Ogilvie et al., 2009
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Seals and Sea Ice in Medieval Greenland
A.E.J. Ogilvie1, J. M. Woollett2, K. Smiarowski3, J. Arneborg4, S. Troelstra5, A.
Kuijpers6, Albína Pálsdóttir7 and T.H. McGovern8
1
INSTAAR, University of Colorado, Campus Box 450, Boulder, Colorado, 80309-0450,
USA
2
Université Laval, Québec, Canada G1K 7P4G
3 78
Hunter College, CUNY, 695 Park Ave, NY, NY 10065
4
National Museum of Denmark, Danish Middle Ages and Renaissance, Frederiksholms
Kanal 12, DK-1220 København K, Denmark
5
Department of Paleoclimatology and Geomorphology, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam
De Boelelaan 1085, 1081HV Amsterdam, the Netherlands
6
De Nationale Geologiske Undersøgelser for Danmark og Grønland, Øster Voldgade 10,
DK-1350 København K, Denmark
Abstract - Multidisciplinary approaches are used to examine possible changes in North
Atlantic sea-ice cover, in the context of seal hunting, during the period of the Norse
occupation of Greenland (ca. 985-1500). Information from Iceland is also used in order to
amplify and illuminate the situation in Greenland. Data are drawn mainly from
zooarchaeological analyses, but written records of climate and sea-ice variations, as well
as palaeoclimatic data sets are also discussed. Although it should be noted that any use of
seal bones from excavated archaeofauna (animal bone collections from archaeological
sites) must recognize the filtering effects of past human economic organization,
technology, and seal-hunting strategies, it is suggested that differing biological
requirements of the six seal species most commonly found in Arctic/North Atlantic
regions may provide a potential proxy for past climate, in particular sea-ice conditions. It
is concluded that an increase in the taking of harp seals, as opposed to common seals, in
the Norse Greenland “Eastern Settlement” in the late-fourteenth century, may reflect an
increase in summer drift ice.
Key Words: Greenland; Iceland; North Atlantic; Sea Ice; Seal Biogeography,
Zooarchaeology
Introduction: Transitions and Thresholds
It is claimed that there are all sorts of seals, too, in those seas, and that they have
a habit of following the ice, as if abundant food would never be wanting there.
(Larsen trans. 1917, The King’s Mirror-Speculum Regale-Konungs Skuggsjá:
139.)
Both humans and marine mammals have an intricate and complex relationship with sea
ice. For people living in the Arctic and Subarctic, the presence of the ice can appear as a
friend, facilitating, for example, hunting or transport, or as an enemy, disrupting fisheries
and navigation (see e.g. Meldgaard 1995, Ogilvie and Jónsdóttir 2000, Ogilvie 2008). For
certain marine mammals, the ice is a vital component of their life cycle and habitat. With
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the current rapidly diminishing Arctic sea-ice cover, a number of studies are underway to
consider the impacts of this major change on Arctic peoples and animals in the present
and future (see e.g. Gearheard et al. 2006, http://synice.colorado.edu/, Huntington and
Moore 2008 and papers therein). With a view to placing such developments in the
context of changes in the past, the focus of this paper is an interdisciplinary study of the
interaction of different seal species in Arctic/North Atlantic regions with sea ice, and,
more specifically, the implications for the Norse settlements in Greenland in medieval
times. Although it is not until the 1970s, with the development of satellite imagery, that
truly accurate sea-ice monitoring becomes possible, the existence of a number of data sets
documenting past sea-ice variations in the North Atlantic region make it feasible to
consider past impacts on both humans and seals.
One hypothesis that will be considered here is that variations in climate played a part in
changes and shifts in the seal-hunting patterns of the Norse Greenlanders. Certainly, a
transition from less to more ice would be a major threshold shift with serious implications
for both marine biology and human society. The reasons for the presence of more or less
ice must also taken be into account. Studies of the incidence of sea ice reaching the coasts
of Iceland have established a close correlation with temperatures on land (Bergthórsson
1969, Ogilvie 1984 et seq.), but the reasons for the presence of sea ice are complex. A
large quantity of ice in a certain location could mean colder sea temperatures, and hence a
colder climate, or it could also indicate calving icebergs from glaciers during a warmer
climatic phase.
Data Sources: Interdisciplinary Evidence
Although the major focus of this paper draws on archaeological data concerning Norse
Greenland, it is possible to use evidence, both archaeological and documentary, from
Iceland, in order to cast light on conditions in Greenland. The history of the two countries
became intertwined when settlers left Iceland around ca. AD 985 (Benediktsson 1968) to
form two colonies. One, the larger, was known as the “Eastern Settlement”, and was
located in the area now occupied by the new municipality of Kujalleq (comprising the
former municipalities of Nanortalik, Narsaq and Qaqortoq) in the far southwest.
(Qaqortog was previously known as Julianehåb.) The other, much smaller “Western
Settlement”, was located close to the area of what is now Greenland’s capital, Nuuk
(formerly Godthåb) a little further to the north on the west coast. For a location map see
Fig. 1.While it is difficult to estimate the exact population of the Greenland Norse, it has
been suggested that, at the height of the settlements, there may have been around 4000 to
5000 inhabitants in the Eastern Settlement, and 1000 to 1500 in the Western Settlement
(McGovern 1981). However, more recent calculations suggest a smaller peak population
of about 1000 to 1200 in the Eastern Settlement, and 500 to 800 in the Western
Settlement, with a cumulative population over the whole settlement period of around
25,000 individuals (Lynnerup 1996.)
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Figure 1. This map of the North Atlantic regions shows the location of the Norse Eastern and Western
Settlements as well as the Northern Hunting Grounds (Norðursetur) around the Disko Bay area. Map
drawn by Kerry-Anne Mairs.
A rich archaeological record is available for both Greenland and Iceland; however, the
historical documentary evidence for Norse Greenland is relatively sparse (Halldórsson
1978, Ogilvie 1998) and most of what exists was written in Iceland or Norway.
Nevertheless, this latter evidence may help to cast light on conditions in Greenland in the
past. Of particular interest is the historical evidence concerning sea-ice variations off the
coasts of Iceland (Bergthórsson 1969, Ogilvie 1991, 2005, Ogilvie and Jónsson 2001).
See Fig. 2 and discussion below. Proxy climate records (see e.g. Jennings and Weiner
1996, Dietrich et al. 2004, 2005, Jensen et al. 2004, Roncaglia and Kuijpers 2004,
Kristjánsdóttir 2005, Moros et al. 2006, Andrews et al. 2009) also give valuable
information regarding past variations in climatic conditions and sea-ice cover. Although
lack of space precludes any detailed methodological discussion regarding the use of the
data presented here, it may be noted that all climate proxy data sets, whether from natural
archives, or in the form of written documentary records must be analyzed in the manner
appropriate to them. For further information see, e.g. Bell and Ogilvie 1978, Ogilvie
1984, 1991, 1997, regarding documentary evidence, and the references cited above
regarding proxy climate data from natural archives. It should also be noted that any use of
seal bones from excavated archaeofauna (animal bone collections from archaeological
sites) must recognize the filtering effects of past human economic organization,
technology, and seal-hunting strategies (see e.g. Woollett 2007).
Sea Ice
Ice on the sea, “sea ice”, essentially has two possible origins: i) it is frozen seawater
which forms directly on the surface of the ocean; and ii) icebergs which have broken off
from calving glaciers. It is one of the most important and variable components of the
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planetary surface and is thus the key to understanding many basic questions concerning
the energy balance of the Earth. The ice-covered seas represent the cold end of the vast
heat engine that enables the Earth to have temperatures suitable for human life over most
of its surface. Sea ice also helps drive the oceanic thermohaline circulation through salt
rejected by ice formation in critical regions, and directly affects climate through its high
albedo, which causes sea-ice retreat to have a positive effect on global warming (see e.g.
Wadhams 2000). The causes of the drift of sea ice is not simply a question of colder
climate; it is, among other things, a complex amalgam of variations in ocean currents,
and surface winds. The most interesting feature of Arctic sea ice at present is the rate at
which it is melting, and the projection by models that there is likely to be an even more
rapid reduction in the extent and seasonal duration of sea ice in the future (Stroeve et al.
2007, 2008). The implications of these changes are a major cause for concern, for both
humans and marine fauna and flora.
Figure 2. Although the diagram above shows the incidence of sea ice off the coasts of Iceland during a later
period than that under consideration here, it illustrates the great variability of the ice from year-to-year and
decade to decade. See Ogilvie 1992, 2005.
The sea-ice record from Iceland based on historical data (Fig. 2) does not become
continuous until AD 1600 but fascinating descriptions of sea ice in the North Atlantic
also exist for earlier periods (Ogilvie 1991, 1992). Some of these may be mentioned here.
The earliest detailed account of sea ice is found in the Konungs Skuggsjá or “The Kings’
Mirror” (Larsen trans. 1917, Jónsson ed. 1920) an instructional handbook on behavior for
all classes of society, but especially kings, composed in Norway most probably around
AD 1250 (Holtsmark 1956-78, Ogilvie 1991, 2005). This remarkable work also gives
illuminating information on a variety of subjects encompassing human societies and also
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the natural world. The description is clear and detailed, unlike many other medieval
writings. The unknown author clearly had first-hand information from someone familiar
with Norse Greenland and the surrounding seas. The account of known seal species is of
particular interest (see below). Some 100 years later, in ca. 1350, a geographical
description given in the Icelandic Guðmundur saga biskups Arasonar (“The Saga of
Bishop Guðmundur Arason”) by Abbot Arngrímur Brandsson contains a description of
Iceland which notes the presence of much sea ice off the coasts. Although historical
sources need to be subjected to careful analysis, this account of the ice is judged to be
reliable, as are the accounts referring to sea ice and seal species in “The King’s Mirror”
(Ogilvie 1991, 1997). The same may not be said of a more problematic account, possibly
originating from ca. 1360. This is termed in modern Icelandic Grænlandslýing Ívar
Bárðarsonar*, or, translated into English, “The Description of Greenland according to
Ívar Bárðarson”, (Jonsson 1930, Halldórsson 1978). It was first written in the language of
“middle Norwegian” and the original form of its title is likely to have been Iffver Bardsen
Grönlænder (pers.comm. Christian Keller). This work poses interpretative difficulties
primarily because the original text is no longer extant. Furthermore, the transmission of
the existing version is complex. It is likely that it is a compilation of several manuscripts
which were probably first collected and copied in Bergen in the early 1500s (pers. comm.
Christian Keller. See also Ogilvie 1991, 1997, Ogilvie and Jónsson 2001). Included in its
brief account are sailing directions from Iceland to Greenland, and the information that
the old route has become difficult due to the presence of sea ice. Although it is possible
that the greater part of the work may be reliable, the mention of sea ice is almost certainly
not part of the original account, but a later interpolation. The interesting description is
tantalizing because is not known precisely when the insert on sea ice was written or,
indeed, if it is accurate (Ogilvie 1991, Ogilvie and Jónsson 2001).
Figure 3. An iceberg in Eiríksfjord, near Brattahlið. Photograph A.E.J. Ogilvie, 2008.
Two remarkable examples of reliable early geographical treatises were written in Iceland
in the late 1500s. These are the Brevis Commentarius de Islandia (“A Brief Commentary
on Iceland”) by Arngrímur Jónsson (1568-1648) who was nicknamed “the learned”
(published by Benediktsson in 1950, and in Hakluyt’s voyages in 1928). This work was
compiled in an attempt to refute erroneous accounts of Iceland which suggested that hell
itself was to be found in Mount Hekla or on the sea ice (see Ogilvie 2005). The
Qualiscunque descriptio Islandiæ (“A Draft Description of Iceland”) was first published
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in an Icelandic translation in 1971. In the introduction to his edition of this latter work,
Benediktsson argues convincingly that the author was Oddur Einarsson, Bishop of
Skálholt (1559-1630). However, for a different viewpoint, see also Sigmarsson 2002.
Written in Latin in the early 1590s, these two works are the earliest Icelandic accounts
which give accurate and detailed descriptions of sea ice (see Ogilvie 2005). After around
AD 1600 there are numerous sources which describe sea ice (Ogilvie 1984 et seq.). Both
early and later sources refer to the hunting of seals on sea ice, as well as to the taking of
seals and other marine mammals, such as whales, when trapped in ice close to the shore
(Ogilvie 2008).
North Atlantic Seal Biogeography and Behaviour
Six species of seals are found in the modern North Atlantic (Ridgway and Harrison 1981,
King
1983,
Riedman
1990).
For
their
distribution
see
http://nlbif.eti.uva.nl/bis/marine_mammals.php?selected=bekijken&menuentry=atlas&id
=116. The most widespread is the common (also called harbor) seal, Phoca vitulina,
which is found in both Atlantic and Pacific waters (Bigg 1981). These terms, “common”,
and “harbor”, seal are used interchangeably here. In eastern and western Atlantic waters,
the common seal is found in two sub-specific groups (eastern: P. v. vitulina, western: P.
v. concolor) with a range extending from warm temperate waters into Arctic regions, for
example Baffin Bay. In Arctic/Atlantic regions these seals do not generally haul out on
the ice. Pupping takes place later in the year than for harp, ringed, and bearded seals, in
areas with open water. The seals form small concentrations at favored hauling-out spots
on sandy beaches, sandbars, and skerries, where pups are born and raised in early spring.
These regularly-used pupping and hauling-out points make this species vulnerable to onshore human hunters, and common seal populations are particularly subject to local
extinction or dispersal by over-hunting. While adult common seals are at home in icefilled waters, their pups are much more vulnerable, and common seal populations do not
thrive in areas with substantial summer drift ice (see Woollett 1997, Woollett et al. 2000).
The grey seal Halichoerus grypus is far less common, and is a much larger and more
aggressive seal, found in three distinct populations in Canada, the Eastern North Atlantic
(Iceland, Faroes, British Isles, Norway, North Sea coasts) and the Baltic. While capable
of breeding on ice floes, the grey seal is mainly north temperate in distribution, and is not
regularly found in Greenland. Grey seals also form annual breeding and pupping
concentrations, generally in smaller groups on offshore rocks less accessible from land
than the common seal haul-outs, and are thus somewhat less immediately vulnerable to
human predation. Highly visible in coastal areas, common and grey seals have been taken
by human hunters in the eastern North Atlantic since the Mesolithic, and are still
regularly killed by fishermen seeking to limit competition. Neither common seals nor
grey seals are migratory, and thus local groups of both species are subject to
overexploitation or extirpation.
Ringed seals, Pusa hispida, are true arctic seals, capable of making and maintaining
breathing holes in fast ice. They have an early breeding season, pup on fast ice, and
regularly maintain ice dens in which pups are born. Ringed seals have a wide circumpolar
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distribution, and are also found in the northern Baltic, with related species occurring in
the Caspian Sea and Lake Baikal. This seal is non-migratory and does not form
substantial seasonal concentrations, but is common within its distribution area, forming a
major food source for both polar bears and human hunters across both low and high arctic
regions. It has been hunted since prehistoric times (Murray 2005).
Bearded seals, Erignathus barbatus, are very large seals with a circumpolar distribution,
also capable of maintaining breathing holes and surviving in high arctic conditions. Like
the ringed seals, they are not migratory, and neither species is regularly encountered in
southern Norway, the British Isles, the Faroes, or Iceland. Complex, species-diverse
patches of populations exist in areas with heterogeneous environments in close contact
with outside “core” populations which are sources for recruitment to other populations.
While there is some overlap between the ranges of the north temperate non-migratory
seals (common and grey seals) and the arctic non-migratory seals (ringed and bearded
seals), year-round ice conditions strongly favor the arctic-adapted species in rangemargin competition (as in Labrador; Woollett 1999 2003, Woollett et al. 2000).
In addition to these pairs of non-migratory north temperate and arctic seals, the North
Atlantic is also home to two species of ice-riding migratory seals. The harp seal, Phoca
groenlandica, has three distinct populations: one northwest Atlantic population breeding
on the early spring ice in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and off Newfoundland and southern
Labrador, and then migrating up the coast of Greenland; another East Greenland sea
population breeding near Jan Mayen Island in the northeast Atlantic; and a third
population breeding in the Barents Sea/White Sea area. In spite of human predation, harp
seals are probably the most numerous seals on earth, with current population estimates
for the northwest Atlantic group ranging between 4 – 6 million. Individual seals are
occasionally encountered as far south as New York harbor, but most harp seals are
normally closely associated with movements of drift ice in the North Atlantic. The
migratory pattern of the northwest Atlantic population brings them to the southwest coast
of Greenland regularly each spring in immense numbers, and they travel northwards
along the west coast to north of Disko Bay before returning to the Canadian coast. The
northwest Atlantic harp seal population thus represents a major resource for human
hunters on both sides of Davis Strait.
The other migratory ice-riding seal species is the hooded or bladder-nosed seal,
Cystophora cristata, a larger animal with a smaller population size (northwest Atlantic
modern population estimated at around 400,000). Four distinct hooded seal populations
(their range often overlapping with harp seals) can be found on the pack ice near Jan
Mayen Island, off Labrador and northeastern Newfoundland, in the Gulf of St. Lawrence,
and in Davis Strait southwest of Greenland. These large migratory seals follow a
somewhat different path from the harp seals, congregating with the harps off the fjords of
southwest Greenland in the spring, but then mainly moving up the east coast of
Greenland in summer. Inhabiting pack-ice masses far offshore, they are not accessible to
human hunters in much of west Greenland, apart from the extreme southwest.
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The six species of North Atlantic seals may thus be said to form three pairs: a north
temperate group (common and grey seals); a high arctic group (ringed and bearded seals);
and an ice-riding migratory group (harp and hooded seals). In each case, the smaller of
the pair is the more numerous, and harp seals probably greatly outnumber all other
species combined. These three pairs of species do have partially overlapping ranges, but
have very different associations with summer and winter drift and fast ice. Their behavior
also produces quite different vulnerabilities to human hunting. The common and grey
seal populations most familiar to Celtic and Nordic hunters prior to the trans-Atlantic
expansion of the Viking age form predictable seasonal concentrations at recurring
locations – excellent hunting targets but subject to depletion and local extinction. The
dispersed but abundant arctic ringed and bearded seals have long provided a key resource
for North American arctic hunters, but require specialized harpoon technology and icehunting skills for their regular capture. The migratory seals (especially harp seals)
provide a virtually inexhaustible abundance for a relatively short period of time over
most of their range, requiring a highly focused but potentially very productive hunting
effort. The differing biological requirements of these six seal species thus provide a
potential set of proxies for past climate, especially sea-ice conditions.
Norse Seal Hunting in the North Atlantic
Seal hunting in the Baltic and North Atlantic extended into the Mesolithic era, and,
through the centuries, different cultures have made use of a wide variety of hunting
techniques (Härkönen et al. 2005, Storå 2002, Armit 1996, Clark 1946). The Viking-age
settlers of the North Atlantic islands thus had a long heritage of sealing, but by the ninth
century AD, seal hunting had become a very limited portion of a subsistence economy
centered on fishing, barley growing, and herding of domestic mammals in most of
western Scandinavia and the British Isles. Archaeofauna from both Pictish and Norse
contexts in Shetland, Orkney, Caithness, and the Hebrides, usually produce some
common and grey seal bones, but these comprise far less than 10% of each collection
(Perdikaris and McGovern 2008). Similar patterns are reflected in Viking-medieval
archaeofauna from Sandoy in the Faroe Islands (Church et al. 2005) and in most Viking
age Icelandic sites (McGovern et al. 2001). In the eastern North Atlantic during the
Viking Age and early medieval period seals (almost exclusively common and grey seals)
thus tended to represent a locally useful supplement to subsistence, an occasional source
of good quality fat and skins, and a product that could sometimes find its way far inland,
but not a critical staple for either regular subsistence or large-scale external trade. The
situation was somewhat different in Greenland, however. For a comparison of the
frequency of seal bones versus mammal bones found in a sampling of sites across the
North Atlantic see Fig 4.
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Figure 4. This graph shows the frequency of seal bones (all species) as a percentage of all mammal bone
(%NISP) in a sampling of sites across the North Atlantic. Seals present uniformly minor parts (<5%) of
mammals from farm sites in the Faroes and coastal southern Iceland, independent of period. Seals are much
more commonly observed in some coastal northern Icelandic sites, with seals comprising the majority of
mammals in the early modern assemblage of Svalbarð. In Greenland, seals comprise more than 30% of
mammal bones in almost all farm sites shown here, with several sites having seals as the majority of the
mammal assemblage. V48, in particular, shows a proportion of seals which parallels that of Thule and Inuit
winter sites in West Greenland and Labrador, where subsistence economies were built almost entirely
around seal hunting.
Seal Hunting in Iceland
The practice and history of seal hunting in Iceland has been documented in great detail by
Luðvík Kristjánsson (1980) and is clearly as old as the first settlement. Seals appear to
have been an extremely important addition to the daily diet, especially at times when
other traditional food sources failed. Several proverbs testify to this fact, including
Selurinn er sæla í búi “A seal means contentment in the home”. The main seals that were
hunted were landselur (common seal), útselur (grey seal) and also vöðuselur (the harp
seal). Luðvík Kristjánsson states that the blöðruselur (hooded seal), kampselur (bearded
seal), and hringanóri (ringed seal), in particular the latter, were also taken. Kristjánsson
describes the ways in which the seals were hunted, including the varied uses of netting
and clubbing. Seal hunting appears to have been practised all around the coasts of
Iceland, although he notes that harp seals were only caught on the north and west coasts,
and that the usual method was harpooning, although netting was also used in the
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eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Kristjánsson also describes a variety of additional
methods used in seal hunting, including the digging of pits, and the placing of iron spikes
on rocks where the seals would be caught fast. The use of harpoons ceased in 1875.
In the seventeenth century, there were 364 coastal farms that had sealing rights. However,
according to the land registers of 1702-12 only 215 such farms were recorded. In 1932,
the total number of such farms was 264 (Kristjánsson 1980). The reason for the apparent
decline in sealing in the early eighteenth century is not clear. Seal-hunting rights were
considered highly valuable. The skins do not appear to have been exported until the
eighteenth century, but were in great demand within the country, especially for the
making of shoes. Sealskin shoes were considered superior to shoes made of leather as
they were more durable in wet conditions (Ingi Unnsteinsson, pers.comm.). Seal meat
was also an important food source, and was used fresh, salted and smoked.
The hunting of seals is described in many of Iceland’s varied historical records, including
the Sagas of Icelanders. In Egil’s Saga, for example, it is said of Skallagrim, an early
settler, that “He had a farmstead built on Alftanes and ran another farm there, and rowed
out from it to catch fish and cull seals...” (The Complete Sagas of Icelanders, I:66). An
example of a description of seal hunting on sea ice may be taken from the Brevis
Commentarius de Islandia written in 1592 by Arngrímur Jónsson (noted above). Clearly,
seal hunting was an “ancient custom”. Because harp seals are associated with sea ice, and
were one of the most frequent seals taken, it is likely that the seals in Arngrímur’s
description below refer to this species.
Why; it is an ancient custome of the Island that they which inhabite neare the sea
shoare do usually go betimes in a morning to catch Seales, even upon the very
same ise which the historiographers make to be hell, and in the evening returne
home safe and sound. (From Arngrímur Jónsson’s Brevis Commentarius de
Islandia translated in Hakluyts Voyages 1904 vol. IV:123.)
Although the presence of sea ice off the coasts of Iceland had primarily negative effects
such as: the lowering of temperatures on land which, in turn, could adversely affect the
all-important grass crop; the prevention of fishing; and the hindrance of trading vessels
from landing, the marine mammals that were often brought with the ice were an
important addition to the food supply (Ogilvie and Jónsdóttir 2000). Arngrímur Jónsson
also notes that harp seal and ringed-seal pups were sometimes carried inshore by drift ice
and were then clubbed, often in great numbers. With the general decline of sea ice off the
coasts of Iceland from the early-twentieth century onwards, the harp and ringed seal have
been less in evidence recently than in former times (Kristjánsson 1980, Sergeant 1991).
The documentary evidence regarding seal hunting in Iceland is corroborated by the
archaeological record. Here it may be noted that there is regional variability in seal-bone
abundance, with archaeofauna from the West Fjords district in the northwest, Þistilfjörður
in the northeast, and the island of Flatey in Breiðafjörður showing the greatest abundance
of seal bones (Amorosi 1992, Amundsen 2003, Edvardsson and McGovern 2005). A few
seal bones have also been recovered from inland Icelandic sites dating to both the ninth
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and tenth centuries, and to early modern contexts, suggesting at least a local pattern of
movement of seal products from coast to inland consumers (Amorosi 1996, McGovern et
al. 2006). The regular recovery of newborn (neonatal) common seal bones in all these
Icelandic sites indicates a spring hunt focused upon pupping beaches, probably
supplemented by net hunting of adults in other seasons. Kristjánsson (1980) notes that as
the common seal has its pups in the spring or early summer, and the grey seal in the
autumn or early winter, the two species were also referred to as spring and autumn seals,
respectively.
The pattern of recovery of seal products is reflected in, for example, the post-medieval
layers of the deeply stratified farm midden at the site of Svalbarð in Þistilfjörður in
northeastern Iceland (Amorosi 1992). In this archaeofauna, harp seal bones are present in
substantial numbers by the seventeenth century, eventually outnumbering cattle bones.
This pattern seems to reflect the sort of locally intensive hunting activities on the sea ice
described in the passage from Arngrímur Jónsson cited above. Other finds of harp seal
bones in fourteenth-century contexts at Gásir in Eyjafjörður (Harrison 2007, Harrison et
al. 2008a), from early modern contexts at Vatnsfjord (Pálsdóttir et al. 2008) from Eyri in
the West Fjords (Taylor et al. 2005, Harrison et al. 2008b) and from Hofstaðir in
Mývatnssveit (McGovern et al. 2007) may also reflect periodic use of harp seals.
However, at present, only the Svalbarð archaeofauna indicates intensive harp-seal
hunting, thus reflecting a major dietary supplement to farming and fishing.
Figure 5. Statue of Sæmundur and the seal in front of the University of Iceland, Reykjavik. Sculpture by
Ásmundur Sveinsson. Photograph A.E.J. Ogilvie, 2008.
It may be noted that seals also feature greatly in Icelandic folklore, perhaps a reflection of
their importance for subsistence. A well-known example concerns the scholar, historian,
and priest, Sæmundur fróði, or Sæmundur the Learned, who lived from 1056-1133.
According to the folk tales collected by Jón Árnason (1956) it is said of Sæmundur that
he tricked the devil into assuming the shape of a seal so that he could swim with him to
Iceland on his back. The context of the story is that Sæmundur covets a desirable
property in the south of Iceland, named Oddi, but so do others. The King of Norway
decides that the man who gets there first, from Norway, shall have it. The story goes that
Sæmundur tells the devil that if he can be brought ashore without him getting his cloak
wet, the devil may have his soul. When they are close to shore, Sæmundur hits the seal on
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the head with a psalter, causing him to sink, and then swims to shore by himself. He gets
Oddi. A statue, completed in 1926 by the Icelandic sculptor Ásmundur Sveinsson, which
shows Sæmundur smiting the devil/seal is to be found in front of the main building of the
University of Iceland in Reykjavik (see Fig.5).
Seal Hunting in Norse Greenland
When Norse settlers arrived in West Greenland in the late-tenth century, the Viking Age
Icelandic pattern of small-scale low-intensity seal predation was changed dramatically in
this new location. The zooarchaeological record indicates that the Norse Greenlanders
immediately recognized the tremendous potential of the newly-encountered migratory
harp and hooded seal populations, as the earliest archaeological contexts dating to the
late-ninth century produce great quantities of seal bone from these species. Stratified
archaeofauna tend to show a steady increase in seal bones through time, with seal-bone
relative percentages ranging from 30 to over 80% of the total archaeofauna, on both
coastal and far inland farms (McGovern 1985a, 1985b, Perdikaris and McGovern 2008).
Clearly, seals were a critical subsistence staple in Greenland, and the thirteenth-century
source noted above, The King’s Mirror, lists seal skins and fat among Greenlandic trade
exports. This work also contains a fascinating description of known seal species, given
below:
In those waters there are also many of those species of whales which we have
already described. It is claimed that there are all sorts of seals, too, in those seas,
and that they have a habit of following the ice, as if abundant food would never be
wanting there. These are the species of seals that are found there. Once is called
the “corse” seal; its length is never more than four ells. There is another sort
called the “erken” seal, which grows to a length of five ells or six at the very
longest. Then there is a third kind which is called the “flett” seal, which grows to
about the same length as those mentioned above. There is still a fourth kind,
called the bearded seal, which occasionally grows to a length of six ells or even
seven. In addition there are various smaller species, one of which is called the
saddleback; it has this name because it does not swim on the belly like other seals
but on the back or side; its length is never more than four ells. There remains the
smallest kind, which is called the “short seal” and is not more than two ells in
length. It has a peculiar nature; for it is reported that these seals can pass under
flat ice masses four or even five ells thick and can blow up through them;
consequently they can have large openings wherever they want them. (Larsen
trans. 1917, The King’s Mirror-Speculum Regale-Konungs Skuggsjá:139-140.)
It may be noted that an “ell” is approximately 56-58cm. The last seal mentioned, the
“short” seal, sounds very much like the ringed seal. According to the notes in Larsen’s
translation of The King’s Mirror, the “saddleback” corresponds to the harp seal. The
same source suggests that the “erken-seal” is the same as the grey seal. The “bearded”
seal is clearly Erignathus barbatus. It may be conjectured that the “corse” seal is the
common seal, and the “flett” seal is the hooded seal.
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The biogeography of seal-migration patterns seems to have affected the Norse seal catch,
since hooded seals were commonly taken in the Eastern Settlement in the far southwest
but are rare in Western Settlement archaeofauna (see Fig. 6 showing later phases of mean
seal catches). Sealing technology and hunting techniques as well as seal biogeography
also affected the seal species taken regularly by Norse hunters. Medieval to Early Modern
Scandinavian sealing techniques seem to have included the use of seal nets, and
fragments of nets made from whale baleen have been recovered from Gården under
Sandet (GUS) “The Farm Beneath the Sand” in the Western Settlement (Arneborg
pers.com.). Interestingly, a recent study of ancient “dirt” DNA from this farm also
corroborates the pattern seen elsewhere of a general increase in the ratio of seal bones to
other domestic mammals over time (Hebsgaard et al., 2009). Clubbing on land and on sea
ice certainly occurred, and possibly also the use of boat drives into net barriers
(McGovern 1985a, 1985b, Kristjánsson 1980:317-405; Fenton 1978). The use of
harpoons or barbed spears so characteristic of Inuit seal hunting technology do not appear
to have been used. However, seal harpoons are mentioned in thirteenth-century sources in
Iceland, and were used in western and northern Iceland where harp and hooded seals
were available (Orri Vésteinsson, pers.comm.).
Figure 6 Mean of identified seal species from Eastern and Western Settlement archaeofauna dating to later
phases (older collections are probably all post-1250, only the latest phases of stratified collections
included).
The Greenland Norse apparently did not make significant use of harpoons or ice-hunting
techniques, but concentrated instead upon mass netting and clubbing of seals on land, or
on drift ice, by coordinated groups of hunters. While much remains to be learned about
Norse sealing in Greenland, the presence of large amounts of seal bone in inland farms
may suggest the special communal nature of Norse sealing (McGovern 1985a, 1985b,
McGovern et al. 2006; Smiarowski et al. 2007, Dugmore et al. 2008). Analysis of
available seal dental annuli suggests a hunt concentrated in spring/summer (McGovern et
al. 1996). The Norse sealing methods in Greenland seem to have been directly adapted
from methods used to hunt common seal colonies in the eastern North Atlantic, and
stressed communal collaboration and coordinated attacks on groups of seals rather than
individual hunters stalking and killing individual animals. These strategies were well
suited to taking many of the seasonally-concentrated migratory harp and hooded seals, as
well as taking large quantities of the familiar common seals, and probably worked quite
effectively to provision the settlements (Dugmore et al. 2007). However, the communal
sealing strategies employed by the Norse were not as effective in taking substantial
numbers of ringed or bearded seals, which nineteenth- to twentieth-century catch
statistics, as well as scattered paleoeskimo archaeofauna, suggest were present in both
Norse settlement areas in substantial numbers (see discussion in McGovern et al. 1992a,
1992b). Any climatic cooling that would promote additional fast-ice formation in winter
or longer periods of stable ice in spring would tend to favor these species, so the shortage
of ringed and bearded seal bones in the later Norse archaeofauna probably reflects
hunting technology rather than species abundance. In short, it is likely that the high
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Arctic seal species were present in large numbers in Viking times. Certainly the complex
indented shoreline and exposure to pack ice should have created mosaic ice environments
on a generalized scale within the region (McGovern, 1985a, 1985b, Gotfredsen and
Moberg 2004).
Comprehensive Greenlandic seal-catch records (Fig. 7) provide a useful picture of recent
hunting patterns by modern Greenlanders in the two former Norse settlement areas (Vibe
1967, McGovern 1991). These recent sealing patterns contrast with the patterns in the
Norse archaeofauna in the far larger number of ringed seals taken by modern
Greenlanders, but provide a consistent biogeographical pattern in the absence of hooded
seals from the Nuuk/Western Settlement area. Today, Qaqortoq and Narsaq districts are
heavily affected by summer drift ice carried around Cape Farewell from East Greenland
and Denmark Strait, and as a result, common seals are very rarely seen or hunted in these
districts. Further north, common seals are regularly taken in the inner fjords of Nuuk
district (around modern Kapisillit) which are not affected by summer drift ice.
Figure 7. Modern catch records for Qaqortoq and Narsaq districts (covering the former Norse Eastern
Settlement) and the village of Kapisillit (a small settlement in Nuuk Fjord) in the middle of the former
Western Settlement.
Archaeological Evidence: What the Bones Tell Us
Archaeological evidence highlighted here includes changes in the relative proportion of
seal bones from sites in the Eastern Settlement area (see Fig. 8) as well as stratified sealbone collections from both the Eastern and Western Settlement areas (see Fig. 9). Data
are also available on the ratio of seal bones to the main domestic mammals (cattle, sheep,
and goats) from the major chieftain’s farm at Brattahlið (E29a) in the Eastern Settlement,
and what is probably the second-ranking chieftain’s farm at Sandnes (W51) in the
Western Settlement (see Fig. 10). The discussion below considers whether the changes
shown are due to changes in culture, technology, or climate. Another approach to the
same question may be to compare the changing ratio of bones of the major domesticates
for the two same sites (Fig. 11).
Fig. 8 presents the identified seal bones recovered from the quantifiable Phases III-V
from the 2005-06 excavations at Brattahlið (Edvardsson and McGovern 2005). Harbor
seal bones are far more prolific in the lower layers than the modern catch data would
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predict, and early-thirteenth century Norse hunters seem to have taken these seals in some
numbers. Harbor seals appear to have then declined sharply in abundance between the
early- and late-thirteenth century in the substantial Brattahlið N farm archaeofauna.
Figure 8. Relative proportions of identified seal bones. Phase V n= 41, Phase IV n = 44, Phase III n= 14.
While the scarcity of ringed seal bones in these Norse deposits is almost certainly the
product of a very different seal-hunting technology and social organization from that of
modern Inuit Greenlanders, the presence of substantial numbers of common seals in
earlier phases, and their reduction in later phases, is not readily explained by
technological or social differences in the seal hunters. The observed change occurs
entirely within the Norse cultural context during a period of apparent cultural stability.
Common seal populations tend to be localized, and it is certainly possible that particular
pods could have been wiped out or forced to relocate to less accessible hauling-out
locations by over-exploitation. However, it would be expected that such impacts would
have occurred earlier in the settlement process. By around AD 1250, the Norse had been
hunting in this part of Greenland for about nine human generations. Understanding of
Norse natural-resource management capabilities pioneered by archaeologists such as
Degerbøl (1934, 1941) has been expanded by recent work in Iceland and the Faroes,
where there is growing evidence for successful community-level management of
seabirds, waterfowl, freshwater fishing, and common grazing (Church et al. 2005,
McGovern et al. 2006, Simpson et al. 2002, 2003, 2004). As more has been learned
regarding Viking-Medieval Norse economy in the North Atlantic, previous theories of
widespread heedless depletion of all forms of natural capital (e.g. McGovern et al. 1988)
are being replaced by evidence of more sophisticated and successful resource
management (Dugmore et al. 2008). Common seal populations are still sustainably
hunted in several parts of Iceland today on a small scale. However, Icelandic sealing has
clearly been very different in scope from the far larger Greenlandic effort, and
unanticipated consequences or unavoidable circumstances can certainly overtake
management strategies on the local scale. A broadening of the data set to include more
sites in both settlement areas may be helpful in assessing the two hypotheses (see Fig. 9).
Fig. 9 compares available stratified seal-bone collections in both settlement areas. These
collections may be roughly sorted temporally, by radiocarbon and stratigraphy to before
versus after the late thirteenth/early fourteenth century. In the Eastern Settlement area,
both the older archaeofauna from E17a at Narsaq, and the 2005-06 Brattahlið North Farm
(E29a) phased collections show similar patterns of abundant common seal bones in the
earlier layers, and a sharp reduction in the later layers. The two sites are far enough apart
that it is unlikely that both would have hunted the same local common seal pods,
suggesting a wide impact rather than a local depletion. In the Western Settlement,
collections from Gården under Sandet (GUS), W51 Sandnes, and the small site W48 all
continue to contain varied, but always substantial, amounts of common seal bones both
before and after the late-thirteenth century (Enghoff 2003, McGovern et al. 1996). The
W51 Sandnes site is close to what was the largest common seal hauling-out and pupping
ground in this portion of Nuuk district in the early twentieth century, and the continued
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availability of common seals throughout the Norse occupation at Sandnes may be another
argument in favor of successful management of common seal resources.
Figure 9. Identified seal species from stratified sites in both the Eastern and Western Settlements. Broad
vertical lines roughly divide archaeofauna from before and after the later thirteenth century in both
settlement areas. Data: Enghoff (2003); McGovern et al. (1993); McGovern et al. (1996).
Zooarchaeological evidence for such sea-ice impacts upon farming systems is inevitably
indirect, and is complicated by local social and economic factors. However, a comparison
of two comparably-excavated midden deposits from higher-status farms spanning the
thirteenth century sea-ice transition may suggest some directions for further investigation.
Figure 10. A direct ratio of seal bones to the bones of the major Norse domestic mammals (cattle, sheep,
goats). Taller bar indicates more seal bones.
Fig. 10 compares the ratio of seal bones to the major domestic mammals (cattle, sheep,
and goats) from the major chieftain’s farm at Brattahlið (E29a) in the Eastern Settlement
and from what is likely to have been the second-ranking chieftain’s farm at Sandnes
(W51) in the Western Settlement (McGovern et al. 1996, Smiarowski et al. 2007). While
there is some controversy regarding the secure identification of the archaeological site
E29a with the top-ranking chieftain’s farm at Brattahlíð as mentioned in the written
sources (Guldager, 2002), E29 was clearly a major manor with buildings as large as
Sandnes. The E29 hall floor area was approximately 66 sq meters, and the cattle byre was
127 sq meters. The hall of Sandnes W51 was approximately 72 sq meters and the cattle
byre was 84 sq meters (data from McGovern 1992). Like all other stratified archaeofauna
known thus far, both site collections show an increase of seal bones relative to domestic
mammals with time, but there would appear to be some marked differences in the rate
and amount of increase in seal bones relative to domestic mammals at the two sites. The
Western Settlement chieftain’s farm shows a ratio ranging from just over 1:1 to just under
1:2 , while the Eastern Settlement collection shows a shift from around 2.5 seal bones per
domesticate bone to just over 4:1 between the early thirteenth and the fourteenth century.
If models which see seals as a secondary resource used to fill provisioning gaps left by
the farming economy and the caribou hunt are correct (McGovern 1985a, 1985b,
Perdikaris and McGovern 2007), these ratios may suggest diverging solutions to the
ongoing problem of provisioning large high status households. Were the managers of the
Eastern Settlement manor facing drift-ice problems not shared by their contemporaries
further north?
Another approach to the same question may be to compare the changing ratio of bones of
the major domesticates for the same two sites (see Fig. 11).
Figure 11. The ratio of cattle bones to both sheep and goat (caprines) bones at Brattahlið in the Eastern
Settlement and Sandnes in the Western Settlement.
The proportion of high-status cattle bones to lower-status caprines (sheep and goats
together) has often been used as a site status indicator in North Atlantic zooarchaeology.
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There certainly tends to be a close association between larger farms with richer pastures
and a higher proportion of cattle bones in the site middens (McGovern 1985a, 1985b,
1992a, 1992b, Enghoff 2003). As Fig. 11 indicates, both Sandnes W51 and Brattahlið
E29 maintained a virtually identical “high status” Greenlandic profile through the
thirteenth century, but after ca. 1300 there appears to have been a significant shift at the
Eastern Settlement site towards sheep and goats. These species may have been culturally
less prestigious but required about a sixth of the winter fodder consumed by a cow, and
could be maintained on lower quality pastures. While further research needs to be done, it
appears that the challenges posed to Eastern Settlement residents at all status levels by the
sea-ice changes of the thirteenth century may be visible in the archaeological record. Two
hypotheses may be advanced to explain the marked transition in the archaeofauna noted
above: either the stocks of common seals have been depleted in the Eastern Settlement
area due to over-hunting by Norse sealers, or; the climate changed from warmer
conditions with little or no summer drift ice to a climatic regime with more sea ice during
the later thirteenth century. Evidence for changes in sea-ice regimes is considered below.
Proxy Climate Data: What the Natural and Human Archives Tell Us
North Atlantic palaeoclimate data and documentary data (the latter mainly from Iceland)
help to cast light on past sea-ice conditions. The very earliest mention of sea ice in the
Icelandic annals is for the year AD 1145, but as this is an isolated account, it is difficult
to evaluate (Ogilvie, 1991). There is some further evidence from Iceland that the latter
part of the twelfth century experienced a relatively harsh climate. These kinds of records
also suggest relatively cold conditions in the late 1200s (Ogilvie 1991).
The King’s Mirror, noted above, and possibly written around AD 1250, describes sea ice
in Denmark Strait, but the account is tantalizing because it is unclear if this is perceived
as a new or a persistent threat to navigation:
As soon as one has passed over the deepest part of the ocean, he will encounter
such masses of ice in the seas, that I know of no equal of it anywhere else in all
the earth. Sometimes these ice fields are as flat as if they were frozen on the sea
itself...There is more ice to the northeast and north of the land than to the south,
southwest, and west; consequently, whoever wishes to make the land should sail
around it to the southwest and west, till he has come past all those places where
ice may be looked for, and approach the land on that side. It has frequently
happened that men have sought to make the land too soon and, as a result, have
been caught in the ice floes. Some of those who have been caught have perished;
but others have got out again, and we have met some of these and have heard
their accounts and tales. But all those who have been caught in these ice drifts
have adopted the same plan: they have taken their small boats and have dragged
them up on the ice with them, and in this way have sought to reach land; but the
ship and everything else of value had to be abandoned and was lost. Some have
had to spend four days or five upon the ice before reaching land, and some even
longer. (Larsen trans. 1917, The King’s Mirror-Speculum Regale-Konungs
Skuggsjá:138-139.)
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The Icelandic annals and certain sagas suggest that the 1360s and 1370s were cold on the
whole, but the time span 1395 to 1430 was probably comparatively mild. However, the
paucity of the data makes it very difficult to draw hard and fast conclusions based on
them. Information from these annals and sagas, as well as other written records, is
described in detail in Ogilvie (1991).
Relevant palaeoclimatic data include evidence from two high-resolution marine sediment
cores from Nansen Fjord, off eastern Greenland, which were collected in 1991 (Jennings
and Weiner 1996). Analyses of the cores taken show evidence of changes in
oceanographic and sea-ice conditions from c. AD 730 to the present. The changes are
inferred primarily from two independent lines of proxy evidence for environmental
change. These are variations in ice-transported debris and foraminifera. Both types of
evidence suggest that the interval from AD 730 to 1100 was one of relatively warm and
stable conditions, and that there were also two cold intervals that culminated in c. AD
1150 and c. AD 1370 (Jennings and Weiner 1996, Ogilvie et al. 2000). Ice-core records
from Greenland suggest a period of relatively low temperatures (when normalized to a
700-year mean) ca. 1343-62 (Barlow 1994, Barlow et al. 1997).
Other examples of palaeoclimatic data are drawn from a location in the Eastern
Settlement site, in the Igaliku fjord close to the Norse site of Garðar. Using sediment
cores collected in 1998 from both the inner and outer part of the fjord, Jensen et al.
(2004) undertook analyses of hydrographic changes and sea-ice conditions over the past
1500 years. Currently, sea ice carried by the East Greenland Current is present in the
outer part of this fjord for several months per year. Southeast of the fjord, in the Cape
Farewell (Uummannarsuaq) area, the concentration of drift ice has usually been greatest
between February and June (Buch 2000). Jensen et al. (2004) focus on the analysis of
different species of diatoms (aquatic microorganisms) found in the core material. As
different species flourish under different prevailing temperature and sea-ice conditions, it
is possible to deduce changes in these parameters by noting the numbers of different
types of diatoms in different sections of the cores. The analysis suggests a cold and
presumably moist climatic regime prevailing from ca. AD 535 to 770. From then to
around AD 1245 hydrographic conditions were characterized by limited sea ice and the
influence of Atlantic (warmer) water. This was punctuated by episodes of in-flow of
colder water around AD 960 and 1080. Marked hydrographic changes began around AD
1300 and culminated around 1500. Specifically, it would appear that advection of iceloaded Polar water by the East Greenland Current into the fjord entrance markedly
increased after c. AD 1300, while the ice coverage of the inner part of the fjord became
more extensive (Jensen et al. 2004). These authors suggest that their results support the
hypothesis that one of the reasons for the loss of the Norse settlements was climatic
deterioration (Jensen et al. 2004).
A further study of the core taken at the entrance of Igaliku fjord used palynofacies
analysis (changes in the abundance of various types of sedimentary organic matter –
SOM) with the aim of reconstructing late Holocene palaeo-oceanographic changes in the
North Atlantic and in Greenland coastal waters (Roncaglia and Kuijpers, 2004). In
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particular, the presence of a variety of dinoflagellate assemblages present in the core were
used to assess the palaeohydrographic conditions during deposition of the sediments.
Based on this evidence, it is suggested that cold conditions with extensive sea ice
prevailed from 3300-1180 BP, i.e. prior to around AD 770. Subsequently, a period of
climatic amelioration is suggested to AD 960. The evidence of “sea-ice” diatoms
prevailing during ca. AD 1245-1680 noted in Jensen et al. (2004) is paralleled by the
cooling trend from AD 1285 noted by Roncaglia and Kuijpers (2004). On the basis of this
evidence, more than 6 months of sea-ice cover per year would be expected in the Igaliku
fjord area after c. AD 1300 (Roncaglia and Kuijpers, 2004). In a parallel study to that of
Jensen et al (2004) and Roncaglia and Kuijpers (2004), Lassen et al. (2004) analysed
foraminifera fauna from the outer part of Igaliku fjord. They concluded that intensified
wind stress and overall environmental changes may have contributed to the loss of the
Norse settlement in Greenland. It is interesting to note a comment in the Icelandic Annals
for the year 1287: “At this time, many severe winters came at once, and following them
people died of hunger” (Ogilvie 1991).
A study of Holocene environmental changes in an area somewhat to the north of the
Eastern settlement area, in central west Greenland, was begun in the year 2000 with the
aim of understanding their relationship to large-scale North Atlantic atmosphere and
ocean circulation changes (Moros et al. 2006). For this study, diatom and lithological
analyses were carried out on two sediment cores from the Disko Bugt area and the
adjacent Kangersuneq Fjord. The authors found no evidence for a marked warming
during the traditionally dated “Medieval Warm Period” in the Disko Bugt core. Indeed,
the period of 1.7 to 0.7 kyr BP appeared to include the coldest period overall of the entire
investigated period. Clearly, in the Greenland region, as elsewhere, climatic anomalies
are characterized by complex patterns (Moros et al. 2006). However, evidence was found
for a possible link between hydrographic (sea-ice) changes and human settlement and
hunting history. In particular, it is suggested that the period of the Saqqaq settlement
(4.4.-3.4 kyr BP) was characterized by relatively high sea-surface temperature (SST)
conditions, which was favorable for these people, who were preferentially open-water
hunters (Meldgaard 2004). In contrast, the Dorset people (2.8-2.1. kyr BP) were more
adapted to sea-ice hunting. The oldest era of this culture is suggested to be coincident
with low SST conditions and a more extended sea-ice cover in Disko Bay.
Two marine-based proxy records from northern Iceland (Kristjánsdóttir 2005) and from
northwestern Iceland (Dietrich et al. 2004, 2005) show great variability in the sea-ice and
climate record, with a general gradual cooling over the past 1000 years to the present
(northern Iceland ) and a mild period peaking around AD 850 with gradual cooling to
around AD 1600 (northwestern Iceland) respectively. For a longer-term perspective on
sea-ice variations see Andrews et al. (2009).
Discussion: Potential Impacts of Summer Drift Ice in Greenland
The most immediate impacts of the onset of regular summer drift ice adjacent to the
Eastern settlement area would have been on the maritime components of the Norse
economy; local and international seafaring and maritime subsistence activities. Norse
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sealing parties would clearly have been affected by the disruption of established common
seal colonies. By around the mid-thirteenth century, these may well have been formally
owned and communally regulated. The “Description of Greenland” according to Ívar
Bárðarson, noted above, although problematic as regards its sea-ice description, may well
give an accurate picture of conditions in Norse Greenland in the second half of the
fourteenth century when it is written that the rights to fishing and hunting grounds were
owned by the large land owners (Jonsson 1930, Halldórsson 1978). The multiple
problems and hazards imposed on small boat traffic in increasingly ice-filled waters
would also have impacted hunting activities. Apart from seasonal sealing expeditions and
the long-distance voyaging to the northern hunting grounds around modern Disko Bay
(McGovern 1984, Perdikaris and McGovern 2007), much of the daily travels of farmers
along the steep-sided fjords within the core settlement areas would have been carried out
by boat, and some farms are extremely difficult to reach on foot. As a comparison it may
be noted that, in the present day, summer drift ice can completely block access to coastal
settlements even by modern steel-hulled ships in the former Eastern Settlement area,
cutting off communities for weeks at a time.
It is not certain if the Norse Greenlanders ever possessed locally-owned ocean going
ships. However, if they did, there certainly would have been none in existence by the
thirteenth century, as local wood and driftwood could not support the construction of a
vessel larger than the “six-oared boats” described in the written sources as being used for
voyages within Greenland (probably similar in size and cargo capacity to the Shetlandic
sixern, discussed in McGovern (1984). It has also been argued by Kristjánsson (1965)
that the settlers could have made the initial voyages on 10- and 12-oared boats. These are
“ocean going” in the sense that they were used to fish off the east coast of Greenland in
early modern times. They were comparatively thin-hulled, clinker-built, open wooden
boats, and were probably some of the most valuable (and difficult to replace) possessions
of the Norse Greenlanders. Trans-Atlantic trade was carried by larger cargo ships and
was organized by the Norwegian kings who maintained a commercial monopoly. The
Kings Mirror describes the trade:
But in Greenland it is this way, as you probably know, that whatever comes from
other lands is high in price, for this land lies so distant from other countries that
men seldom visit it. And everything that is needed to improve the land must be
purchased abroad, both iron and all the timber used in building houses. In return
for their wares the merchants bring back the following products: buckskin, or
hides, sealskins, and rope of the kind that we talked about earlier which is called
leather rope and is cut from the fish called walrus, and also the teeth of the
walrus. (Larsen trans. 1917, The King’s Mirror-Speculum Regale-Konungs
Skuggsjá:142).
Summer drift ice in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries greatly affected European
contacts with Greenland, with whalers and early explorers generally avoiding the icefilled fjords of the southwest coast. The relative lack of summer drift ice in the former
Western Settlement area facilitated the establishment of a mission in 1721 by the
Norwegian Hans Egede (1686-1758). Egede had hoped to find the lost Norse colonies.
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When he did not, he began to work among the Inuit. An interesting aside is that, in
translating the Lord’s Prayer he judged that “Give us this day our daily bread” was best
rendered as “Give us this day our daily common seal”. Egede also founded the
administrative capital of colonial and modern Greenland in the outer fjords of the former
Western Settlement at Godthåb (now Nuuk) well north of the summer sea-ice limit.
For the Norse Greenlanders, the religious, administrative, and economic heart of their
settlement was established early in the Brattahlið-Hvalsey-Garðar area, where the
Bishop’s manor and major chiefly farms were located; a zone today often impacted by
the summer ice. The marine impacts of the onset of regular summer drift ice were not
fatal; the last contemporary written record recording overseas contact dates to 1408 (see
Fig. 12) and radiocarbon evidence suggests the Eastern Settlement survived into the midfifteenth century (Arneborg, 1996, 2000). However, a change in summer ice conditions
certainly would have imposed additional costs and hazards on both local and transAtlantic travel as well as displacing common seal populations.
Figure 12. The ruin of Hvalsey church in the Eastern Settlement (located near modern-day Qaqortoq). The
last written record giving contemporary information concerning the Greenland Norse is to be found in an
entry in the Icelandic Annals for 1408. This documents the wedding of Sigriður Björnsdóttir and
Thorsteinn Ólafsson, both from Iceland, on 16 September 1408 at Hvalsey. Photograph A.E.J. Ogilvie,
2008.
Since grain growing was probably never economically viable in Norse Greenland, the
pastoral farming economy based upon herding of cattle, sheep, goats, horses, and (a few)
pigs (the latter fed with marine food – Arneborg, pers. comm.) ultimately depended upon
the productivity of pasture vegetation (Amorosi et al. 1998). Pasture productivity is
affected by multiple variables, including soil nutrient levels and exposure, but
temperature (both annual and within the summer growing season) and soil moisture
levels have been demonstrated to be the most critical factors (Jakobsen 1987, Jakobsen
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1991, Adderley and Simpson 2006). For further discussion of soils in southwestern
Greenland, see also Rutherford 1995. The terrestrial ecosystem would also have been
significantly affected by summer drift ice. The topography of much of the Eastern
Settlement is marked by steep-sided fjord systems with most level pasture areas often
close to the shore, creating special vulnerabilities to drift ice cooling effects. Sea ice
reduces ground-level temperature on shore when it appears in significant amounts,
depressing pasture growth and productivity when it appears during the short summer
growing season. Such impacts have been widespread in northern Iceland when summer
sea ice has arrived close in to the shore (Friðriksson 1969, Ogilvie 2005, 2008). The latesixteenth century account by Oddur Einarsson, noted above, makes this point eloquently.
It makes a great difference at what time of year the ice comes. In the autumn, and
at the time of winter solstice, when the frost has already got into the ground and
there is snow cover, its presence does less damage. But during the spring and
summer, when the weather is becoming milder, the ice invariably brings disaster
with it, because that is when it has the greatest power and the grass is most
adversely affected. The northerners are thus far worse off than the southerners
who never see this ice…..(Oddur Einarsson Qualiscunque descriptio Islandiae c.
1593, trans. Ogilvie 2005:272).
Summary
Research currently underway in the Eastern Settlement area by interdisciplinary teams
coordinated by the Danish National Museum in cooperation with the National Greenland
Museum and Archives (Nuuk) will soon expand our understanding of patterns of Norse
settlement and subsistence, human impacts, and also climate impacts, in this region in the
near future. In the meantime, the data currently available suggest that something occurred
to change Norse hunters’ access to common seals in the latter half of the thirteenth
century in several parts of the Eastern Settlement, but not in the Western Settlement area.
On the whole, the palaeoclimatic records noted above tend to support a mid- to latethirteenth century transition point from a largely open water summer marine environment
in Denmark Strait. Thus, at present, the most likely hypothesis for changes in sealhunting patterns seems to be the influence of climate change and a transition to
conditions of increased summer drift ice.
Acknowledgements
Astrid Ogilvie acknowledges support from the National Science Foundation for the
SYNICE project (0629500). We also acknowledge support from: the CUNY Doctoral
Program in Anthropology; the CUNY Northern Science and Education Center; the
Greenlandic Museum and Archives; the Danish National Museum; the Mývatn Research
Station; the Leverhulme Trust Program “Landscapes circum-Landnám”; the NSF REU
program (Grant OPP 402900001); the NSF “Landscapes of Settlement” Project (BCS
0001026); and IPY NABO Human Ecodynamics project (OPP 0732327). We thank
Kerry-Anne Mairs who drew the map in Figure 1, and Andy Casely for facilitating the
22
Ogilvie et al., 2009
In Press for Journal of the North Atlantic
use of this map. This paper is a product of the North Atlantic Biocultural Organization
(NABO) research cooperative.
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