forms of science, such as the
gradual transition from ‘mechanical objectivity’, with its optimistic trust
in forms of mechanical reproduction, to ‘trained judgment’, with the
addition of the subjective authority of scientific experts, as described by
Daston and Gallison.13 Some photographic practices were intended for
publication, with audiences ranging from the professional to the general
public. But photographs were also integrated into the working practices
of scientists and scholars. From our later perspective, the differences
between them appear negligible. However, it is from a political rather
than a scientific perspective that they appear so. It is noteworthy that
there were no attempts to develop scientifically novel methods for the
employment of photography in the study of race after the 1930s.
In the historical interpretation above, there is a conscious effort to
avoid collapsing this chapter on the history of scientific photography
13
Lorraine Daston and Peter Galison, Objectivity (New York: Zone Books, 2007).
Fig. 6.9 Ludwig Ferdinand Clauß, Rassenseele und Einzelmesch: Lichtbildervotrag
(The Racial Soul and the Individual: A Slide Presentation) (Munich:
Lehmann, 1938), slides 3–5. Public domain.
6. Science and Ideology
231
into the political sphere. This is not motivated by an attempt to defend
a purist interpretation of science. Indeed, there can be no question that
even the best instances of science are politically ‘contaminated’, albeit
in different ways. Hence, rather than following the post-1945 West
German impulse and segregating these instances of racial photography
as contaminated, thereby exonerating all of the rest, the same standards,
methods of analysis, and modes of interpretation should be applied here
as with other facets of the history of science. In the National Socialist
era, racial photography flourished, and its meaning was transformed,
although its uses were conceptually derivative. The inventory of
photographic collections in archaeological institutes or museums
in Germany or Austria reveals a shift in the materials generated and
archived from non-European, non-white peoples in the imperial period
to Jews during the time of the Third Reich. In methodological terms,
different practices, underpinned by different conceptions of science
or race, were collapsed into explicitly politicized instruments. The
photographic repertoire also preceded Hitler’s seizure of power, both
empirically and in terms of genre and visual language. Quantitatively,
racial photography expanded; methodologically, it contracted.
The ways in which science and politics drew on each other, the ways
in which they conferred legitimacy on and received legitimacy from each
other increased, and their meanings changed.14 In Germany all of these,
irrespective of their methodological differences, remained well within
the general outlook of National Socialism. In publications sanctioned by
the party and state ideology, where photographs had generally served
illustrative purposes, scientists and scholars such as Walter Scheidt,
Peter-Heinz Seraphim, and numerous others who made extensive use
of photographs now saturated society with images that spoke about
race directly or indirectly, and elicited social relations in which race was
interwoven: they naturalized, visualized, classified, and instructed viewers
about race and racial differences; suggested its presence and importance
for virtually every aspect of the life of the individual, the family, the
community, and the Volk; and sharpened the sensual, intellectual, and
14
Mitchell G. Ash, Wissenschaft und Politik als Ressourcen für einander,‘ in Rüdiger
vom Bruch and Brigitte Kaderas (eds), Wissenschaften und Wissenschaftspolitik.
Bestandsaufnahme zu Formationen, Brüchen und Kontinuitäten im Deutschland des 20.
Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart: Steiner, 2002), pp. 32–51.
232
Photography in the Third Reich
political education of citizens. Scientific photographs were interwoven
with other photographs within this broader ‘visual economy’, endowing
it with the prestige and authority of science, connecting the scientific
discourse with other facets of culture, and providing the public with
cues (in the language of art historian Ernst Gombrich) for the decoding
and understanding of the photographs, for knowing how to connect the
photographs with social reality.15 The photography that purported only to
represent reality in fact took an active part in shaping it.
The previous section attempted to show that the function of racial
photographs as scientific evidence was embedded in and relative to
various discourses and their respective aims. But photographs generated
for one kind of use, based on a certain set of assumptions, could of course
also be used in a different context. Scientists and scholars who had
laboured to differentiate their practices from those of their peers now
often reproduced photographs that were based on one methodology in
publications underpinned by another, as political instrumentalization
more strongly trumped methodological differences. As a result, the same
photograph could be generated in one context, such as these photographs
by Martin (Fig. 6.2) and von Luschan (Fig. 6.6) but could, without much
effort, be transported and reused in another (see Fig. 6.10).
Von Luschan illustrated his argument on Jews with this photograph;
Günther not only reproduced it for opposing political ends, but
now embedded it in his different economy of demonstration or
argumentation. Similarly, Fischer sent a group of assistants and students
to measure and photograph Jews in the Lodz ghetto in early 1940
following Martin’s method (Fig. 6.4), and, in a 1943 volume, used them
for a much more clearly scientific justification for the extermination of
the Jews (see Fig. 6.11).
While this phenomenon greatly expanded in the Third Reich, it did
not begin or end there. Clauss took this photograph (Fig. 6.8) as part of
his phenomenological method, but the physical anthropologist Rainer
Knussman reproduced it many years later, in 1986, as a standardized
anthropological type photograph. Similarly, physical anthropologist
Egon von Eickstedt made no direct mention of Jews in his truly
unusual book published in 1963, comprised of over 2,500 pages, but he
reproduced two of Clauss’s photographs (on page 1657 and page 2256).
The latter, which Clauss claimed was an Arab woman, von Eickstedt
Fig. 6.10 Hans F. K. Günther, Rassenkunde des jüdischen Volkes (Ethnogeny of the
Jewish People) (Munich: Lehmann, 1930), p. 386. Public domain.
Fig. 6.11 Gerhard Kittel and Eugen Fischer, Das antike Weltjudentum Tatsachen,
Texte, Bilder (Jewry of the Ancient World; Facts Texts, Pictures) Hamburg:
Hanseatische Verlagsanstalt, 1943), p. 116. Public domain.
6. Science and Ideology
235
characterized as ‘Armenider Erlösungstypus’ (Armenian Redemption
Type) which thus integrated Clauss’s typology (redemption type) and
von Luschan’s racial classification (Armenian type).16
One way to look at all of this is to say that racial photographs
succumbed rather easily to different uses; another, perhaps stronger,
approach is to say that the boundaries between racial discourses, which
in some respects were fairly clear, in others were quite fluid. This fluidity
was closely tied to political instrumentalization, and it all tended in the
same general direction, which makes it easier for the later historian to
question the significance of the epistemological differences in the first
place.
This chapter has addressed photography within science and
scholarship. But science and scholarship are never isolated from other
facets of society and history. Furthermore, photography, because of its
visual legibility, connects spheres of cultural production with each other
directly and instantaneously. In terms of their subjects, visual language,
and broad political ideology, the kinds of photography elaborated
upon here bear considerable similarity to the work of photographers
who are discussed at length in other chapters of this volume, such
as Erna Lendvai-Dircksen and Erich Retzlaff. Photographs tend to
centre on individuals, but the individuals stand for something typical
(racial, regional, or ethnic). While focusing on individuals and in fact
emphasizing their uniqueness, the photographs discussed here were
also speaking about types and, at an even deeper level, and perhaps
most crucially, when they focused on members of the German Volk they
were engaged in establishing a prototype of that Volk, arguably one of
the few key kernels of the rather fluid National Socialist ideology.
The photographic treatments discussed here speak to viewers in
similar terms, suggesting that the photograph offers a direct, immediate
depiction of the person, based on and intensifying a naïve conception of
the relationship between photography and reality. Both these branches
of scientific photography and their respective forms of documentary
photography emphasize authenticity more than they do beauty, although
they share implicit conservative notions of beauty. And they also share,
16
Egon Freiherr von Eickstedt, Ursprung und Entfaltung der Seele: Entwurf und System
einer psychologischen Anthropologie (Stuttgart: Ferdinand Enke Verlag, 1963). For
Clauss’s originals see Rasse und Seele (Munich: Lehmann, 1933), pp. 78–81.
236
Photography in the Third Reich
in broad terms, the naturalizing Völkisch ideology as well as, often, an
explicit commitment to National Socialist ideas or motifs. In fact, there
is a significant overlap, with regard to the conception of photography’s
relationship to reality as well as from aesthetic, sociological, cultural,
and political perspectives, between Völkisch ideology and the ideas of
National Socialism. Some of Erna Lendvai-Dircksen’s photographs
could easily replace some of the photographs used in the publications
of Clauss or Günther, for instance.
Professional photographers, to a much greater degree than amateur
photographers, master the camera and work from within photography’s
dispositions to create the image they desire. For this reason, the
aesthetic and ideological overlap between certain documentary
photographers and racial scientists merits special attention. However,
for the same reason, it is important to note a caveat; namely, the ability
in retrospect to observe visual similarities between photographs made
by photographers who were aesthetically and ideologically clearly at
odds (such as Helmar Lerski and any of the photographers discussed
here). While this raises broader questions with regard to the history of
photography, it also means that drawing conclusions based on visual
similarities should be approached with caution.
Conclusion
Methodologically, the use of photographic techniques for the study
of race was not developed further after 1945, and quantitatively, it
declined quite sharply, although it did not altogether disappear. This
stands in contradiction to the relative continuity, otherwise, in the
scientific branches in which it had been featured (excluding Günther’s
Rassenkunde, which was debunked as political ideology).17 The question
of why the use of photography lessened is, to some extent, dependent
on interpretation. Explanations include internal scientific developments
(such as the increasing dominance of concepts based on computing
processes within the biological sciences, and the shift to the chromosomal
level of analysis in the 1960s) as well as the interface between science
and politics and transformations in the public sphere with regard to the
legitimacy of these uses of photography. Photography’s documentary
17
See the literature cited in Amos Morris-Reich, ‘Taboo and Classification’ (2013).
6. Science and Ideology
237
nature also offers itself as an explanation. Indirect evidence for this
latter interpretation can be seen in the destruction, by scientists, in the
final days of the war, of photographs of Jews taken in Lodz in 1940
(discussed above). They did not destroy other measurements, such as
fingerprints, which were taken on the same occasion, based on the same
method and for the same purportedly scientific purposes (in fact, some
of those scientists were still considering publishing the fingerprints
in the late 1940s). The scientists understood the photographs as more
incriminating than other media. So, the photographs were destroyed,
but everything that had been collected or published was not. What
happened to the composite image that this vast repertoire of photographs
helped establish in the social imagination? What has this photographic
tradition implanted in that social imagination? Did the receding of
photography mean the receding of images developed over decades and
sitting atop deeper and broader cultural, religious, and social layers?
Attempting to answer this question requires studying photography
within a multi-layered, complex history of vision, where vision is
understood as a dynamic and sensually, intellectually, and politically
shaped process. This work still needs to be carried out. Speaking very
generally, the study of photography from the 1980s to today emphasizes
photography’s contingency, the modes of doubt and ambivalence
built into the images that it produces, and the protean nature of vision
itself. At least to some extent, these tendencies are corrective with
regard to earlier conceptions that implied or assumed photography’s
direct representation of the real. But in certain respects, they may
optimistically exaggerate the roles of photography in historical reality.
Perhaps, by building on Aby Warburg’s less progressive and possibly
more pessimistic view of human vision in history, future work will have
to study photography in relation to other forms of image production, to
demonstrate how photographs solidified images in the social imagination.
Such embedding of photography allows us to locate and stabilize certain
points of transition in the relationship between photography and vision,
while reminding us that at no point can the history of photography
be separated from psychological and social structures, or cultural and
political ideologies. The photographic practices studied in this chapter
did not create images ex nihilo: the images existed prior to them and did
not, most probably, entirely disappear with photography’s decline
Conclusion
In a collapsed and burned-out building, two boys sift through a
mountain of rubble, charred beams, and twisted metal; their quest is to
find whole bricks.
Fig 7.1 Hans Saebens, ‘Untitled’, silver gelatin print, 1945. Courtesy of Aberystwyth
University’s School of Art Museum and Galleries.
© Christopher Webster, CC BY 4.0
https://doi.org/10.11647/OBP.0202.07
240
Photography in the Third Reich
The all-pervasive and almost overpowering smell of corruption drifts
through the air but the once black skies are now clear of both bombers
and smoke. Today, the sun is shining and even here, on the edge of
ruin, these children find a purpose; mature beyond their years, they are
focused on their task. The Stunde Null, the zero hour, has passed, and
with the men either dead, far away, or imprisoned, the children too must
work alongside the thousands of Trümmerfrauen, or rubble women, to
clear the way for a future that few foresaw, and none can now predict.
This is what remains after nearly six years of war — ashes and ruins,
the final symbol of the cataclysm that has been visited on Europe and
indeed the world. Somewhere too, amongst the apocalyptic miles of
crushed and crumbling wreckage that was once the city of Berlin, lie
the ashes of the photographic archives of many of the photographers
discussed in this text. Literally and symbolically, the fires of defeat have
consumed the ideological work that had become their métier for the
previous two decades.
But this was not the end of the careers of these photographers who
had been ‘for the Reich’. Indeed, an examination of many of their postwar activities reveals that, although often not without some personal
difficulty, they nevertheless adapted quickly and successfully to the
dramatic change in circumstances. In addition to the destruction
wrought by allied bombing, many of them embarked on
…selective cleansing actions of private as well as commercial archives,
when potentially compromising material was destroyed. As a result of
this self-inflicted ‘denazification,’ the preponderance of photos from this
period consists of images that are ideologically ‘clean’.1
Even those who no longer remained committed to working with ‘folksy’
images of the German Heimat and its people saw their surviving pre1945 work continue to be used in publications that were now attuned
to a tourist market, and one that chimed with earlier, less ideological,
conceptions of a gemütlich (cosy) and nostalgic image of German life.2
1
2
Ute Tellini, review of, Petra Rösgen, ed., frauenobjektiv: Fotograffinen 1940 bis 1950, in
Woman’s Art Journal 23:2 (Autumn 2002–Winter 2003), 40.
For more on the peasant motif in German art and photography see Christian Weikop,
‘August Sander’s Der Bauer and the Pervasiveness of the Peasant Tradition’, Tate Papers
19 (Spring 2013), https://www.tate.org.uk/research/publications/tate-papers/19/
august-sanders-der-bauer-and-the-pervasiveness-of-the-peasant-tradition
Conclusion
241
Images of women in traditional costume were reconceptualised as
‘quaint’ and representative of ‘warm traditions’. For example, Hans
Retzlaff’s photograph of the Bückeburg Bäuerin is reproduced in the 1961
book Niedersachsen3 and presented for the new tourist market with its
title in German, English and French4 (see Fig. 7.2).
Similarly, Hans Retzlaff’s namesake, Erich Retzlaff, resumed his
successful photographic career following the war’s end and, besides
developing a lucrative career as a commercial photographer, continued
his photographic portrait project to capture the ‘great spirit’ of the
German mind, which became his book Das Geistige Gesicht Deutschlands
(The Spiritual Face of Germany) published in 1952. This book was
indeed a direct extension of his 1944 colour project Das Gesicht des Geistes
(The Face of the Spirit). However, as in the recontextualization of Hans
Retzlaff’s photographs of the Heimat and its people, Erich Retzlaff’s
focus was also now realigned. Instead of an emphasis on a racialphysiognomic elite, the portraits he presented were framed as part of
a cold war strategy to present the democratic intellectual cultural force
that was the new capitalist West Germany (in ideological opposition to
the Marxist totalitarianism of East Germany and the Soviet Bloc).
If any of these former practitioners were still convinced by
National Socialism or harboured positive memories of their careers
before the end of the war, then they tempered their feelings for
the new dispensation, for this was their ‘new’ Selbstgleichschaltung
or ‘self-co-ordination’. Unsurprisingly though, there is certainly
something strikingly different about the photographic output and
re-presentation of these photographers works in the post-war period.
The downfall of the Third Reich produced, in the main, a palpable
difference in the creative output of these prodigious photographers.
The visual mutation of their post-war work, and the changes in the
biographical narratives that they formed around themselves, are
certainly attributable to the general calumny and forced psychological
shift that many Germans were experiencing in that most uncertain of
periods following the disaster of the war and the collapse of National
3
4
Niedersachsen: Bilder eines deutschen Landes, introduction by Heinrich Mersmann
(Frankfurt:Verlag Weidlich, 1961), (unpaginated).
With his negatives destroyed, Hans Retzlaff travelled to the Institute of Folklore at
Tübingen University after the war in order to make copy negatives of their extensive
holdings of his prints.
Fig 7.2 Hans Retzlaff, Bückeburg. Bäuerin in festlicher Tracht mit goldbesticktem
Kopfputz (Peasant woman wearing traditional costume), c.1935,
reproduced in Niedersachsen: Bilder eines deutschen Landes, introduction by
Heinrich Mersmann (Frankfurt: Verlag Weidlich, 1961), (unpaginated).
Public domain.
Conclusion
243
Socialism. In a general sense, their photography was less dynamic
than the work they made in the 1930s and 1940s. The subject matter,
without the structure of a National Socialist Weltanschauung, now
tended to be rather clichéd and rudderless, lacking the punch and
bite of its earlier manifestations, or else it was driven by commercial
imperatives. This shift tells its own story of trauma and a conscious
effort to leave behind the new stigma of the past in the period of
Entnazifizierung or ‘denazification’.
Each of the chapters in this book has explored the relationship
between specific trends that were influential in Germany during the
period of the Third Reich (such as physiognomy) and the relationship
to an aesthetic and Nationalist photography. As Andrés Zervigón
pointed out in chapter three, there was a conscious combining of past
traditions with modern visions, a neo-traditionalism manifest in the
photographic form that was ‘aesthetically pioneering’. Each chapter
finds that a highly creative and inventive manifestation of modernist
photographic practices persisted (through a nationalist lens at least)
after 1933. Therefore, the notion that an innovative and modernistinfluenced photography ceased to exist in Germany after 1933 can
thus be readily dismissed. As one American reviewer wrote in 1937,
‘German art photography is the last word in both technical expertness
and human sympathy’.5
Of course, the application of these photographic portfolios for
political ends is beyond dispute. Sometimes the association was overtly
political, as in the use of these photographic works in ideologically
radical publications such as the notorious 1942 publication Der
Untermensch6 (the subhuman).
5
6
R.T.H, ‘Menschen am Wasser,’ Review of Heinz Kuhbier, ed., Menschen am Wasser,
in Books Abroad 11:1 (1937), 75. Hans Saebens’ images of Niederdeutschland were
represented in this text.
Reichsführer SS, SS Hauptamt, Der Untermensch (Berlin: Nordland, 1942).
Fig. 7.3 Cover image of the SS pamphlet ‘Der Untermensch’ (The Subhuman),
Reichsführer SS, SS Hauptamt, Der Untermensch (Berlin: Nordland, 1942).
Public domain.
Conclusion
245
Produced by the SS as a ‘training brochure’, it used portrait and landscape
images by Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Hans Retzlaff, F. F. Bauer, and Ilse
Steinhoff amongst others. These were all photographers who had engaged
with an aesthetic vision of the German Volk, all who had artistically
explored physiognomy in their working practices. The Untermensch
document used photo-doubling techniques and polemical language
to draw comparisons between ‘good’ German stock and a parodic and
negative representation of (particularly) Slavic and Jewish types.
Fig. 7.4 Double-page comparison of two racial types entitled ‘Klar sind die Fronten’
(the battlelines are clear) from the SS pamphlet ‘Der Untermensch’ (The
Subhuman), Reichsführer SS, SS Hauptamt, Der Untermensch (Berlin:
Nordland, 1942). Public domain.
The unpaginated illustrated text opens with a statement by Reichsführer-SS
Heinrich Himmler from 1935, where he is quoted as saying:
As long as there are people on earth, the battle between humans and
subhumans will be the historical rule, this struggle against our folk, led
by the Jew, belongs, as far as we can look back into the past, to the natural
course of life on our planet. One can calmly come to the conclusion that
this struggle to the death is certainly as much a law of nature as the
attack of the plague bacillus on a healthy human body.7
7
SS Hauptamt, Der Untermensch (1942).
246
Photography in the Third Reich
As Jennifer Evans has recently pointed out, ‘Along its various pathways
of production, consumption and display, a photograph trains the eye to
identify what it sees while provoking the mind to judge’.8 The creative
and staged photography of Ethnos made and used within the sphere
of National Socialism (along with its many other manifestations) was
streamlined to intervene between the viewers’ encounter with daily life
and the larger world surrounding them. It was intended to guide the
viewer to assess, to formulate opinions, to identify with, and to educate.
It was also intended, as Rolf Sachsse has elucidated in chapter one,
to provide a positive feeling and ‘warm’ memory whilst the viewer is
‘looking away’ into the constructed space of the photograph.
An example of this type of pedagogical approach for the broader
public was the Volk und Rasse touring exhibition (1934–1937)9 organized
by the Deutsches Hygiene-Museum and the Rassenpolitische Amt der
NSDAP (Office of Racial Policy). This exhibition featured a large number
of these artistically stylised portraits of the German ‘type’10 (see Fig. 7.5).
The accompanying brochure advised: ‘Every German man and every
German woman must go into this exhibition and allow this display to
have its effect on them. An hour of such an instructional lesson is more
effective than the spoken or read word’.
Reinforcing the notion of tradition and modernity, in 1937 the
Reichsgesetzblatt wrote enthusiastically about the exhibition:
Thus, this exhibition reveals the great inner connections between blood
and soil and race and ethnicity. It teaches that every one of us is a member
of a great chain of ancestors, and that our fate is defined by those who
preceded us just as our people’s future will be a reflection of us. There
is probably no more vivid a reminder of the great responsibility that
8
9
10
Paul Betts, Jennifer Evans and Stefan-Ludwig Hoffmann, eds, The Ethics of Seeing:
Photography and Twentieth Century German History (New York: Berghahn Books,
2018), p. 2.
The exhibition Volk und Rasse (1934–1937) came from the exhibition Deutsche
Arbeit — Deutsches Volk (Berlin, 1934). In 1936, the exhibition was completely
revised and, in 1937, it was integrated into the collection of the Deutsche Hygiene
Museum (information courtesy Marion Schneider, DHM, e-mail correspondence 14
August 2017).
When I examined press images and related publications from this exhibition, I was
able to identify (on behalf of the contemporary Deutsches Hygiene-Museum) some
of the works as those by Hans Retzlaff, Erna Lendvai-Dircksen and Erich Retzlaff.
Conclusion
247
Fig. 7.5 Volk und Rasse, a touring exhibition (1934–1937) arranged by the Deutsches
Hygiene-Museum and the Rassenpolitische Amt der NSDAP (Office of Racial
Policy). Image courtesy of the Stiftung Deutsches Hygiene-Museum.
each one of us bears for his people than this exhibition ‘People and
Race’.11
Yet, it might also be argued that the more extreme and politicised
applications (and the example of Der Untermensch cited above is a crude
enough specimen) were a by-product rather than an intended outcome
of the genre of work that these photographers had developed. Its political
use might have been an obvious outcome and one of which they would
or should have been aware. However, the photographers’ idealised,
romantic-nationalist approach to framing their subjects should, it could
be argued, be considered outside of the (often) crude ends to which
the political ideologues used their work. Theirs was a kind of ‘rightist
New Objectivity’, or at least one that mirrored the conservative and
traditionalist values of the photographers whilst employing modern
photographic techniques. Does this exonerate them from any guilt
11
Reichsgesetzblatt, 2 (1937), 27.
248
Photography in the Third Reich
by association with politics? A Soviet contemporary of these German
photographers provides a useful comparison.
Boris Ignatovich enjoyed the patronage of the Soviet state as a
photographer whose work was regarded as quintessentially Socialist
Realist and was widely used in Soviet propaganda, but he was also
regarded as part of that avant-garde in photography that emerged
during the interwar years. Ignatovich was selected for that seminal
exhibition, Film und Foto, which opened in Stuttgart in 1929. So, whilst
being regarded as an avant-garde creator, Ignatovich was also used as a
‘political’ photographer of the Soviet system, a system whose own use
of visual media was equal to that of National Socialism in its ruthless
ambition to eradicate the state’s perceived enemies (amongst other
applications). The Soviet propaganda machine utilised the work of
artists, writers and photographers (like Ignatovich) in much the same
way as National Socialism did in Germany. The ends were often equally
destructive, if not, it could legitimately be argued, much more so given
the brutal extended legacy of Communism.
As the writer Maksim Gorky opined when discussing the aims of
propaganda:
Class hatred should be cultivated by an organic revulsion as far as the
enemy is concerned. Enemies must be seen as inferior. I believe quite
profoundly that the enemy is our inferior and is a degenerate not only in
the physical plane but also in the moral sense.12
Gorky’s words might have been lifted from Der Untermensch itself.
Although some might regard the comparison as problematic,13 it is
relevant when comparing the post-regime treatment of the two groups
of practitioners. Photographers of the Soviet Union are now regarded
as laudable additions to the canon of the history of photography. They
are widely exhibited and discussed positively without the political
caveats that inevitably accompany any discussion of their National
12
13
Quoted in Nicolas Werth, Karel Bartošek, Jean-Louis Panné, Jean-Louis Margolin,
Andrzej Paczkowski and Stéphane Courtois, The Black Book of Communism: Crimes,
Terror, Repression (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999), p. 751.
Unlike National Socialism, Communism, its ideological nemesis, is still openly
espoused in some quarters as politically viable or simply desirable. Despite the
far longer and indisputably bloodier international legacy of applied Marxism, it
is not uncommon in western countries to see the hammer and sickle flag waved
enthusiastically at protest marches, for example.
Conclusion
249
Socialist German contemporaries. For example, in 2004 the Nailya
Alexander Gallery in New York staged an exhibition entitled Staging
Happiness: The Formation of Socialist Realist Photography. The gallery
wrote:
Photography became the most important artistic tool in shaping the
collective consciousness with the purpose to create a New Soviet Man.
This resulted in a multitude of commissioned works featuring beautified
images of heroic men and women, cheerful pioneers, abundant
produce as well as glorified depictions of the Soviet military might and
achievements of new economic policies that led to [a] prosperous future
under the leadership of the Great Stalin. Photographers became the
creators of new icons, and the subjects of their photographs were hailed
as the stars of Soviet publications — state-sanctioned role models for the
general population.14
Photography certainly became an integral tool in delineating the notion
of a unified German identity during the National Socialist era. Like their
Soviet contemporaries, many of these photographers had no opportunity
to leave Germany even if they desired to do so, and of course, many
interpreted the new dispensation as a positive transformation, whether
in terms of increased patronage (because of their existing reputations)
or in terms of new opportunities (as other practitioners fell afoul of
National Socialism). What was certain was that, in order to continue
practising their craft, photographers needed to be aware of, and in
line with, the expectations of the new National Socialist state. This
was applicable to cinematographers, sculptors, painters, or indeed
anybody working in the arts at the time. Should anyone be in any doubt
about these requirements, Joseph Goebbels, the minister for Public
Enlightenment and Propaganda, stated in 1938:
Art […] must feel itself closely connected with the elemental laws of
national life. Art and civilisation are implanted in the mother soil of
the nation. They are, consequently, forever dependent upon the moral,
social, and national principles of the state.15
14
15
See: http://www.nailyaalexandergallery.com/exhibitions/staging-happiness-theformation-of-socialist-realist-photography
Joseph Goebbels quoted in Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, the
Family and Nazi Politics (London: Methuen, 1987), p. 56.
250
Photography in the Third Reich
The requirement of photography was ‘to promote photography in a
racial sense’.16 It was essential that photography must include ‘a vital
link between the work and national customs and traditions’.17 Such
directions disallowed photographers like August Sander entry, and it
certainly excluded others of the wrong political or racial background.
Unlike August Sander’s socially structured physiognomic study of
Germans, these photographers of a physiognomic Ethnos tended to
plough a straight furrow, with the work fixed on those fundamentals that
comprised the idealised elements of the National Socialist community
and a National Socialist mythos.
As in Socialist Realism, these German counterparts are both real
and ideal. They do indeed extol the virtues of simplicity, unity, identity,
and purity that formed part of the propaganda notions of the ‘National
Community’. There is no doubt that many of these photographers had
a pronounced feeling of national sentiment. Theirs was a photography
concerned with the ‘poetics of nationhood’.18 These images can be seen
to fit into a crafted demonstration of what was posited as ‘national
culture’.
Was it simply the presence of ideological concerns that might be said
to define a National Socialist photographic aesthetic, Sontag’s so-called
‘Fascist aesthetic’? When examining a documentary photograph, the
viewer is confronted with different questions than in an encounter with
the art photograph. However, like the photography that was produced
for Roosevelt’s Farm Security Administration in the United States,
these images of Ethnos are cloaked in the language of the document
yet resonate with the aesthetic language of the art photograph and, as
a result, function as both fact and fiction; they point to a myth through
the veil of the photographic ‘becoming in time’.19 Yet the suggestion of
this myth is not intended to undermine the plausibility of the image;
rather, it reinforces the ideological mythos embedded in the picture and
thus, when the viewer engaged with those images, they might confirm
the place of the viewer of the time in relation to this national myth. As
16
17
18
19
Klaus Honnef, Rolf Sachsse and Karin Thomas, eds, German Photography 1870–1970:
Power of a Medium (Cologne: Dumont Bucherverlag, 1997), p. 8.
Honnef, et al, German Photography 1870–1970 (1997), p. 88.
Ian Jeffrey, German Photography of the 1930s (London: Royal Festival Hall, 1995), p.
10.
Jae Emerling, Photography History and Theory (Abingdon: Routledge, 2012), p. 167.
Conclusion
251
stories of the ‘real’, that is, as representations of people encountered in
the field, these photographs, to quote the important British documentary
filmmaker John Grierson, apply ‘a creative treatment of actuality’ (my
italics).20
Similarly, as David Bate pointed out in an insightful article:
[…] documentary images are those that create an allegorical sense, a
picture with a non-literal significance, a meaning and point beyond literal
content […] All good documentary photographs generate this implicit
commentary, where the content and form are combined, harnessed
together to make a ‘bigger picture’ and meaning.21
These German photographs are a visual manifestation of a grappling
with modernity during a revolutionary and culturally challenging
time. Working with this allegorical sense, using Ethnos as the thread
that united them, they created an alternative but modern form for a
representation of a traditional idea, namely the notion of ‘Blood and
Soil’. However, as a traditional hypothesis, ‘Blood and Soil’ became
unacceptable after 1945 because of the association of this idea with
National Socialism.
In his equally polemical and brilliant 1990 critique of modern
intellectual life in Germany, post-war German art, and the deleterious
effect of the ‘anti-aesthetic’ on that art, the innovative German filmmaker Hans-Jürgen Syberberg, discussed how the historic notion of
‘Blood and Soil’ had become tainted, a taboo. As Syberberg explains,
‘Blood and Soil’,
[…] means the aesthetics grown from an agrarian culture such as had
determined European art through aristocratic principles of hierarchies
of good and bad until the beginning of Modernism […] Hitler’s
attempt to put his ideology into practice appears as a caricature of these
traditions and was doomed to failure, as we know today. And yet it is
a cultural historical epoch of European art from the Heimatfilm to the
new classicism of a frightful ‘Strength-through-Joy’ gesture in sculpture,
architecture and painting. It corresponds to a longing, however trivial,
20
21
In 1933 Grierson wrote, ‘Documentary, or the creative treatment of actuality, is a
new art with no such background in the story and the stage as the studio product
so glibly possesses.’ John Grierson, ‘The Documentary Producer,’ Cinema Quarterly
2:1 (1933), 8.
David Bate, ‘The Real Aesthetic: Documentary Noise,’ Portfolio: Contemporary
Photography in Britain 5 (2010), 7.
252
Photography in the Third Reich
of men become a mass of people and to the intellectual isolation at the
height of the industrial epoch and it is the other side of Modernism.22
Effectively, Syberberg argues for the recognition of its place not as a
reactionary measure but as an essential, healthy, and necessary facet of
modernity.
In the period before 1945, the German photographers whose work
focussed on a framing of Blut und Boden (Blood and Soil), and on the
Heimat, this photography of Ethnos, were part of a broader conservative
milieu that used their photography to assert a counter-propositional
position to aspects of modernity, and to reject political liberalism and
the shifting social and cultural situation that struggled to emerge
in the chaotic atmosphere of post-Versailles Germany. Like their
contemporaries Ernst Jünger, Martin Heidegger, and Oswald Spengler,
they were, very often, revolutionary conservatives and formed their
photographic aesthetic as a counter-propositional bulwark to a zeitgeist
that was perceived as alien and destructive to their own concept of
German (and European) tradition. It can be no surprise then that the
National Socialists seized upon it as a propaganda trope.
These photographs attempt to visually ‘cement’ the notion of the
nation as one that is unified and typified by untainted landscapes,
where relations with Nature are harmonious in an ecotopia interspersed
with traditional hamlets, villages, and towns, and above all where the
apogee of this national community is the representation of the German
Bauer himself, situated eternally on the earth of his homeland. The
individual is framed as an archetype of a rarefied and noble type. Young
and old, the people are framed as linked by a common physicality and
common activity. Their rootedness to the landscape, their Ethnos, is
the substance upon which this ‘portrait’ is constructed. For even when
this photography is not expressly a ‘portrait’, the works still portray
unchanging core values: order, history, ancestral legacies (including
race), and unity. These images are presented as the corrective to
cosmopolitanism, deracination, and degeneracy — all factors cast as
eternal threats to the German ‘racial soul’.
22
Hans-Jürgen Syberberg, On the Fortunes and Misfortunes of Art in Post-War Germany
(translated and annotated by Alexander Jacob), (London: Arktos, 2017), pp. 11–12
(originally Vom Unglück und Glück der Kunst in Deutschland nach dem letzten Kriege
(München: Matthes und Seitz, 1990)).
Conclusion
253
It is clear that photography, like other modern inventions and ideas,
was readily utilised in the promulgation of National Socialist thinking.
Certainly, in terms of the definition of the ideal racial type, it was seen
as indispensable. Often these studies would not be produced under the
direct auspices of the Reich Ministry for Propaganda, but rather they
were made in an ostensibly independent mode and thus appeared to have
a greater degree of creative freedom.23 Images such as those reproduced
in journals such as Volk und Rasse, in which these photographers were
regularly featured, focussed on using the photographic image as a tool to
overtly highlight the ‘ideal’ racial type as part of the corporate national
identity.24 However, unlike the scientific anthropological approach,
with its frontal and lateral viewpoints forming an analytical archive,
the photographers of the autochthonous Bauer presented their subjects
in a single summary frame. They had, as Remco Ensel has pointed
out, ‘emphasized the penetration of a nation’s inner life, which was
equivalent to a people’s character, by means of a two-dimensional photo.
Here, the photo acted as the medium that established the connection
between body and mind. One photo was enough.’25
The photography explored in this book was constructed to render
an image of the face, the body, and even geography and the landscape
in a context of Ethnos, a physical and metaphysical ethno-physiognomy
of Germany. In addition, this photography was made by highly skilled
practitioners whose approach reflected international trends in avantgarde photography. They often adapted and applied the aesthetics of
the ‘New Vision’ that resulted in a more direct, sharply focused and
sometimes documentary approach to the medium. The work of these
German photographers echoed the direct straight approach of many of
23
24
25
See for example, Matthias Weiss, ‘Vermessen — fotografische ‘Menscheninventare’
vor und aus Zeit des Nationalsozialismus,’ in Maßlose Bilder: Visual Ästhetik der
Transgression (München: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 2009), p. 359.
Gemeinschaft (community) as opposed to Gesellschaft (society) was an integral
paradigm of National Socialist philosophy in the form of Volksgemeinschaft (the
people’s community). The individual was regarded as part of a whole national
organism subsumed into a single organic being. Thus, each ‘cell’ (person) must be
of the best quality and, in this ideology, racially echo the whole.
Remco Ensel, ‘Photography, Race and Nationalism in the Netherlands,’ in Paul
Puschmann and Tim Riswick, eds, Building Bridges. Scholars, History and Historical
Demography. A Festschrift in Honor of Professor Theo Engelen (Nijmegen: Valkhof Pers,
2018), p. 253.
254
Photography in the Third Reich
the modernist photographers in America at that time. Indeed, some of
the similarities are striking. With straight, sharp, close-cropped images,
their German counterparts were also pioneers in using state-of-theart early-twentieth-century photographic technologies like the 35mm
Leica camera, and new film advances such as the Agfacolor Neu film
introduced in 1936.
The fact that this photography was also created with, or applied to,
an ideological current means that the work should be understood. Yet
their closeness to National Socialism has ensured that in mainstream
histories and museology these photographers have been critically
marginalised, pushed into an art-historical closet. It appears that when
discussing these works there has been (and often still is) an expectation
that one must always proceed pejoratively. It has been, in the main, a
continuation of that censorious art historical assumption that:
[…] all art under National Socialism was repellent and barbaric, even
to the point of being too repellent and barbaric to analyse; and that
aesthetic interest attaches only to that art which National Socialism set
out to crush and destroy. 26
Such subjective ‘framing’ as originally partially challenged in Taylor and
van der Will’s The Nazification of Art is inevitably counter-productive,
and merely reveals the prejudices of the examiner rather than leading
to any fresh understanding or positioning of the works in question.
Such an attitude, as described in the quote above, is no longer valid
nor relevant. Like music, literature, painting, and other artistic forms
made in the Third Reich, creative photography that celebrated Ethnos
cannot be regarded as an anomaly that is best forgotten, glossed over, or
ignored. Nor can we simply regard these photographs as tainted objects
to be reviled because of some of the applications during the period of
the Third Reich. Beyond this usage, they stand as manifestations of a
radical tradition that transcends the era in which they were made. Today,
these images have become atavistic memory-shadows still haunting
the fringes of our digital information highways (reappearing on the
internet through social media and file-sharing sites, for example). This
photographic work remains, a continuing manifestation of a political,
26
Brandon Taylor and Wilfried van der Will, The Nazification of Art: Art, Design, Music,
Architecture and Film in the Third Reich (Winchester: The Winchester Press 1990), p. 4.
Conclusion
255
ideological, esoteric, and Romantic mélange unique to its time. As
such, these artefacts require a reading and a positioning in the aesthetic
history of the modern era. That is the process that this book has set out
to begin.
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List of Illustrations
Introduction
Fig. 0.1
Fig. 0.2
Fig. 0.3
Fig. 0.4
Fig. 0.5
Fig. 0.6
‘Physiognomik,’ Praktische Berlinerin 16 (1927), p. 15. Public
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Image Cards for Racial Studies) (Munich: J.F. Lehmanns
Verlag, 1926). Public domain.
Frontispiece, Mme. Sylvia, Das Buch der hunderte Hände:
mit einer Geschichte der Chirosophie (The Book of a Hundred
Hands) (Dresden: Verlag von Wolfgang Jess, 1931). Public
domain.
The hands of the inventor Thomas Alva Edison and the
theoretical physicist Albert Einstein reproduced in Mme.
Sylvia, Das Buch der hunderte Hände: mit einer Geschichte der
Chirosophie (The Book of a Hundred Hands) (Dresden: Verlag
von Wolfgang Jess, 1931). Public domain.
The hand of the artist Max Liebermann reproduced in Hände:
eine Sammlung von Handabbildungen grosser Toter und Lebender
(Hands: A Collection of Images of Hands of Great Dead and
Living People) (Hamburg: Gebrüder Enoch Verlag, 1929).
Public domain.
‘Gattin eines deutschen Offiziers’ (Spouse of a German
Officer) and ‘Alte nordfriesische Bäuerin’ (Elderly North
Frisian Farmer’s Wife), reproduced in Ludwig Ferdinand
Clauss, Von Seele und Antlitz der Rassen und Völker: Eine
Einführung in die vergleichende Ausdrucksforschung (On the
Souls and Faces of Races and People) (Munich: J.F. Lehmanns
Verlag, 1929). Public domain.
17
20
21
22
23
27
276
Photography in the Third Reich
Chapter 1
Fig. 1.1
Fig. 1.2
Fig. 1.3
Cover image of, Wolf Strache, Auf allen Autobahnen. Ein 33
Bildbuch vom neuen Reisen (Along the Autobahns: A Picture
Book of Modern Travel) (Darmstadt: L.C. Wittich, 1939).
Public domain.
Cover image of Max Schirner, Deutsche Meisteraufnahmen: Um 37
den Sportrekord (German Master Photographers: To the Sports
Record) (München: F. Bruckmann, 1936). Public domain.
Cover image of, Hans Windisch, Die neue Fotoschule (The New 42
Photography School) (Harzburg: Walther Heering Verlag,
1937). Public domain.
Chapter 2
Fig. 2.1
Fig. 2.2
Fig. 2.3
Fig. 2.4
Fig. 2.5
Fig. 2.6
Heinrich Hoffmann, Adolf Hitler, 1927, reproduced in Heinrich
Hoffmann, Hitler was my Friend (London: Burke, 1955), pp.
72–73. Fair use.
Heinrich Hoffmann, Adolf Hitler [no date recorded on caption
card] vintage silver gelatin print, retrieved from the Library
of Congress. Public domain, www.loc.gov/item/2004672089/
Erich Retzlaff, Kunsthändler Alexander Vömel (Art Dealer
Alexander Vömel) c.1933, Aberystwyth University, School
of Art Museum and Galleries. Courtesy of the Estate of Erich
Retzlaff.
Erich Retzlaff, Hochofenarbeiter (Blast Furnace Worker), 1931,
reproduced in Menschen am Werk (Göttingen: Verlag der
Deuerlichschen Buchhandlung o.J., 1931), p. 9. Public domain.
Erich Retzlaff, kompagnieführer und Anführer der fallschirmjäger
bei Dombas in Norwegen. Nordische führergestalt (Company
Leader and Leader of the Paratroopers at Dombas in Norway.
Nordic Leader) reproduced on the cover of Volk und Rasse,
1941. Public domain.
Frontispiece from Wilhelm Freiherr von Müffling, ed.,
Wegbereiter und Vorkämpfer für das neue Deutschland (Pioneers
and Champions of the New Germany) (Munich: J. F. Lehmanns
Verlag, 1933). Public domain.
99
101
105
107
77
79
List of Illustrations
Fig. 2.7
Fig. 2.8
Fig. 2.9
Fig. 2.10
Fig 2.11
Erich Retzlaff, Heinrich Himmler, 1933, reproduced in Wilhelm
Freiherr von Müffling, ed., Wegbereiter und Vorkämpfer für das
neue Deutschland (Pioneers and Champions of the New Germany)
(Munich: J. F. Lehmanns Verlag, 1933, p. 56. Public domain.
Erich Retzlaff, Joseph Goebbels, 1933, reproduced in Wilhelm
Freiherr von Müffling, ed., Wegbereiter und Vorkämpfer für das
neue Deutschland (Pioneers and Champions of the New Germany)
(Munich: J. F. Lehmanns Verlag, 1933), p. 11. Public domain.
Erich Retzlaff, Georg Kolbe, 1944, reproduced in Erich Retzlaff,
Das Gesicht des Geistes (The Face of the Spirit) (Berlin: Alfred
Metzner Verlag, 1944). Public domain.
Erich Retzlaff, Emil Abderhalden, 1944, reproduced in Erich
Retzlaff, Das Gesicht des Geistes (The Face of Spirit) (Berlin:
Alfred Metzner Verlag, 1944). Public domain.
Still from Zeit im Bild (Image of Our Time) 1942, a Kraft durch
Freude (Strength through Joy) production. Courtesy of the
Bundesarchiv, Film: B 126144-1.
277
81
82
86
89
92
Chapter 3
Fig. 3.1
Fig. 3.2
Fig. 3.3
Fig. 3.4
Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Alter Bauer von der Mosel (Weinbauer)
(Old Farming Peasant from the Mosel Region (Wine Farmer))
with a poem by Friedrich Hölderlin, reproduced in Erna
Lendvai-Dircksen, Das deutsche Volksgesicht (The Face of the
German Race) (Berlin: Kulturelle Verlag-Gesellschaft, 1932),
pp. 194–95. Public domain.
Helmar Lerski, Putzfrau (Charwoman) c.1928–1931,
silver gelatin print, George Eastman Museum, purchase
1981.1289.0002. Courtesy of the George Eastman Museum.
Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Frau aus der Mark Brandenburg
(Woman from the Brandenburg Region), reproduced in
Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Das deutsche Volksgesicht (Face of the
German Race) (Berlin: Kulturelle Verlag-Gesellschaft, 1932),
p. 109. Public domain.
Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Portrait of Käthe Kollwitz, c.1925,
reproduced in Unsere Zeit in 77 Frauenbildnissen (Our Era in
77 Portraits of Women) (Leipzig: N. Kampmann, 1930), (no
pagination). Public domain.
99
101
105
107
278
Fig. 3.5
Fig. 3.6
Fig. 3.7
Fig. 3.8
Fig. 3.9
Fig. 3.10
Photography in the Third Reich
Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Dorfbauer aus dem Teufelsmoor.
(Village Peasant from the Devil’s Heath), reproduced in Erna
Lendvai-Dircksen, Das deutsche Volksgesicht (The Face of the
German Race) (Berlin: Kulturelle Verlag-Gesellschaft, 1932),
p. 119. Public domain.
Erna Lendvai-Dirksen, Frau aus der Regensburger Gegend
(Woman from Regensburg Region), reproduced in Erna
Lendvai-Dircksen, Das deutsche Volksgesicht (The Face of the
German Race), (Berlin: Kulturelle Verlag-Gesellschaft, 1932),
p. 155. Public domain.
Erna Lendvai-Dirksen, Geestbäuerin (Farming Peasant
Woman from the Geest Region), reproduced in Erna LendvaiDircksen, Das deutsche Volksgesicht (The Face of the German
Race), (Berlin: Kulturelle Verlag-Gesellschaft, 1932), p. 53.
Public domain.
Leni Riefenstahl, Dancer, Olympia, 1938, courtesy Archives
Riefenstahl.
Fidus (Hugo Höppener), Lichtgebet (Light Prayer), 1894. ©
Deutsches Historisches Museum / A. Psille.
Erna Lendvai-Dirksen, Frau aus der Tölzer Gegend (Woman
from the Tölzer Region), reproduced in Erna LendvaiDircksen, Das deutsche Volksgesicht (The Face of the German
Race), (Berlin: Kulturelle Verlag-Gesellschaft, 1932), p. 154.
Public domain.
108
112
114
116
118
121
Chapter 4
Fig. 4.1a Eine ‘gute’ und eine ‘schlechte’ Bank als visuelle Gradmesser (A 135
and 4.1b ‘Good’ and ‘Bad’ Bench as Visual Indicators), reproduced in
Heinrich Sohnrey, Kunst auf dem Lande (Art of the Countryside)
(Bielefeld/Leipzig/Berlin: Velhagen & Klasen, 1905), p. 182.
Public domain.
Fig. 4.2
Cover image from Hans Retzlaff, Arbeitsmaiden am Werk 138
(Labour Service Women at Work) (Leipzig: E. A. Seemann,
1940). Public domain.
List of Illustrations
Fig. 4.3
Fig. 4.4
Fig. 4.5
Fig. 4.6
Fig. 4.7
Fig. 4.8
Fig. 4.9
Fig. 4.10
Fig. 4.11
Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Zwei Generationen gegenübergestellt
(Two Generations Compared), 1932, reproduced in Erna
Lendvai-Dircksen, Das deutsche Volksgesicht (Face of the
German Race) (Berlin: Drei Masken Verlag, 1934), pp. 140–41.
Public domain.
Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Kranke Frau (Sick Woman),
1932, reproduced in Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Das deutsche
Volksgesicht (Face of the German Race) (Berlin: Drei Masken
Verlag, 1934), p. 91. Public domain.
Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Junge Schwälmer Bäuerin (Young
Swabian Peasant Woman), 1932, reproduced in Erna LendvaiDircksen, Das deutsche Volksgesicht (The Face of the German
Race (Berlin: Drei Masken Verlag, 1934), p. 235. Public
domain.
Hans Retzlaff, Spreewaldkind aus Burg in Sonntagstracht
(Spreewald Child from Burg in Sunday Costume), vintage
silver gelatin print, 1934, courtesy of Archiv Ludwig-UhlandInstitut für Empirische Kulturwissenschaft, Universität
Tübingen. Inv.-Nr. 5a383.
Hans Retzlaff, Militärischer Drill (Military Drill), reproduced
in Hans Retzlaff, Arbeitsmaiden am Werk (Labour Service
Women at Work) (E. A. Seemann, Leipzig 1940), p. 44. Public
domain.
Hans Retzlaff, Patriarchale Rollenverteilung: ‘Im Arbeitsdienst
lernt die Arbeitsmaid ihre schöne deutsche Heimat kennen’ (A
Patriarchal Distribution of Roles: ‘In the work service, the
young working woman gets to know her beautiful German
Homeland’), reproduced in Hans Retzlaff, Arbeitsmaiden
am Werk (Labour Service Women at Work) (Leipzig: E. A.
Seemann, 1940), p. 87. Public domain.
Dirndl-Heimat in einer Illustrierten (An Illustration of
Traditional Heimat Costume), Heimat, September 2010, Heft
9, p. 15. Fair use.
Liselotte Purper, Arbeitsmaiden auf dem Weg durchs Dorf
(Labour Service Women on their Way Through the Village),
vintage silver gelatin print, 1942, courtesy of Staatliche
Museen zu Berlin / Stiftung Preußischer Kulturbesitz.
Hans Retzlaff, Bei der Heuernte in Norddeutschland (Haymaking
in Northern Germany), picture postcard, 1941, Archiv Ulrich
Hägele). Public domain.
279
142
143
146
150
153
155
157
159
164
280
Fig. 4.12
Photography in the Third Reich
Paul Wolff, Kleines Mädchen aus dem Sarntal (A Little Girl from 167
the Sarentino Valley), 1942, reproduced in Meine Erfahrungen…
farbig (My Experiences… in Colour) (Frankfurt am Main:
Breidenstein, 1942), Plate 18. Public domain.
Chapter 5
Fig. 5.1
Fig. 5.2
Fig. 5.3
Fig. 5.4
Fig. 5.5
Fig. 5.6
Fig. 5.7
Fig. 5.8
Fig. 5.9
Wilhelm
Carl-Mardorf,
reproduced
in
Deutsches
Volk — Deutsche Heimat (German People — German
Homeland) (Bayreuth: Gauverlag Bayerische Ostmark
G.m.b.h., 1935), p. 32). Public domain.
Erich Retzlaff, Bauer aus der Marsch (A Farmer from the Fens)
reproduced in NS-Frauen-Warte 4 (1935–1936), 106. Public
domain.
Hans Saebens, Konfirmandinnen aus Föhr (Confirmants
from Föhr), vintage silver gelatin print, c.1936. Courtesy of
Aberystwyth University, School of Art Museum and Galleries.
Erich Retzlaff, Hafenarbeiter aus Emden & Friesischer Fischer
(Harbour Workers from Emden & Frisian Fishermen)
reproduced in ‘Atlantis’, Heft 8, August 1932, pp. 486–87.
Public domain.
Van eenen bloede: jongens uit Oost- en Westfriesland (Of One
Blood: Youths from East and West Friesland) double page
spread in W. F. van Heemskerck Düker, Friesland-Friezenland
(Frisia-Frisia) (Den Haag: Hamer, 1942), pp. 156–57. Public
domain.
Hans Saebens, Schaumburg Lippe Bückerburgerinnen
(Bückerburg Woman from Schaumburg Lippe) vintage silver
gelatin print, c.1936. Courtesy of Aberystwyth University,
School of Art Museum and Galleries.
Erna Lendvai-Dircksen, Ostpreußische Frauen (East-Prussian
Women) reproduced in ‘NS-Frauen-Warte’, Heft 1, 1 Juli,
1939, pp. 14–15. Public domain.
Otto Kolar, Waffen-SS im felde (Waffen-SS in the Field)
reproduced in Volk und Rasse, Heft 2 February 1942,
frontispiece. Public domain.
Joachim Benecke, Vorgeschichte und Gegenwart (Pre-History
and the Present), ‘NS-Frauen-Warte’, Heft 15 January 1939,
pp. 458–59. Public domain.
177
185
187
188
191
194
195
197
198
List of Illustrations
281
Chapter 6
Fig. 6.1a
Fig. 6.1b
Fig. 6.2
Fig. 6.3
Fig. 6.4
Fig. 6.5
Fig. 6.6
Fig. 6.7
Rudolf Martin, ‘Anthropometrie’, in A. Gottstein, A.
Schlossmann, and A. Teleky, eds, Handbuch der Sozialen
Hygiene und Gesundheitsfürsorge (Manual of Social Hygiene
and Health Care) (Berlin: Lehmann, 1925), p. 298.
Rudolf Martin, ‘Anthropometrie’, in A. Gottstein, A.
Schlossmann, and A. Teleky, eds, Handbuch der Sozialen Hygiene
und Gesundheitsfürsorge (Manual of Social Hygiene and Health
Care) (Berlin: Lehmann, 1925), p. 300. Public domain.
Rudolf Martin, Lehrbuch der Anthropologie: In systematischer
Darstellung (Textbook of Anthropology: A Systematic
Account) (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1914). Public domain.
Eugen Fischer, Die Rehobother Bastards und das
Bastardierungsproblem beim Menschen: Anthropologische
und ethnographische Studien am Rehobother Bastardvolk in
Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika (The Rehobother Bastards and the
Bastardization Problem in Humans: Anthropological and
Ethnographic Studies of the Rehobother Bastard People in
German Southwest Africa) (Graz: Akademische Druck, 1961,
original 1912), plate 2. Courtesy of ADEVA Akademische
Druck.
Gerhard Kittel and Eugen Fischer, Das antike Weltjudentum
Tatsachen, Texte, Bilder (Jewry of the Ancient World, Facts,
Texts, Images) (Hamburg: Hanseatische Verlagsanstalt,
1943), p. 113. Public domain.
Felix von Luschan, four types of photograph from one
collection: 1903 Türke (Turk), 1904 Darde (Kaukasus), 1912
(Kurde), 1914 (Kurde). Courtesy of Felix von Luschan,
the collection of the Natural History Museum Vienna,
Department of Anthropology. Die Anthropologische
Abteilung, Naturhistorisches Museum Wien.
Photograph of a Christian Armenian Turk reproduced in Felix
von Luschan, ‘Zur physischen Anthropologie der Juden’ (The
Physical Anthropology of the Jews), Zeitschrift für Demographie
und Statistik der Juden 1:1 (1905), 21. Public domain.
Hans F. K. Günther, Rassenkunde des deutschen Volkes
(Ethnogeny of the German People) 10th ed. (Munich:
Lehmann, 1926), p. 59. Public domain.
212
213
214
216
219
220
222
225
282
Fig. 6.8
Fig. 6.9
Fig. 6.10
Fig. 6.11
Photography in the Third Reich
Ludwig Ferdinand Clauß, Rasse und Seele: Eine Einführung in
den Sinn der leiblichen Gestalt (Race and Soul: An Introduction
to the Meaning of the Bodily Form) (Munich: Gutenberg,
1937), pp. 78–81, photographs pp. 62–69. Public domain.
Ludwig Ferdinand Clauß, Rassenseele und Einzelmesch:
Lichtbildervotrag (The Racial Soul and the Individual: A Slide
Presentation) (Munich: Lehmann, 1938), slides 3–5. Public
domain.
Hans F. K. Günther, Rassenkunde des jüdischen Volkes
(Ethnogeny of the Jewish People) (Munich: Lehmann, 1930),
p. 386. Public domain.
Gerhard Kittel and Eugen Fischer, Das antike Weltjudentum
Tatsachen, Texte, Bilder (Jewry of the Ancient World; Facts
Texts, Pictures) Hamburg: Hanseatische Verlagsanstalt, 1943,
p. 116). Public domain.
228
230
233
234
Conclusion
Fig 7.1
Fig 7.2
Fig. 7.3
Fig. 7.4
Fig. 7.5
Hans Saebens, ‘Untitled’, silver gelatin print, 1945. Courtesy
of Aberystwyth University’s School of Art Museum and
Galleries.
Hans Retzlaff, Bückeburg. Bäuerin in festlicher Tracht mit
goldbesticktem Kopfputz (Peasant woman wearing traditional
costume), c.1935, reproduced in Niedersachsen: Bilder eines
deutschen Landes, introduction by Heinrich Mersmann
(Frankfurt: Verlag Weidlich, 1961) (unpaginated). Public
domain.
Cover image of the SS pamphlet ‘Der Untermensch’ (The
Subhuman), Reichsführer SS, SS Hauptamt, Der Untermensch
(Berlin: Nordland, 1942). Public domain.
Double-page comparison of two racial types entitled ‘Klar
sind die Fronten’ (the battlelines are clear) from the SS
pamphlet ‘Der Untermensch’ (The Subhuman), Reichsführer
SS, SS Hauptamt, Der Untermensch (Berlin: Nordland, 1942).
Public domain.
Volk und Rasse, a touring exhibition (1934–1937) arranged by
the Deutsches Hygiene-Museum and the Rassenpolitische Amt
der NSDAP (Office of Racial Policy). Image courtesy of the
Stiftung Deutsches Hygiene-Museum.
239
242
244
245
247
Index
Abderhalden, Emil 85
Erich Retzlaff’s portrait of 88
Adorno, Theodor ix
advertising photography 15, 54, 140
aesthetic traditionalism 35
Ahnenerbe (SS Institute of Ancestral
Research)
formation of 183
support for photographers of Ethnos
201
amateur photography
and physiognomy 26
during the Second World War 52–54
popularity of colour 165
publications for during the Second
World War 45
anthropometric photography 211
anti-fascism 38
anti-modernism x, 134
anti-rationalism 13
ariosophy 176
Aryan race xiii, 13, 88, 91–92
and the Atlantis myth 178, 192, 201
as Nordic-Atlanteans 181
divine origin of 175–176, 179, 201
Atlantis (illustrated magazine) 188
autobahn as a motif of modernity 11, 45
avant-garde photography 26
avant-gardism 38
Barnack, Oscar 46
Battista della Porta, Giovanni, De
Humana Physiognomonia (Of
Human Physiognomy) (1586) 2
Bauer, Friedrich Franz 54, 200
Bauhaus 39–41, 43
Bayer-Hecht, Irene 43
Bayer, Herbert 39–41, 43
Benjamin, Walter vii, xi, xiii, 16, 103
A Short History of Photography
(essays, 1931) 66
Theories of German Fascism (essay,
1930) vii
Bernays, Edward 45
biological hierarchy 64
biological materialism x
Blavatsky, Helena
and the Atlantean myth 178
theory of Root races 178
The Secret Doctrine (book, 1888) 178
Blood and Soil (Blut und Boden) as a
facet of modernity 252
Blossfeldt, Karl 124
Blühova, Irena 39
Bourke-White, Margaret 71
Brill, Fritz 43
Browne, Thomas 110
Burchartz, Max 40
Burte, Hermann 90
Camera Obscura 1
Capa, Robert 48
Carlyle, Thomas 62
chiromancy
Das Buch der hunderte Hände (The
Book of a Hundred Hands) (book,
1931) 20
Hände
eine Sammlung von
Handabbildungen grosser Toter
und Lebender (Hands
A Collection of Images of
Hands of Great Dead and
284
Photography in the Third Reich
Living People) (book, 1929)
21–22, 24
Clauss, Ludwig Ferdinand 26, 148,
226, 229
framing a ‘racial essence’ through
photography 205
phenomenological observation in his
work 227
Rasse und Seele (Race and Soul)
(book, 1926) 227
Von der Seele und Antlitz der Rassen
und Völker (On the Souls and Faces
of Races and People) (book, 1929)
28
colour photography 34, 88
Agfacolor Neu 50–51, 71, 163, 170, 254
Agfa’s Photoblätter (Photo News)
165
Agfa’s Wolfen laboratories 50
as abstraction 51
as propaganda 50, 163, 169–170
development of 49
Duxochrome 51–52
dye transfer 51
in print 51
Kodachrome 49, 51–52, 170
tungsten film 51
Constructivist painting 36
Contax camera 47–48
Dachau xii
Darré, Richard Walther 80
role in the formation of the Ahnenerbe
183
Darwin, Charles
and the survival of the fittest 65
the theory of evolution 3
Das deutsche Lichtbild (The German
Photograph) (a photo annual) 26,
139
Depression, the Great 6, 71
Der Untermensch, (The Subhuman)
(pamphlet, 1942) 160, 243
De Stijl 36
D e u t s c h e I l l u st r i e r t e ( G e r m a n
Magazine) (picture magazine) xii
Deutsche Jugendbewegung (German
Youth Movement) 117
Deutschen Bundes Heimatschutz
(German Federation for Heimat
Protection) 134
Deutschen Werkbundes (German Work
Federation) 134
Deutschland Ausstellung (German
Exhibition) (exhibition, 1936) 43
Die deutsche Donau (The German
Danube) (book, 1939) 165
Döblin, Alfred 67, 102
documentary photography 4, 11–12,
71, 149, 201, 235
as fact and fiction 250
Domizlaff, Hans 45
East Germany 241
Eastman Kodak 46
Edda, the 196
Ehlert, Max 127
Ehrhardt, Alfred 41
Eickstadt, Egon von, Archiv für
Rassenbilder (Archive of Racial
Images) (book, 1926) 19
Emerick, Carolyn 199
Entartete Kunst (Degenerate Art
Exhibition) (exhibition, 1937) 119
Entnazifizierung (denazification) 243
Ermanox camera 46
esotericism x, 65
Estorff, Gustav von 158, 160
ethnic cleansing 13
ethnography and photography 71
ethno-nationalism 10
European New Right 199
Evans, Walker 6
Evola, Julius 62, 66
Exacta camera 48
Expressionism ix
condemnation of by National
Socialism 119
Index
Farm Security Administration (FSA)
250
fascism vii
aesthetics of x, 84, 199
fashion photography 36
Faustian man 91
Feininger, Andreas 41
Fidus (Hugo Höppener), Lichtgebet
(Light Prayer) (painting, 1894) 117
Film und Foto (Film and Photo)
(exhibition, 1929) 38–40, 248
fin-de-siècle ix
fine art photography 12
Finsler, Hans 44
First World War 53, 72
Versailles Treaty 65, 72
Fischer, Eugen 4, 215, 221
destruction of the Lodz photographs
237
hereditary characteristics in families
205
photographing Jews in the Lodz
ghetto 232
Rehobother Bastards study 215, 217
Fischer, Hans 85
Fraktur, use in nationalist photography
books 120, 195
Franke, Gustav 64
Frankfurt School ix, 66
Frentz, Walter 51
Freytag, Heinrich 44
Frick, Wilhelm 80
Führerliste (The Leader’s list of exempt
artists working for the war effort) 87
Furtwängler, Wilhelm 92
Gemeinschaft (community) 113
German identity 103
Germany
unification of in 1871 113
Gesellschaft Deutscher Lichtbildner
(Society of German Photographers)
140
Gesellschaft (society) 113
Gestalt psychology 210
285
Gobineau, Arthur de 178
The Inequality of the Human Races
(essay, 1855) 178
Goebbels, Joseph x, xi, 35–36, 80, 147,
249
Erich Retzlaff’s portrait of 80
importance of photography in
propaganda 137
monitoring of propaganda
photography 54
Spanish Civil War propaganda 53
Goldberg, Emanuel
Goldberg Condition 47
Gorky, Maksim and class hatred 248
gothic-style print 97
Gottbegnadeten-Liste (Important Artist
Exempt List) 87
Graeff, Werner 39–40
Greater Germany 191
Green Party 32
Grierson, John 251
Grimm, Emil 168
Gropius, Walter 39, 43
Große Deutsche Kunstausstellung
(Great German Art Exhibition),
(exhibition, 1937) 119–120
Günther, Hans F. K. 4, 74, 88, 90, 148,
218, 221, 226, 232
deterministic view of race 223
Deutsche Köpfe nordischer Rasse
(German heads Nordic race)(book,
1927) 4
Rassenkunde des deutschen Volkes
(Ethnogeny of the German Peoples)
(book, 1922) 224
use of serialisation strategies 205, 224
visualisation of the Nordic prototype
224
Haack, Hans-Erich 84
Haeckel, Ernst 3, 65
Hahn, Otto 87
halftone 100
Hallensleben, Ruth 46
Hamsun, Knut 192
286
Photography in the Third Reich
Häring, Hugo 44
Hartmann, Nicolai 87
Harz, Hermann 52
Hauptmann, Gerhart 85, 87–88
Heartfield, John (Helmut Herzfeld) 38
Heemskerck Düker, Willem F. van
189–190
Friesland-Friezenland (Frisia-Frisia)
(book, 1942) 190
Zinnebeelden in Nederland (Symbols
in the Netherlands) (book, 1940)
192
Heering, Walther 41
Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich 62
Hege, Walter 44, 50
Heidegger, Martin 252
Heimat xii, 3, 9, 11, 109, 113, 117, 131,
168, 170, 184, 200
and craftsmanship 134
and identity 132
and nostalgia 132
rejection of cosmopolitanism 131
Heimatschutzbewegung (Homeland
Protection Movement) 133–134, 139
Hemke-Winterer 200
Hermann, Rudolf 165
Hess, Rudolf viii, 80
Erich Retzlaff’s portrait of 80
Hierl, Konstantin 151, 158
Himmler, Heinrich 12, 80, 175, 183,
189, 201
and the Atlantean hypothesis 182
Erich Retzlaff’s portrait of 80
on the divine origin of the Aryan
race 179
prologue to Der Untermensch (The
Subhuman) (pamphlet, 1942) 245
reference in a speech to the Oera Linda
Book 182
relationship to Hans F. K. Günther 223
support of Herman Wirth 181
Hindenburg, Paul von 79
Hitler, Adolf vii, viii, x, xi, 10–13, 51–55,
61, 63, 67, 69, 79, 119–120, 140, 223,
231
and the ‘iron logic of nature’ 64
Mein Kampf 63
monitoring of propaganda
photography 54
physiognomy of 79
special order of (Führerauftrag) 51
Hoffmann, Heinrich xii, 67, 127, 137
curatorial role 55
Das Antlitz des Führers (The Face of
the Leader) (book, 1939) 68
Hitler Was My Friend (book, 1955) 69
Hitler wie ihn keiner kennt (Hitler
as No-One Knows Him) (book,
1933) 68
portrait of Hitler 79
Holocaust, the 32, 35
Huch, Ricarda 87
Husserl, Edmund 226
Ignatovich, Boris 248
Iron Curtain 52
Itten, Johannes 44
Jung, Carl Gustav 193
collective unconscious 196
the idea of the archetype 193
Jünger, Ernst 252
Krieg und Krieger (War and Warrior)
(book, 1930) vii
Kesting, Edmund 43
Keyserling, Hermann 62
Kittel, Gerhard, collaboration with
Eugen Fischer 218
Klages, Ludwig 87
Koch, Heinrich 44
Kodak 49
Kolar, Otto 200
Kolbe, Georg 87
Kolberg (film, 1945) 93
Kracauer, Siegfried ix, 36
Kranz, Kurt 40
Krukenberg, Hermann 26–27
landscape photography 41
Index
Langbehn, Julius, Rembrandt als
Erzieher (Rembrandt as Educator)
(book, 1890) 119
Lange, Dorothea 6, 71
Lang, Fritz ix
Laue, Max von 87
Lavater, Johann Kaspar 2, 110
Lebensreformbewegung (Life Reform
Movement) 132
Lehmann, Julius Friedrich 78
Leica camera 47, 165, 254
Leitz Company 48
Lendvai-Dircksen, Erna x, 10–11, 50,
74, 100, 109, 115, 125, 137, 142, 169,
188, 198, 200, 236
approaches to portraiture 119, 144
approaches to representing age and
gender 120, 145, 195
atavistic staging of her sitters 122
critique of an anthropological
approach to photography 148
Das deutsche Volksgesicht. Flandern
(The Face of the German Race.
Flanders) (book, 1942) 147
Das deutsche Volksgesicht (The
Face of the German Race) (book,
1932) 20, 97, 100, 103–104, 106, 127,
139–140, 146
early career 106
early life 140
financial support from the National
Socialist state. 147
ideology in her work 125–126, 145, 168
melding of modernism and
traditionalism 104
on cosmopolitanism 140
portrait of Käthe Kollwitz 106
portrait studio in Charlottenburg 140
Reichsautobahn Mensch und Werk
(Reichsautobahn Man and Work)
(book, 1937) 110, 127
technical sophistication in her work
113
traditional costumes in her work 141
287
understanding of physiognomy
110–111
Unsere deutschen Kinder (Our
German Children) (book, 1932) 127
Lerski, Helmar x, 9, 103–104, 236
Köpfe des Alltags
unbekannte Menschen (Everyday
Heads
Unknown People) (book,
1931) 5, 100, 198, 200
Ley, Robert 80
Liebenfels, Jorg Lanz von 178, 181
Lippmann, Walter 45
List, Guido von 176, 178
Lumière brothers 49
Luschan, Felix von 218, 221, 232
photographs of ‘types’ in ethnology
and physical anthropology 205
Marey, Étienne-Jules 227
Martin, Rudolf 12, 205, 210–211, 217,
221, 226
ant hropometric technique on
prisoners of war and Jews 211
Marxism 64
Mendelian logic of traits 217
Meyer, Hannes 39
microfilm 53
modernism ix, x, 36, 54–55, 201
and monumentalism 44, 147, 161
Moholy, Lucia 44, 124
Moholy-Nagy, László 15–16, 19, 28,
37–39, 123–124
From Pigment to Light (essay, 1936)
28
Malerie Fotografie Film (Painting
Photography Film) (book, 1925) 40
Molzahn, Johannes 15, 19
Mosse, George L.
The Mystical Origins of National
Socialism (essay, 1961) 175
Muche, Georg 44
Müffling, Wilhelm Freiherr von 78
Münchhausen, Börries von 87
288
Photography in the Third Reich
Museum of Modern Art (New York),
MoMA 39
Muybridge, Eadweard 227
Nachenius, Machteld 189
national romanticism 11
National Socialism
and autarky 65, 149, 163
and avant-gardism 35
and ‘degenerate art’ xi
and environmentalism 32
and irrationalism ix
and modernism 32, 34, 57
and ‘Natural Law’ 64
and neo-paganism viii
and propaganda x, xiii, 32, 39–40,
44–45, 69, 199
a n d t h e c o n c e pt o f ‘ J ew i s h Bolshevism’ x
and the concept of Jews as a
Gegenrasse (counter-race) 223
and the concept of the ‘master race’
viii, 9
and the concept of the ‘subhuman’ x
and the concept of the ‘superman’ 202
and the Führerprinzip (leader
principle) 10, 61–63, 65–66, 69, 75,
93, 152
and the ideology of ‘blood and soil’
viii, xiii, 11, 115, 151, 170, 184
and the notion of the racial collective
71
and the ‘supernatural imaginary’ viii,
xiii, 65, 174
and tradition 169
and wartime photog raphic
propaganda in print 52–54, 56
cultural policies of xi
declaration of Totaler Krieg or ‘Total
War’ 83
effect of its ideology on science 206
Gleichschaltung (co-ordination of
culture) 10
Grenzwissenschaften (fringe science)
viii
influence of its ideology on aesthetics
206
intellectual milieu 85
Kriegshilfsdienst KHD (War Auxiliary
Service) 162
NS-Lehrerbundes (the National
Socialist teachers association) 176
occult influences on 173, 175
Rassenpolitische Amt der NSDAP
(Office of Racial Policy) 246
Reichsarbeitsdienst der weiblichen
Jugend (Reich Labour Service of
the Female Youth (RAD/wJ) 152
Reichskulturkammer (Reich Chamber
of Culture) 147
Reichsministerium
für
Volksaufklärung und Propaganda
(Reich Ministr y of Public
Enlightenment and Propaganda) 56
Reichsschrifttumskammer (Reich
Chamber of Literature) 147
Selbstgleichschaltung (selfcoordination) 5, 8
the SS or Schutzstaffel 55, 64, 80,
147, 160, 191
visual culture in 123
National Socialism in the Netherlands
Hamer Uitgeverij publisher 191
Naturschutzbewegung (Conservation
Movement) 132
neo-classicism x
Neue Sachlichkeit (New Objectivity)
x, 5, 124–126, 147
and August Sander 136
Neuner, Hein and Hannes 40, 43
New Vision 4, 10, 18, 35, 38, 40–41, 43,
69, 124, 147, 253
and August Sander 136
Nietzsche, Friedrich
and the ‘last man’ 65, 91
and the superman or Ubermensch 65
Nordic race 4, 88, 90, 161, 196, 218
NS-Frauen-Warte (NS Women’s
Observer) (illustrated magazine)
75, 184, 195–196
Index
occult
influence on modernism ix
Odal (illustrated magazine) 75
Olympic Games (Berlin, 1936) 35, 43, 45
plans to film in colour 50
Oncken, Hermann 87
out of Africa theory, opposition to 176
Owens, Jesse 117
Pagenhardt, Eduard von 166
palingenesis 13, 66
paranormal milieu in Germany and
Austria 174, 178
Peterhans, Walter 39, 41
Pfitzner
Hans 87
photo-book 192
photo-essay, development of 100, 115
photograms 124
photographic representations of the
‘other’ 144
photographic serialization 36
photography
35mm cinematic application 49
and anthropology 3
and modernism 13, 34, 69, 125
as evidence 55
development of the 35mm camera
34, 38, 47–48
doubling technique 79
in picture series 38, 168
in print media 209
the invention of 1
veracity of 208
photography and race science 3, 205–
210, 215, 217–218, 221, 224–225, 227,
229, 231, 235–236
and the scientific method 232
establishing a protoype of the Volk
235
influence on National Socialism 28
photography of Ethnos (Heimat
p h oto g ra p hy o r vö l k i s c h
photography) 7, 12–13, 133–134,
289
137, 139, 145, 162, 168, 175–176, 190,
196, 200, 246, 250–254
Ahnenerbe support for 184, 189–190
and the representation of gender
roles 156
as an aspect of modernity 161, 170,
243
as a National Socialist photographic
style 91
as a rejection of positivism 175
as identitarianism 202
as propaganda 161
as representation of ‘blood and soil’
6, 9–10
atavism as an aesthetic approach 184,
192, 200, 202
influence of physiognomy on 200
occult influences on 173, 202
portraits as ‘archetypal imprints’ 193
post-war careers of the photographers
240–241, 252
post-war critical marginalisation of
254
photogravure process 97, 113, 139
photojournalism 45–46, 49, 52–53, 160
photomontage 2, 38, 43
physical anthropology 12, 205, 210, 218
physiognomy 2, 110
affected by temperament 110
and aesthetics 66
and photography 8
and provenance 66
peasant as physiognomic motif 74,
109–110
physiognomic types 11
popularity in Germany 66
racial-physiognomic approach 74,
88, 90–92
use of during the Third Reich viii, xiii
Pictorialism 5–6
Pinder, Wilhelm 87
Planck, Max 87
portrait photography 2, 26, 160
post-modernism 14
290
Photography in the Third Reich
Pressa Exhibition, 1928 139
Purper, Liselotte 159
racial determinism 209
racial mysticism x
radical traditionalism 13
in photography 254
Raviv, Moshe 40
Reimann, Albert 44
Renger-Patzsch, Albert 45, 123–124
Retzlaff, Erich x, xii, 9–10, 50, 66, 69,
74–75, 78, 80, 85, 91, 127, 168, 175,
184, 189, 198, 200
Agfacolor, das farbige Lichtbild
(Agfacolor, the Colour Photograph)
(book, 1938) 71
Ahnenerbe support for 190
Das Antlitz Des Alters (The Face of
Age) (book, 1930) 75, 186
Das Geistige Gesicht Deutschlands
(The Spiritual Face of Germany)
(book, 1952) 241
Das Gesicht des Geistes (The Face
of the Spirit) (book, 1944) 20, 83,
85, 90, 93
as Retzlaff’s physiognomic
magnum opus 84
Die von der Scholle (Those of the
Earth) (book, 1931) 75
early studios in Düsseldorf 72
Komm Spiel mit mir (Come Play with
Me) (book, 1943) 83
Länder und Völker an der Donau\
Rumänien, Bulgarien, Ungarn,
Kroatien (Land and Peoples of
the Danube
Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary
and Croatia) (book, 1944) 83
membership of the NSDAP 78
Menschen am Werk (People and
Work) (book, 1931) 75
photographic style 69, 72
post-war work 241
representation of the ‘Nordic type’
75, 78
technical innovations of 71
use of Agfacolor Neu 168
use of physiognomy 80, 186
Wegbereiter und Vorkämpfer für das
neue Deutschland (Pioneers and
Champions of the New Germany)
(book, 1933) 80
work as radical traditionalism 91
work for the Andermann Verlag 83
work for the Metzner Verlag 83, 189
Retzlaff, Hans 11, 137, 158, 163, 190,
200, 241
approach to photography 169
Arbeitsmaiden am Werk (Labour
Service Women at Work) (book,
1940) 137, 151, 154, 156, 158,
160–162, 169
atavistic staging of his sitters 142
ideology in his work 169
traditional costumes in his work 149
Wilhelm Decker, introduction to
Arbeitsmaiden am Werk 151
Riedweg, Franz 147, 193
Riefenstahl, Leni xiii, 127
Olympia (film, 1938) 31, 117
Röhm, Ernst 80
Rolleiflex camera 48
roll film 37–38, 46
romanticism x
romantic mysticism in photography 200
Römer, Willy 137
Rosenberg, Alfred 182
Der Mythus des 20. Jahrhunderts (The
Myth of the Twentieth Century)
(book, 1930) 182
speculations about the origins of the
Aryan race in Atlantis 181
Saebens, Hans 175, 190
photographic style and approach 186
Sander, August x, 4, 9, 66, 103, 111,
122, 250
Antlitz der Zeit (Face of Our Time)
(book, 1929) 16, 67, 102, 104, 125
classification methodology 102
Index
Menschen des 20. Jahrhunderts
(Citizens of the Twentieth Century)
102, 136
possible influence on Erich Retzlaff 72
proscription during National
Socialism 137
style and approach 136
use of typologies 104
Sauerbruch, Ferdinand 87
Schäfer, Wilhelm 87
Schawinsky, Xanti 43
Scheidt, Walter 231
Scheper, Hinnerk 43
Schilling, Heinar (Heinrich) 64
Schmidt, Joost 41, 43
Schmitt, Carl 63
Schultze-Naumburg, Paul 43, 133, 139
Kunst und Rasse (Art and Race)
(book, 1928) 119
Schwindrazheim, Oscar 133, 139
Second World War xii, 61
destruction of German Cities during
55
displaced Germans 170
Propagandakompanien der
We h r m a c h t ( A r m e d Fo r c e s
Propaganda Company - PK) 53–54
propaganda sources 52
role of photography 52–53
scarcity of paper in Germany during
54
S S - K r i e g s b e r i c h t e r- Ko mp a n i e
(Waffen-SS war reporters company)
54
US war propaganda 43
Seifert, Alwin 32
Seraphim, Peter-Heinz 231
Signal (illustrated magazine) 52, 75
slide film 51
social Darwinism 64
struggle and survival of the fittest 179
Socialist Realism 36
Socialist Realist photography 248
Sontag, Susan 84, 250
on Leni Riefenstahl 199
291
Soviet Union 52, 84, 241
and photography xiii
and propaganda 248
and the avant-garde 36, 66
Spengler, Oswald 91, 252
Srbik, Heinrich Ritter von 87
staged photography 175
Stankowsky, Anton 40
Strasser, Gregor 80
Strauss, Richard 87
Streicher, Julius 80
Surén, Hans, Der Mensch und die Sonne
(Man and Sun) (book, 1925) 115,
117
Talbot, William H. Fox
The Pencil of Nature (book, 1844-46)
100
Taro, Gerda 48
The Cabinet of Dr Caligari (film, 1920)
ix
Theosophy ix
Thoma, Hans 145
Thule (Atlantis), lost civilisation of 202
as the Urheimat 175, 180
opposition to the idea of 182
Thule Society 78
Todt, Fritz 147
Tönnies, Ferdinand 113
totalitarianism 31
traditionalism x
Tritschler, Alfred 45, 47, 165–166
Trump, Georg 40
Tschichold, Jan 40
Typophoto 38–40, 43
Ufa 93
Unverzagt, Wilhelm 190
Urvolk (Germanic Ancestors) 178
Vögler, Albert 87
Volk 139
völkisch culture 3, 71, 198
and the theory of polygenesis 176
influence of Theosophy on 178
292
Photography in the Third Reich
influence on broader German culture
12
influence on photography viii, 9,
74, 109
influence on science 236
rejection of cosmopolitanism 184
Volksgeist (spirit of the nation) 189
Volksgemeinschaft (the people’s
community) viii, 5, 9, 90–91, 93, 152
Volkskörper (body of the nation) 139,
144, 156
Volk und Rasse (People and Race)
(exhibition) (1934-1937) 246
Volk und Rasse (People and Race)
(illustrated magazine) xii, 75, 144,
196, 253
Vömel, Alexander, Erich Retzlaff’s
portrait of 72
Wagner, Richard x, 93
Gesamtkunstwerk 93
Wall Street Crash 57
Warburg, Aby 224
Weimar Republic viii, x, 117
and physiognomy 4, 9, 15, 18, 25–26,
74
and progressivism ix, 4
and the occult milieu ix, 21
artistic milieu 71
development of photography during
9–10, 15
popularity of illustrated magazines 18
popularity of the photobook 100, 103
Western Esotericism 201
West Germany 10, 53, 84, 241
Weston, Edward 6
Wieland, Heinrich 87
Windisch, Hans 41, 50
Wirth, Herman 12, 175, 179
Der Aufgang der Menschheit (Ascent
of Mankind) (book, 1928) 180
interest in the Oera Linda Book
180–181
Nordic-Atlantean hypothesis 180–181,
192
removal from the Ahnenerbe 183
Wittgenstein, Ludwig
idea of ‘family resemblance’ 224
Wittkugel, Klaus 40
Wolff, Paul 38, 45, 50, 165–166
and colour photography 170
and the Leica 137
Meine Erfahrungen... farbig (My
Experiences... in Colour) (book,
1942) 165–166, 168
Meine Erfahrungen mit der Leica (My
Experiences with the Leica) (book,
1934) 47
Wüst, Walther 183, 186
Zeiss Ikon 46
Zeit im Bild (Image of our Time) (film,
1942) 91
Zepp, Walter
Minox cameras 48
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Brownshirt Princess
A Study of the “Nazi Conscience”
Photography in the Third Reich
Art, Physiognomy and Propaganda
EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER WEBSTER
This lucid and comprehensive collec�on of essays by an interna�onal group of
scholars cons�tutes a photo-historical survey of select photographers who
embraced Na�onal Socialism during the Third Reich. These photographers
developed and implemented physiognomic and ethnographic photography, and,
through a Selbstgleichschaltung (a self-co-ordina�on with the regime), con�nued
to prac�ce as photographers throughout the twelve years of the Third Reich.
The volume explores, through photographic reproduc�ons and accompanying
analysis, diverse aspects of photography during the Third Reich, ranging from the
influence of Modernism, the qualita�ve effect of propaganda photography, and
the u�lisa�on of technology such as colour film, to the photograph as ideological
metaphor. With an emphasis on the idealised representa�on of the German body
and the role of physiognomy within this representa�on, the book examines how
select photographers created and developed a visual myth of the ‘master race’
and its an�theses under the auspices of the Na�onalist Socialist state.
Photography in the Third Reich approaches its historical source photographs as
material culture, examining their produc�on, construc�on and prolifera�on. This
detailed and informa�ve text will be a valuable resource not only to historians
studying the Third Reich, but to scholars and students of film, history of art,
poli�cs, media studies, cultural studies and holocaust studies.As with all Open
Book publica�ons, this en�re book is available to read for free on the publisher’s
website. Printed and digital edi�ons, together with supplementary digital material,
can also be found at www.openbookpublishers.com
Cover image: Erich Retzlaff, Joseph Goebbels, 1933. Courtesy of the Estate of
Erich Retzlaff, all rights reserved.
Cover design by Anna Ga�
ebook
ebook and OA edi�ons
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