The International
Journal
of
Levant
Studies
Vol. 2 / 2020
Bucharest, 2021
President of Scientific Board:
Emil CONSTANTINESCU, President of The Institute for Advanced Studies
in Levant Culture and Civilization
Scientific Board:
Winston P. NAGAN, Chairman, Board of Trustees, World Academy of Art &
Science; Director, Institute for Human Rights, Peace and Development,
University of Florida, United States of America
R zvan THEODORESCU, Vicepresident of Romanian Academy, Romania
James GELVIN, Professor of Modern Middle Eastern History, University of
California, Los Angeles, United States of America
Anna SAPIR ABULAFIA, Professor of the Study of the Abrahamic Religions,
Oxford University, Great Britain
Martin TAMCKE, Professor of Ecumenical Theology, Oriental Church and
Mission History, Georg-August-U i e i
f G i ge , Ge ma
Ora LIMOR, Professor of Medieval History and conversion literature, The
Open University of Israel, Jerusalem, Israel
Abdo BADWI, Professor of Christian Iconography, History of Art and Semitic
languages, The Holy Spirit University of Kaslik, Lebanon
Dan GRIGORESCU, Professor Emeritus University of Bucharest, Scientific
Director of The Institute for Advanced Studies in Levant Culture and
Civilization, Romania
Editor-in-chief:
C t lin- tefan POPA
Editorial Board:
Luiza Elena POPA
Fl ica MIHU
Ana Maria R DUCAN
Alexandru FLOREA
Mihai MARIAN
Laura GANEA
English reader:
Maxim ONOFREI
The front cover shows an image of Histria fortress, the oldest Greek
settlement in Dobrogea, Romania (7th century BC).
ISSN 2734
6544, ISSN-L 2734
6544
Table of contents
Articles
Elizabeth Monier, University of Cambridge:
Spa ial Prac ice of Re rea Among Eg p ian
Christians: Isolating or Empowering?
5
So Miyagawa, Kyoto University and Georg-August-University
f G i ge :
Digitization of Coptic Manuscripts and Digital
Humanities: Tools and Methods for Coptic Studies
29
John Gee, Brigham Young University:
Sesostris III and the Levant
73
E g Lafli, D k E l l U i e i I i
Maurizio Buora, The Friulian Archaeological Society Udine
Fa ih Haka Ka a, D k E l l U i e i I i :
Byzantine and Early Islamic Rayed Lamps from
Southeastern Turkey
83
Giac
Ca illie , The J. F. Cha
lli
Ce e f
he
Study of Egyptology and the Coptic Civilization Genoa:
The Hiera ic S ele of he Sherden Pa egef:
Observations and Research
107
Renata-Gabriela Tatomir, Hyperion University of Bucharest:
Ancient Characters and Patterns of Migration and Their
Role in Understanding the Current Crisis of Migrants
and Refugees
127
Chatch Khamphet, Christian-Albrechts-University of Kiel:
The Con rib ion of an der Lee
Phenomenolog
the Search for a Definition of Holy Places in
International Law
157
3
o
C li - efa P a, The I i e f Advanced Studies in
Levant Culture and Civilization:
An Ancient Community of Jerusalem and its Heritage.
Syriac Christians of the Holy City between Historical
Memories and Future Challenges
177
Abdo Badwi, Holy Spirit University of Kaslik:
Some Remarks on Syriac Art and Culture
189
Fotini Pomoni-Papaioannou, National and Kapodistrian
University of Athens:
The Contribution of Hellenism to the Historic and
Cultural Richness of the Levant Region
207
Venice Ibrahim Shehatta Attia, Egyptian Ministry of Tourism
and Antiquities, Cairo:
Mushrooms in ancient Egypt
219
Reviews
Mihai-D. Grigore, Neagoe Basarab Princeps Christianus.
The Semantics of Christianitas in Comparison with Erasmus,
Luther and Machiavelli (1513-1523)
Review by Marian P
, L d ig Ma i ilia U i e i
of Munich
229
Mihai Ber a, De la Medi erran e la Mer Noire, ed. b
Andrei Pippidi
Re ie b Fl ica (B h l ea) Mih , U i e i
f
Bucharest
235
4
Mihai-D. Grigore, Neagoe Basarab – Princeps
Christianus. The Semantics of Christianitas in
Comparison with Erasmus, Luther and Machiavelli
(1513-1523)
Series: Studies in Eastern Orthodoxy
Oxford/New York, Peter Lang, 2021
ISBN 978-180-079-060-5
445 pp.
229
Ma a P
The volume under review was first published in German (Neagoe
Basarab – Princeps Christianus. Christianitas-Semantik im Vergleich
mit Erasmus, Luther und Machiavelli (1513-1523), Frankfurt M.: Peter
Lang 2015. Erfurter Studien zur Kulturgeschichte des Orthodoxen
Christentums 10) and was, originally, a work accepted as a Habilitation
thesis by the University of Erfurt (2013). The excellent scientific quality
of this work was confirmed by its very positive reception in the German
academic milieu, made manifest in the two awards it received: Preis der
Ge e c a
S d
de C
c e O e
a d eA a d
e
Association of the German Book Trade B e e e de De c e
B c a de . M a -D. G
e b
e e
a e
a
premodern Romanian culture, The Teachings of Neagoe Basarab to His
Son Theodosius by Neagoe Basarab (Prince of Wallachia between 1512
and 1521) to Western audiences, and at the same time demonstrates the
European vocation of this culture in which the Latinate linguistic pattern,
the Slavic influences and the Byzantine religious model merge.
As Orthodox countries in South-Eastern Europe began negotiations
to become members of the European Union, some Western politicians
argued that the eastern border of Europe actually lies where the influence
of Catholicism and Protestantism ceased; therefore, E.U. enlargement
policy should, in their view, be in line with this geographical and
civilizational reality. Such an argument begins from the premise that
Orthodoxy, with its religious, cultural and political forms of manifestation,
is fundamentally different from other Christian denominations. The work
of Mihai D. Grigore exemplarily argues that, at the beginning of the 16th
century, a type of theological-political discourse was articulated in Wallachia
which demonstrates not only the similarities between the Orthodox
political ethos and that of Western Christianity, but also the compatibility
between them. In order to demonstrate this compatibility, the author uses
the generic term (Oberbegriff) of Christianitas the idea of the common
faith of European peoples
and the operational concept of Princeps
Christianus, which essentially refers to the political function of the
Christological in pre-modern Christian states: Christ leads with human
beings, guiding them through the Christian ruler (p. 4f.).
The similarities, but also the differences between the way in which
the identity of the Christian prince and his relationship to God and with
e
ca b d a e c
c ed Nea e Ba a ab
(c. 1520), in
E a
R e da
Institutio Principis Christiani (The Education of
aC
a P ce, 1516), Ma
L e Von weltlicher Obrigkeit (On
Sec a A
, 1523) a d
N cc
Mac a e
Il Principe (The
230
Mihai-D. Grigore, Neagoe Basarab
Princeps Christianus
Prince, 1513) shows that, at the beginning of the 16th century, without having
prior knowledge of the works of his above-mentioned contemporaries, the
prince of Wallachia achieved, through his Teac
,a e
c
a
of the Byzantine Orthodox theological-political pattern and that of Western
Christianity. As the author points out, the comparative analysis aims to
present Basarab as a participant in a broader European debate on the
normative principles of Christian political theory and practice (pp. 8-9).
The book consists of six parts: a methodological introduction,
followed by four chapters, each dealing with one of the authors mentioned
above, and a concluding chapter. It should be emphasized that the work
of Mihai-D. Grigore contains the first systematic analysis of the content
Nea e
( . 127-192): the research on T e Teac
a
has focused primarily on technical issues such as the history of the text or
e
e a
de
. A e ba e Nea e
e
ca -political
construct is anthropology: man is seen as a doxological being created to
G d a d
a e a d e a H
c
a . T e
ca
community is, thus, identical with the community of those who praise
God, which means that
e
ca
,
Nea e de cal, with the
d
ca c
C
a . T eC
a
e a a
e ed
position in this doxological-political community: just as Christ concentrates
the whole of humanity within Himself, so does the person of the ruler fulfil
a similar function, allowing them to enter into a privileged relationship
with God. Therefore, what defines the ruler as a Christian ruler is his mystical
relationship with God. When he reaches the stage of enlightenment in his
mystical experience, the ruler becomes Christ-like, a homoiousios, and
a e
e ed e. A e ca ee,
ca e e e ce e eb bec e
the precondition for the possibility of the political act. Mihai-D. Grigore
emphasizes that the mystical theology that Neagoe develops in his work
is hesychastic, placing the Wallachian prince as one of the proponents of
political hesychasm. Consequently, the enlightened ruler is he who coagulates
around him the political community, understood as a doxological community.
At the same time, as the image of God on Earth, he is the means through
which God acts in history. The political actions of the ruler are therefore
good because he is God-like, a condition he achieved through spiritual
and ascetic effort.
Regarding Erasmus, Mihai-D. Grigore points out that for the Catholic
humanist from Rotterdam the most appropriate way by which human
beings can be deified is not through asceticism or mysticism, but rather
through education (see esp. pp. 209-234). For Erasmus, a ruler can be
defined as a Priceps Christianus only insofar as he is a Christ actualized,
a ,a e
ac
e ba
eG
e
c e. E a
231
Ma a P
e
a e
e e
eG
e
, a d e e c ea e a a a
between it and the rituals and ceremonies of the Catholic Church. Thus,
the fact that the prince is God-like has an ethical foundation and not a
sacramental-ecclesiastical one. Mihai-D. Grigore emphasizes that, unlike
Neagoe, for Erasmus the premise of political decision and political order
is not the mystical experience of the ruler but rather his ability to assume
the ethical code brought by Christ. The prince is not a means of manifesting
God, but merely someone who strives to lead Christians on the basis of
ethical principles that are rooted in Christ and, if necessary, even give his
life for the political community of Christians.
T ea
e
a e
a L e
e
ca
e
at the origin of his political theology (see esp. pp. 266-287). Mihai-D.
Grigore begins his analysis from the premise that the notion of trusting in
e
G d
e
de a d
L e
ca c ce
.
Thus, for Luther, the authority that the Christian political leader assumes
is justified if it is based on unconditional trust in God. Fulfilling this
condition is what also justifies the right of the political ruler to make
decisions regarding the Christian faith. The author shows that, for Luther,
the Christian becomes a subject and a religious-political agent through
grace: the grace and freedom in Christ that every Christian experience are
a e a ed
C
a
, .e., e ca e a d
ec
e
neighbours. Mihai-D Grigore points out that, for Luther, the relationship
between God and believers is one of partnership, a partnership based on
e e
e a ce
G d. T e
ca
e
e e e a curator who,
a
ca a e
,e
e e d d a
ed a e e a
e e c
G d. T ,
, a
a e
. F L e , e
partnership between God and the Christian political ruler means that the
latter fully submits to God and considers his political action to be, in fact,
a a e a
G d e ec e e .
Mac a e
c ce
e
ce c
ee d e e
that of the authors mentioned above. Mihai-D. Grigore highlights that, for
Machiavelli ( . 325 .), e c e
e
ce ac
e
Christian faith but his own wisdom, through which he independently
constructs his attitude towards the situations and possibilities he faces.
Machiavelli does not offer advice that the ruler must follow in different
situations, but proposes a methodology that each leader can use to extract
their own principles to act in each given situation. The radical change
that Machiavelli brings consists in the fact that politics is seen in its
immanence, without any relation to divine transcendence. Mihai-D.
G
ee
a e
a
a
e a
Mac a e
c ce
the mystical (see Neagoe Basarab), ethical (see Erasmus) or practical (see
232
Mihai-D. Grigore, Neagoe Basarab
Princeps Christianus
Luther) likeness of the political ruler to the divine model, but rather his
immanent political success as an end in itself. Through his work, Machiavelli
inaugurated the de-d
ca
e
ca d c
e
e
the
intellectual history of Europe.
The final chapter (pp. 331-344) highlights the common elements and
the differences between the way the four authors understood the identity
and political function of the Christian prince. In this sense, the author
points
a Ba a ab c ce
ba ed
e
ca C
a a ,
while for Luther and Erasmus the practical dimension of the concrete
implementation of the Christian faith on Earth is placed at the forefront.
For Basarab, Erasmus and Luther, a Christian ruler is the condition for
the possibility of the Christian state and politics. A common element of
the four authors is the awareness of the difference existing between the
theorized ideal and reality. The fact that there was no perfect Christian
prince until the beginning of the 16th century made Machiavelli reject the
Christian perspective on politics and adopt a pragmatic-immanent one.
For Machiavelli, the Christianitas of the political body is useful only
insofar it makes individuals open to political manipulation. In contrast,
Basarab, Erasmus and Luther see in Christianitas a means of transferring
the transcendent order into the order of the saeculum.
At the close of this inevitably schematic and simplifying presentation,
it must be noted that Mihai-D. G
e
e a a
e a e
impose itself as a seminal study on Neagoe Basarab and, therefore, it must
be translated into Romanian as soon as possible.
233