The Macedonian tombs at Phoinikas and Aghios Athanassios (Thessaloniki/Greece): Two astonishing funerary monuments of the 4th c. BC. The so-called Macedonian tombs constitute a special category of funerary monuments, the use of which spread mainly to the northern Greek area, from the middle of the 4th c. until the middle of the 2nd c. BC. Μost of them belonged to important ‘hetairoi’ (companions) of the Macedonian King or to wealthy local lords or landowners. To date more than 90 tombs have been discovered, either individual ones or groups of them near the great centres of that time (Aegae/Vergina, Pella, Dion, Lefkadia, Thessaloniki etc.) (Gossel 1980, Miller 1982, von Mangoldt 2012). Despite the fact that almost all of them were looted even from antiquity, they not only provide evidence on late classical and Hellenistic architecture and monumental painting, but also suggest the social organisation and the burial customs in ancient Macedonia. The Macedonian tomb at Phoinikas came to light in 1987, at the eastern boundaries of Thessaloniki, in an area that eventually proved to be part of an extensive cemetery of the classical and early Hellenistic periods (Tsimbidou - Avloniti 1987, 1993, 2009). It is the largest single-chamber tomb found to date (Tsimbidou - Avloniti 2005, 2006, 2007). The well-preserved facade is 4.92m. wide and has the same height up to the horizontal cornice. Together with the pediment, the total height is 5.68m. The facade displays the Doric order in all its austere majesty, with coloured plaster emphasising the architectural features (Fig. 1). In the interior, the vault was covered with grey-blue paint and the walls by bright yellow-ochre plaster. At the springing of the vault is a sculpted Ionic entablature consisting of an epistyle with three taeniae, relief dentils and a cornice with an inherent sima, all emphasised by a variety of colours (Fig. 2). The chamber is dominated by two pedestals set on rectangular bases, and two low benches with stylised lion’s-paw legs. At the bottom of the pedestals is a richly decorated podium, on which white palmettes and lotus flowers are picked out against a black background (Fig.2). The main part of the pedestal is simply covered with black plaster, and the crowning has a zone with a complex meander pattern of the swastika-type (Tsimbidou - Avloniti – Brecoulaki 2002). Fragments of ivory and glass decorative elements point to the existence of luxury wooden couches that were placed on the pedestals, to receive the cinerary urns with the remains of the cremation of the dead. The couches were obviously decorated in the same way as were the klinae of Vergina (Andronicos 1984), as attested by the remaining inlaid ivory figures of excellent quality (Fig. 3). Evaluation of the architectural features of the tomb, together with the excavation record, indicates that it was constructed at the beginning of the last quarter of the 4th c. BC, to receive an obviously distinguished occupant and his wife. Closer chronological termini are provided by a Thasian amphora with the inscription Θασίων Μεγακλείδης (‘Megakleides of Thasos’), dating from the third quarter of the 4th c. BC and a gold quarter of a stater of Philip II (Le Rider 1977) (Fig. 4). In each of the seven metopes of the monument’s facade a simple metal phialae, is rendered in gold brushstrokes, with blue paint on the omphalos. The painted composition on the pediment covers a triangular surface 4.54m. long and 0.54m. high. Unfortunately, the central part of the representation has been totally destroyed (Fig. 5). However, the fact that the surviving elements recall motifs familiar from the funerary iconography of the Classical period was of considerable assistance in arriving at the interpretation of the subject. At the left end of the pediment (as to the viewer), is delineated a half-open chest, probably of metal. Next to this a young man facing left is depicted, holding a spear in his left hand and leaning on a large shield. A richly draped himation, in shades of red, covers the lower part of his body (Fig. 6). To his right is a rectangular yellow table, followed by the central part of the representation. Despite the damage, the basic core seems to have consisted of a scene of dexiosis (a handshake) between an imposing seated figure, presumably a man, and a standing male wearing a short chiton and an himation, towards whom two more male figures are turned (Fig. 5). Continuing to the right, a sturdy horse can be made out, cantering (Vigneron 1968), followed by a circular shield next to a stele with a pedimental crowning. Finally, at the corner of the pediment, there is the figure of another young man, leaning slightly to the right. He wears a short, sleeved chiton and a leather cuirass and in his left hand he holds a helmet with long cheek pieces (Fig. 7). Thus, the representation on the pediment of the Phoinikas tomb may be assigned to the type of the narrative multifigural composition, the starting point for which are the Attic grave stele and marble lekythoi mainly of the 2nd quarter of 4th c. BC. (Diepolder 1931, Johansen 1951, Schmaltz 1970). In ancient Greek funerary art, the gesture of the handshake, is usually rendered in scenes interpreted as ‘the farewell of the warrior’ or his return (Davies 1985, Pemberton 1989). Thus, we can suggest that the scene unfolds in the Underworld and identify the deceased in the figure of the standing man, meeting one of his ancestors or even his own father, who had preceded him in death and is now extending his hand in welcome. The scene of their reunion in the afterlife is watched by the two armed figures, who perhaps were comrades of the deceased, while the horse indicates the high social rank of the dead man and his capacity as a horseman (Langefass-Vuduroglu 1973). The elements of the pediment decoration allow us to speak of a painter who used his brush and colour tones with great skill to render the volumes of the bodies, and to create chiaroscuro effects in the drapery of the garments. The austere colour scale, in which the main colours are yellow and various shades of red, and the absence of green and even blue, reveals that the artist was using the traditional four-colour palette, the well-known tetrachromy (Tsimbidou - Avloniti – Brecoulaki 2002). The Macedonian tomb at Aghios Athanassios In 1992, we started an effort to formulate the archaeological site in the area of Aghios Athanassios, a modern town about 20km W of Thessaloniki and 15km E of Pella (Tsimbidou - Avloniti 1994). The site comprised two Macedonian tombs, which were found in the late 1960's. One of them, located at the east boundaries of the modern town, is a small tomb with a nice Ionic façade (Gossel 1980, von Mangoldt 2012). Less than 100m from the latter, there was another great tumulus, and we estimated that it could also cover a funerary monument of the same type. In the spring of 1994, the exploratory trench along the eastern slope of the tumulus, brought to light two unlooted tombs of the late 4th / early 3rd c. BC, one belonging to an apparently noble woman (Tsimbidou - Avloniti 1994, 1996, 2000) and the other to a young horseman of the Macedonian cavalry (Tsimbidou - Avloniti 1994, 1996, 1998). However, it took two months during which we carried out successive trial trenches at the periphery of the mound, studying the stratigraphy, which would hopefully lead us to the location of the monument. On the 15th of June 1994, our expectations were fulfilled: blossomed volutes and griffins with golden wings started to emerge from the Macedonian earth. Even when we realized that the tomb had been looted in antiquity we were not disappointed, since the undamaged painted façade was the ultimate reward (Tsimbidou - Avloniti 1994, 1996, 2005) (Fig. 8). The monument itself is a small tomb with a square funerary chamber of side 3m. Its vault is coated with white plaster, while the walls are covered by coloured decorative zones: grey, black and white bands and a broad zone of vivid dark-red. Traces of a large painted shield survive on the drum of the west wall. The springing of the vault is emphasized by a painted frieze, in which rosettes and bucrania linked by white necklaces alternate on the black background (Fig. 9). The imposing façade is 4.60m wide and 4.16m high, a figure increasing to 4.60m, when the central akroterion is added. The architectural features are mainly those of the Doric order, however blended with an unexpected Ionic detail: the painted frieze that extends between the pilasters on the surface bounded by the epistyle and the lintel (Fig. 8). The Doric entablature consists of nine white metopes and ten dark blue triglyphs. The akroteria have white palmettes, while acanthus stems and lilies embellish the motif of the two lateral half-palmettes (Pfrommer 1982). A golden disk flanked by two lion-griffins dominates the center of the pediment. The fearful aspect of the mythical beasts is softened here by the form of their long tails, which end in a floral composition similar to that of the akroteria. The frequent presence of floral motifs in the funerary monuments of the 4th c. BC is thought to express the triumph of life over death (Robertson 1982, Vokotopoulou 1990). Griffins, too, as ancient symbols of immortality (Flagge 1975, Delplace 1980), are often found in combination with floral motifs. Though, the element that distinguishes the representation here is the dominating presence of the gold disc between the griffins, probably symbolizing the sun itself, which is eternally reborn. However, the most interesting feature of the façade is the unique frieze, depicting a banquet, a scene most familiar from Archaic and Classic vase painting and literary sources (Fehr 1971, Dentzer 1982, Hurschmann 1985, Lissarrague 1990, Μurray 1990, Schmitt-Pantel 1992). Moreover, the three main figures of the motif, the reclining man, the seated woman and the young oinochoos, constitute the central theme on numerous of votive or funerary reliefs, the so-called «death-feast» reliefs (Thönges-Stringaris 1965). It is, nevertheless, the first time that such a subject occurs on such a funerary monument in Greece, in contrast to the numerous Etruscan wall-paintings (Pontrandolfo-Rouveret 1992), or the Diver’s Tomb at Paestum (Napoli 1970). The painted composition is developed on a surface 3.75m long and only 0.35m high, consisting of 25 figures, worked by a rapid yet skilful hand. They appear to be almost in relief as the dark background emphasizes the variety of the bright colours. At the central part, above the lintel, six men are depicted, reclining on three klinai (couches) covered by colourful bedclothes and pillows (Richter 1915). The men are wreathed, while fine chitons and cloaks are wrapped over their bodies (Fig. 10). The conversation is represented by a play of glances between the guests (Neumann1965), accompanied by the sound of the double flute, being played by a young woman, whose slender figure is one of the most popular in banquet scenes. One of the main figures is the second man on the first couch, holding a ceremonial vessel in his right hand, a rhyton, in the shape of a winged griffin. Three tables are depicted in front of the couches, laden with different kinds of food, common on symposia scenes: eggs, fruits -pomegranates and raisins-, together with some round or pyramidal objects (Fig. 10). They represent various sorts of breads and cakes of roasted wheat and honey, the so-called popana and pyramides. All these constitute the after dinner deserts, especially prepared to accompany the wine (Dentzer 1982 Lissarrague 1990, Μurray 1990, Schmitt-Pantel 1992). Among the reclining men, there appears one woman, seated on the edge of the second couch, dressed in a long chiton and playing the kithara (Paquette 1984, Maas-McIntosh Snyder 1989) (Fig. 10). Evidence for the kithara as a source of music for banquets is rare and always concerns men «kitharodoi». This representation of a woman kithara player in a banquet scene is unique, presumably implying a close relationship to the noble host. This central part of the frieze is clearly defined by two elements that occur in such a context for the first time. At the right side there is a marble basin, a louterion (Fig. 11), essential for the ceremonial washing of the hands after the meal and before the banquet (Ginouvés 1962). At the left side the scene is completed by the wreathed, naked young man, the familiar figure of an oinochoos, carrying a phiale in his left hand and an oinochoe in his right. Behind him there is a heavy piece of furniture with three shelves, on which gilded phialae and other vases are displayed (Fig. 12). A most probably silver hydria (Vickers - Gill 1994) appears against the dark red background, while the whole composition is placed in front of a bushy tree. This is the earliest representation of an object, which is identified by the term «kylikeion», mentioned by many ancient authors but archaeologically attested only in later monuments (Richter 1915, van der Meer 1984). It seems that the possession of such an article was a sign of wealth, rather rare until the hellenistic and roman periods. Thus, on the central part of the frieze, we have the representation of an ordinary symposion scene, which follows the Classical iconographic tradition, though flanked by two more scenes, bound to it with an internal relationship. On the left three mounted men approach with their foot-companions, holding torches and various vessels full of wine. The shadows of the night play across the faces of the young men, while four burning torches cast light up in the dark sky. The wreaths on their heads indicate that the men are coming from another symposion, carrying their own wine as a contribution to the party (Fig. 13). On the other side of the frieze, eight young warriors dressed in the traditional Macedonian way and leaning on their spears and shiny shields, silently watch the ritual (Fig. 11, 14). They all bear chlamydes, the long cloaks, fastened on their right shoulder and krepides (a kind of leather boots) on their feet (Kalléris 1954, Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1993). Four of the men are wearing the characteristic leather cap, the so-called kausia, which was proudly sported by Alexander the Great himself into the depths of Asia. The kausia could be also worn by Macedonian generals, as well as by the royal bodyguards and the royal pages (Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1993). Besides, the three first men with the white kausias bear leather corselets with shoulder straps, a type that constituted a main element of the defensive armor of Macedonian officers. There are several other representations of this type of breast plate, which is similar to the one that Alexander is wearing in the famous mosaic of the battle of Issus (Andreae 1977, Pfrommer 1998). The two next figures bear winged helmets with high crests and white plumes, similar to the actual ones of the so -called “frygian” type (Vokotopoulou, 1982, Andronicos 1984, Dintsis 1986). Finally, three of the men hold the well-known Macedonian shields with their particular rimless shape, familiar mostly from coins and literary references, decorated with the winged thunderbolt or the starburst emblem (Liampi 1998) (Fig. 15). Thus, even if the rest of the scene could take place in any other part of Greece, this section constitutes a speaking symbol of the specific place, as the presence of the warriors attests that here we are witnessing a symposion in Macedonia. Even the space where the banquet takes place is indicated by the depiction of the tree behind the kylikeion and the louterion (Fig. 11, 12): it is probably an inner yard or the peristylion of a wealthy private house, where all the necessary equipment has been transferred. Moreover, the fact that the second banqueter is shown holding the elaborate rhyton in his raised right hand, combined with his position precisely on the central axis of the frieze (Fig. 10), indicates that he is the main figure in the synthesis and should be recognized as the noble host, obviously a high-ranking military officer. Though, our excitement reached its peak at the time of the revealing of the two young men that flanked the entrance of the tomb (Fig. 8). Almost life-size in height, they constitute the first actual specimens of ancient Greek megalographia. Similarly dressed in long cloaks on top of their short chitons, with their leather kausias on their head, they lean against their Macedonian long spears, the famous sarissae (Markle 1977,1982). Above their heads two hanging shields with striking devices are depicted in bright colors. On the bright red ground of the right shield is depicted the winged thunderbolt of Zeus, the god who was strongly present in the religious consciousness of the Macedonians. A lively gorgoneion of the beautiful type is projected against the violet background of the other shield (Buschor 1958, Floren 1977). However, the tousled hair and the two snakes with their tails tied beneath the jaw are the only elements that recall the earlier fearsome figure of Medusa. The youth at the left is shown with calm brown eyes shadowed by grief, and his lips drawn into a faint smile (Fig. 16). The features of his right counterpart are shown with greater intensity (Fig. 17): his forehead is wrinkled and the eyes narrow, as he tries to hold back a tear. One can guess his lips clenched in sorrow that the young man is trying to disguise with the hand wrapped in his chlamys (Shapiro 1991). Thus, the facade of the new Macedonian tomb provides essential evidence for the study of the late-Classical and Hellenistic painting, which up to recently was believed to be lost for ever. It is obvious that the competent painter of the tomb at Aghios Athanassios was quite familiar to all the achievements of monumental painting that had been developed especially during the 4th century, concerning colours, harmony and shading methods, as well as the representation of three-dimensional space (Bruno 1977, Rouveret 1989, Levides 1994, Scheibler 1994, Brιcoulaki 2006, 2007). The synthesis is mainly based on the interrelation of the colours, their contrasts and the skilful use of the hues. The large number of colour gradations on the frieze, the play of pinks and purples, the strong presence of blue, the discreet appearance of green and the addition to the artist’s palette of more expensive colours, such as cinnabar and murex purple, demonstrate that he has become emancipated from the strict four-colour scale and adopted a richer, brighter palette. In contrast to the variety of the bright colours used in the frieze, in the rendering of the two youths he makes use mainly of earth colors and more severe shades. Grey has been widely used for the cold tones, while yellow, red and brown ochre, mixed with black and white, have been used for the creation of the warm tones (Tsimbidou - Avloniti – Brecoulaki 2002). The investigation of the interior, though highly damaged by the grave-robbers yielded the remains of a luxurious wooden bed, again decorated with inlaid ivory figures of excellent quality (Fig. 18). This bed would have been placed over the rectangular porous base that is placed by the south wall to receive the cremated remains of the distinguished deceased. Countless of iron fragments were collected, from which the armour of the dead man has been restored (Tsimbidou - Avloniti 2011). Among others, a pair of iron greaves was reconstructed (Fig. 19), a unique find to date, as all the other surviving examples are made of bronze. Our conservators were also able to reassemble an iron, leather -coated cuirass almost identical to the one found in the royal tomb of Vergina (Andronicos 1984) (Fig. 20). Thus, the finds appear to be the complete weaponry of a companion of the Royal cavalry, as represented in the burial monuments of Macedonia but also in the painted decoration of his own tomb. The rest of the grave-goods, obviously precious, were totally stolen by the looters which had entered the tomb through a small hole on the west wall. Yet, the deposition, here too, of a gold coin of Philip II (of a posthumous issue, Le Rider 1977), provides a supplementary chronological indication for the burial in the last quarter of the 4th c. b.C., a dating in accordance to the other excavational data, as well as to the style and technical characteristics of the monument itself. In sum, it is now evident that the facades of the two Macedonian tombs afford much new and interesting evidence for the study of funerary iconography, and capture the variety of figurative manners that could be used to give expression at the same period to the eschatological beliefs of the Macedonians (Tsimbidou - Avloniti 2005). The representation on the pediment of the tomb at Phoinikas still moves in a context in which death was accepted with restrained dignity and austere expressive means, as formulated in the consciousness of the Greeks already in the Early Classical period. On the contrary, the painting of the tomb at Aghios Athanassios appears to go beyond the borders of the Classical rule. Its creator skilfully manipulates the play of delusion to produce a striking scenery for the burial ritual. The treatment of the frieze on a smaller scale than the rest of the decoration creates the impression that the scene is retreating into the background, projected on a wall separate from the pilasters. The trompe l’oeuil produced by the artful use of perspective depth and the three-dimensional quality of the figures is particularly obvious in the rendering of the two full-length figures (Tsimbidou - Avloniti 2005). In conclusion, we could say that the hospitable land of Macedonia was the meeting point of all movements in Greek art throughout the 4th c. B.C. 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Tsimbidou - Avloniti, M. – Brecoulaki, H. 2002: Χρώμα και χρωστικές ουσίες, ύλη και εικόνα σε δύο ταφικά μνημεία της Μακεδονίας, in: M. A. Tiverios - D.S. Tsiafakis (eds.), Color in Ancient Greece. The Role of Color in Ancient Greek Art and Architecture (700-31 B.C.), Thessaloniki. Tsimbidou - Avloniti, M. 2005: Μακεδονικοί τάφοι στον Φοίνικα και στον Άγιο Αθανάσιο Θεσσαλονίκης. Συμβολή στη μελέτη της εικονογραφίας των ταφικών μνημείων της Μακεδονίας, Athens. Tsimbidou - Avloniti, M. 2006: La tombe macédonienne d’Hagios Athanasios près de Thessalonique, in: A.-M. Guimier-Sorbets, M.B. Hatzopoulos et Y. Morizot (eds.), Rois, Cites, Nécropoles, Institutions, Rites et Monuments en Macédoine, ΜΕΛΕΤΗΜΑΤΑ 45, Athènes, 321-330. Tsimbidou - Avloniti, M. 2007: Les peintures funéraires d’ Aghios Αthanassios, in: S. Descamps –Lequime (ed.), Peinture et couleur dans le monde grec antique, Milan /Paris, 57-67 Tsimbidou - Avloniti, M. 2009: Ανασκαφικές έρευνες στον Φοίνικα Ν. Θεσσαλονίκης, 1987-2006: Η εικοσαετία των ανατροπών, in: 20 years ΑΕΜτη, Θεσσαλονίκη, 435 -448. Tsimbidou - Avloniti, M. 2011: Μακεδονικός τάφος ΙΙΙ. Ο οπλισμός του ευγενούς νεκρού, in: NAMATA. A volume in honor of Prof. D. Pandermalis, 351-363, Thessaloniki. Vickers, M.- Gill, D. 1994: Artful Crafts: Ancient Greek Silverware and Pottery, Oxford. Vigneron, P. 1968: Le cheval dans l’Antiquité Gréco-romaine, Paris. Vokotopoulou, J. 1982: Phrygische Helme, AA 93, 497-520. Vokotopoulou, J. 1990: Οι ταφικοί τύμβοι της Αίνειας, Athens. (English Summary) The Macedonian tombs at Phoinikas and Aghios Athanassios (Thessaloniki/Greece). Two astonishing funerary monuments of the 4th c. BC. In the spring of 1987, a large Macedonian tomb was uncovered at the area of Phoinikas, East of Thessaloniki, during the digging of trial trenches for the construction of a new road leading to Chalkidiki. The facade of the monument is particularly impressive, as coloured plaster emphasizes the architectural elements of the Doric entablature, while dark-blue triglyphs flank the metopes with the depiction of golden phialae. The decoration was completed by the painted composition on the pediment which, unfortunately, had deteriorated to a great extent. One can discern two reclining Macedonian warriors at the edges, while the central scene represents a man shaking hands with a seated figure. Some other, vaguely appearing, male figures are walking towards this scene leading a robust horse. The ancient artist was very apt with the brush, using skilfully the different hues of ochre, as well as the play of light and dark to render the volumes of the bodies and the folds of the garments. A number of finds, having survived the human greed, such as gold jewellery and weapons, attests that the tomb was built at the beginning of the last quarter of the 4th c. BC, to receive an important man and his wife. The monument constitutes the oldest and most impressive example of this type in the area of Thessaloniki and one of the earliest known Macedonian tombs. Moreover, in the spring of 1994, excavation of a large tumulus on the borders of aghios Athanassios, a small town about 20km. W of Thessaloniki, yielded a small one-chamber Macedonian tomb, which had also been robbed in antiquity, but possessed a facade covered with paintings in a superb state of preservation. The unique painted frieze above the entrance depicts for the first time on a funerary monument in Greece, a subject, known mostly from vase-painting and literary sources: the symposion scene. In the centre, six men, reclining on couches, listen to the music of a kithara and a flute played by the only two female figures in the composition. Two more groups of figures are on their way to join the central scene; the characteristic weapons and military attire of the men leave no doubt that we are witnessing a symposion taking part in Macedonia. Equally impressive, the almost life-size figures of two young men depicted by the entrance of the tomb eternally guard the dead man, most probably an eminent officer of the Royal Macedonian army. The new Macedonian tomb, dated also in the last quarter of the 4th c. BC, in addition to the astonishing examples discovered at the other sites of northern Greece, provides essential evidence for the study of ancient monumental painting which up to recently was believed to be lost for ever. Maria Tsimbidou-Avlonitou, Dr. of Archaeology Former Head of the Department of Archaeological Studies, Monuments and Research at the 16th Ephorate of Antiquities, Thessaloniki, Greece.-  Maria Tsimbidou-Avlonitou PAGE 13