Chapter-one Introduction Political empowerment women refer to equal representation of women in local and national parliaments, and in the government decision making areas at all levels. Effective political empowerment of women at different level of government is mandatory in achieving economic development, peace and democracy. For this basic reason it is acknowledged as one of the eight Millennium Development Goals. The right to elect and to be elected equally and the right to equal participation of women in decision making are the most important civil and political rights of women. A number of international and regional conventions and declarations recognized political empowerment of women as the basic citizenship rights of women. As result, the participation of woman in local and national councils and in public decision making spheres has considerably improved in previous one decade. Women’s ratios in national parliaments in the world has reached 16 percent in 2005 at the national level, while the participation of women on government decision making areas at national level, is on average 6.8 per cent in 1996. Gender inequality is the different treatment to women and men constructed both through societies formal laws and unwritten shared believes. Naila Kabeer (2003). Gender mainstreaming in poverty radiation and millennium Development Goals; A hand book for policy –makers and other stake holders. International development Research center, p.2. In spite of the variation in degree, gender in equality exists in all societies and it cuts across all other forms of inequalities. Women in Ethiopia, like their fellow sisters in other countries, have victim of gender –based abuses in the social, political and economic spheres of the society. In the traditional Ethiopia gender inequality is reflected in the discriminatory laws of the country as well as the deep-rooted culture and tradition of the patriarchal society we live in. As a result, they have been victim of sexual violence; harmful traditional practices and exploitation. Though women constitute half of the Ethiopian population, their participation in the overall social and economic life of their community in general, in the political and public areas in particular has not been meaningful. Two major developments, the adoption of the FDRE constitution in 1995 and the introduction of the federal state structure, are likely to have an impact on the lives of Ethiopian women and continued to influence in the future. To begin with the FDRE constitution includes a progressive individual and group rights. It recognized fundamental rights and freedoms without discrimination. It also recognized the different international and regional instruments which Ethiopia ratifies, as part of the national law. Furthermore, the constitution includes specific provision such as article 35 item one stipulated the equality of women and men; item three entitled women to affirmative measures to heal the historical inequalities and items six of the same article explicitly empowers women to participate on the development program of their country. To enforce the written laws, Ethiopian women’s policy was adopted in 1993 and the Ministry of Women’s Affairs was established in 2005. Furthermore, other legislations and policies formulated to empower women in the various fields. The FDRE constitution established a federal state structure comprised of nine regional states and two administrative cities. Furthermore, article 50(5) of the constitution authorized states to draft, adopt and amend their own constitution. Accordingly, the revised constitution of Tigray, in its article 35 of provides extensive women’s rights which are similar with FDRE constitution. There by, the federation created a multiple tier of protection of rights. In spite of the constitutional guarantee on women’s equality and the government’s ratification of all kinds of discrimination against women, gender inequalities are almost the reality in all countries. This is also true to the Ethiopian federation at all levels. Despite the improvement in the past decade, gender equality is not fully realized. The participation of women in the federal houses has reached 27.8 percent, while women in the regional council constitute 26 percent. The participation of women in the public decision making arena is only 9.7 percent at federal level in 2010. In the regional state of Tigray women participation in the state and local councils has reached a party, but their sharing in the public decision- making has not met the minimum requirement with an average of 20.5 percent. This is for the reason that, there are deep-rooted challenges such as poverty, resistance to women’s exercising political power and public positions lack of political knowledge on the part of women and lack of access to education. Thus, to ensure gender equality, realize sustainable development and democracy, empowering women in every sector in general, and in the decision-making in particular is necessary. Therefore this study tried to assess the political empowerment of women in the national regional state of Tigray. 1.1. Statement of the problem. Ethiopia provides legal guarantee to women equality with men. It has also made policies and established institutions to enforce and protect the rights guaranteed in the constitution. Consequently, the condition of women improved with respect to their participation in education, parliament and decision-making. However, in comparison to their men counter parts, they continued to occupy a subordinate position. The prevalence of illiteracy, poverty, the deep-rooted cultural and traditional patriarchal believes, lack of specific and inclusive rules to implement affirmative action, and lack of political knowledge and functional skills, the burden of house hold works and lack of information, Kjeti Tronvoll (2000). Ethiopia: A new start? Minority Rights Group International Report, MRG publishing, UK p.27. held back the attempt for the empowerment of women in general and their participation in decision-making in particular. Political empowerment of women in the national parliament and the public management, help to make gender issues, the government issues. Particularly, this is important when institutions of local government-both the local councils and administration are more inclusive and decision-making process more participatory. John Kinkaid and Rupak Chattopadhyay, eds. (2008). Local Government in Federal systems in Unity in Diversity: Learning from Each other. Vol.4 Viva bookes,p.28 Empowering women at local level enable women to change the rules and norms governing gender relations in the family, community and institutional sites. Ranjani K. Murthy, ed. (2001).Building Women’s Capacities: Intervention in Gender Transformation. Sage publication, New Delhi, p.133. Exercising of power by women at the local level will, generally contribute to their overall empowerment in the society. Therefore, so as to achieve the objectives of the Millennium Development Goals /MDGs/, among others- promoting gender equality and empower women is one. So far there are works done on the political empowerment of women at national level. However there are no researches at state and local level. Thus, assessing the extent to which women’s are politically empowered at state and sub-state level is important. 1.2. Research questions. The study attempts to answer the following basic questions: What is women’s political empowerment? What does it comprises? What is the status of women in the international legal instruments? What is the rationale behind women’s political empowerment? What is the relation between decentralization or federalism and women’s political empowerment? What was the status of women’s in the previous regimes in Ethiopia? What about in the FDRE constitution in general, the revised constitution of Tigray in particular? What are the mechanisms, policies and institutions available to empower women? To what extent are women empowered in the public representative and decision-making area in the region? Does principle and practice match or not? If not what are the drawbacks? What is the role of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in the political empowerment of women in the region in general, with particular emphasis to the local level? 1.3. Objective of the study. In the modern world, there is a consensus that, realizing development without ensuring gender equality is impossible. Thus, empowering women in the social, economic and political life of a community is necessary. This paper is generally an attempt to explore the political empowerment of women at state and sub-state level in the regional state of Tigray. With this, back ground the specific objective of the study is: To evaluate the status of women in the regional constitution, other laws and policies; To evaluate the existing political participation of women in the state and local councils; Asses the empowerment of women in local management and decision-making; To asses the role of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in the political empowerment of women in the region in general, the local level in particular; and To identify the challenges that impede women’s participation as public representative and public decision- making. 1.4. Research methods. The thesis is done based on both primary and secondary data. It attempted to assess the available literature on the political empowerment of women. In addition the study analyzes the statues of women in the federal and state constitutions. In doing so, other relevant laws, directives, policy instruments and recorded data were reviewed. Moreover, focused group and individual semi-structured interviews with key informants from the gender department heads, women’s affairs office; party leaders, Civil Society Organizations and member of standing committees of the state council has conducted. Generally, primary sources of data were collected through conducting interviews with some relevant officials and Secondary sources of data depend on the survey literature and review of documents, to compile the thesis. 1.5. Limitation of the study. The insufficient resources were the major problem in the research process. The other problem in this study is associated with getting adequate and reliable data recorded systematically. Furthermore some respondents were not willing cooperate the researcher. For that reason the study were challenged with some limitations. Nevertheless, the researcher attempted to resolve such contemplated short comings through cooperation with the concerned institutions, individuals and officials. 1.6. Significance of the study. The study assessed the exiting participation of women in political representation and decision making at state and local levels. In doing so, it identifies the factors that impede women’s political empowerment. Thus, the study will contribute to design mechanism for the optimum political empowerment of women in the governments’ organ at state and local level. Moreover, the findings are significant for the government and non-government organizations who work on empowering women to design and implement effective political empowerment of women. Finally, the study may initiate other researchers to further conduct a systematic study and work on the political empowerment of women at the grass-root level. 1.7. Organizations of the study. The work is divided in to five parts. The first part of the thesis contains the introductory part, problem of the study, methodology, objective and significance of the thesis. Chapter two deals with the brief explanation of terms and concepts used in the study, the historical development of feminism, the participation of women in parliament and decision making at federal and state level in some decentralized and federal countries. In addition, this chapter will include the international instruments on gender equality. Chapter three attempted to include the status of women in the imperial, military and current Ethiopia. Emphasis will be given to the FDRE constitution, policies and other laws and evaluating the current status of women at national and state levels. The fourth chapter will try to evaluate the status of women in the Regional state of Tigray. In doing so, the state constitution and other laws are explored. Moreover, the scope of the empowerment of women in the state and sub-state councils, decision making areas or in the governments organ at all levels analyzed in this part. It further tries to point out factors that challenge the participation of women at state and sub-state levels. The last part of the study by way of conclusion and recommendation, points out alternative ways of addressing women’s empowerment in the regional state.  Chapter-Two Theoretical overview of Women’s Political Empowerment Chapter Introduction In the first part of this chapter the writer tried to provide a high light on the broad concept of women’s empowerment and the frame work indicators developed to measure women’s empowerment. Among the Gender Gap Index /GGI/ developed by the World Bank, political empowerment of women is one whereby used to measure women’s empowerment as one component. Thus the subsequent topics will discuss on political empowerment of women. In doing so the historical background and mechanisms for women’s political empowerment are treated. Moreover the major international instruments have been assessed with a view to throwing light on the reaffirmation of women’s rights at international level. The topic will wind up by assessing the relevance of the best practices of political empowerment of women in other decentralized or federal countries to their Ethiopian counterparts. The concept of women’s empowerment The meanings and terminologies associated with empowerment vary specially and contextually. People with different experience and professional background define empowerment differently. Thus the word empowerment is a complex concept. Nevertheless, international agencies and some scholars who work on this area have tried to explain and reach at consensus. Among others the World Bank defines the word empowerment as “the expansion of freedom of choice and action to shape one’s life.” Anju Malbotra and Sidny Ruth Scblur “Women’s Empowerment as a variable in the International Development” in Deepa Narayan, ed. (2005). Measuring empowerment: Cross-disciplinary Perspective. The World Bank, Washington, Dc. p.72. Further Victoria Walter, Albha Bowe, defines the term as “a process which enables individuals to take control of their own lives (and that of others). This may be achieved by means of access to resources, training and capacity- building and involves internal changes, individuals recognising their special merits and skills and effective ways to take part in and change society.” Victoria Walter and Albha Bowe “Definitions for the term used in the project Gender.” Available at http://www.joe.org/joe/1999october/comm1.php as retrieved in June 26/06/2010. However, these are a broad definition that encompasses all members or groups such as all types of minorities, the poor, women and other disempowered groups. The issue of women departs from other disadvantaged groups in that; it is a cross-cutting disempowerment that over laps with the others such as-class, race, and cast groups. Moreover, domestic or house hold, be it family or marriage relations are the basic grounds for women’s disempowerment which is not common in the other disadvantaged groups. Cited above no.1, at p.72. Taking in to account the unique nature of women’s disempowerment, N. Kabeer provides a distinguished definition to the term. For him women’s empowerment refers to “the expansion in people’s or women’s ability to make strategic life choices in a context where this ability was previously denied to them.” Id. In his definition to the concept, he involves two important words-agency and process. Agency refers to the ability of the actors, in this context woman, to make strategic decisions that affect their life and to control over resources that enable them to have power. Process, on the other hand, implies the change from the systematic disempowerment to a new reality where there is equality and freedom of choice. Ibid. P. 5. Furthermore, in his analysis to the power relation between the poor and powerful or between women and men, Narayan comes up with an institutional definition of empowerment. Empowerment is the “expansion of assets and capabilities of poor people to participate in, negotiate with, influence, control and hold countable institutions that affect their lives.” Deepa Narayan, ed. (2005). Measuring empowerment: Cross-disciplinary Perspective. The World Bank, Washington, Dc. p.5. He furthers affirms that empowerment of poor people or disempowered groups such as women are influenced by the opportunity structure of a given society and the agency of the actors such as poor people or women. By opportunity structure he meant that “the broader institutional, social and norms with in which actors pursue their interests.” While agency refers to the individual or collective capabilities and assets of the actors to take focused action. Ibid. p.6. The extent to which a person is empowered is influenced by personal agency, that is, the capacity to make purposive choice and opportunity structure, that is, the institutional context in which choice is made. He further affirms that empowerment of the subordinate groups including women are a product of the interaction between agency and the opportunity structure in which the agency is potentially practiced. Therefore, introducing change on the social, political and economic structure of the institution and reduction of the formal and informal barriers resulted in reducing the unequal relation of power or facilitates the empowerment of disadvantaged groups. Cited above no.10, at P.7. Thus empowerment of women concerns with gaining power and control over their lives. It involves awareness raising, building self confidence, expansion of choices, increased access to and control over resources, and action to transform the stricture and institutions which reinforce and perpetuate gender discrimination and inequality. Empowerment comes basically from within; women empowered themselves. Imputes to promote empowerment of women should facilitate women’s articulation of their needs and priorities Besides increasing women's numbers in the lawmaking, high policy and decision making bodies and institutions, building the analytical, political, advocacy, leadership, networking and other competencies is even more important in the political empowerment of women. Anthony D.G. Mawaya, Economic Commission for Africa: Assessment Report on Political Empowerment of Women.Nov.1999. Available at http://www.uneca.org/publications/ACW/new/acgd_publications/political%20empowerment.htm as observed in June 28, o6, 2010. It can even be argued that these qualitative factors provide the foundation for sustainable improvements in the position of women. Otherwise, the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), argued that, “legislative or constitutional mandates (or any other situations where the existing male dominated power structures are required to 'do favors’ for women - for instance by appointing them to the cabinet) may merely result in tokenism, manipulation and unsustainable representation.” Id. The report further affirms that, the achievements of the Beijing Platform should therefore be judged both qualitatively and quantitatively. The non-quantifiable aspects of women's empowerment-abilities of women to enter into political and the numbers of women in positions of power and decision making should have equal place in women political empowerment. Moreover, indicators of true political empowerment should show that increasingly women are breaking the traditional boundaries and stereo-types. For example, women should involve in taking up ministerial positions in previously viewed as male-dominated sectors such as defense, finance and foreign affairs. The reverse should also be true, for instance appointing men to positions previously known as women's domain such as women's affairs, children and community services. From the above discussion one can draw a conclusion that women’s are disempowered owing to the structural problem of a given society. The values, norms and beliefs of social institutions and the formal laws which are introduced based on those norms, discriminate women for a long period of time. Thus, in many societies of the World, institutions at all levels were not inclusive and participatory. This in turn prohibits women to have access to information and to decide on utilization of resources. On the part of good governance, it further creates the problem of accountability for the basic reason, that, it can’t represent women’s interests. Structural discrimination prohibits women to have access to resource and diminished their self-worth. Thus, besides training and capacity- building to create internal changes, women’s needs intervention to change the institutions. Moreover, creating change in the grass- root organizations and strengthening networks are important to build their capabilities. Measuring women’s empowerment. We have seen how complex concept is the word empowerment. Measuring women’s empowerment is not also as such simple. The fact that women’s disempowerment is contextual, the difference in interpreting the concept at various level, the changing strategic life choice with time and the different indicator that empowerment involve, among others, posed a problem in measuring women’s empowerment. Cited above no. 1, at p.72. Despite the above challenges, however, states and international agencies develop operational measures to the concept in dealing with the changes on women’s empowerment. Indicators are set by these organs to measure the economic, social and political achievements of women. The world Economic forum in 2006 published Gender Gap Index to monitor the progress in achieving the Millennium Development Goals /MDGS/; poverty reduction and human rights performance. The Global Gender Gap Index examines the gap between men and women in four fundamental categories: Economic participation and opportunity; Educational attainment; Health and survival; and Political empowerment. World Economic Forum (2009).The Global Gender Gap Report 2009. Geneva, Switzerland, p. 4 According to the report, the economic participation and opportunity is captured through participation, remuneration and advancement gaps. The participation gap is captured through the difference in lab our force participation rates, while the remuneration gap is captured through a ratio of estimated female-to-male earned income. Finally, the gap between the advancement of women and men is captured through the ratio of women to men among legislators, senior officials and managers, and the ratio of women to men among technical and professional workers. While educational achievement is taken from the ratios of women to men at all levels of education; health and survival involves the healthy life expectancy between the two sexes and the ratio at birth. According to the report, the health ratio at birth, aims specifically to capture the phenomenon of “missing women” prevalent in many countries with strong son preference. Finally, political empowerment of women is captured through the ratio of women to men in the parliamentary positions and the decision-making areas at all levels. In addition, it includes the ratio of women to men in terms of years in executive office . Women’s empowerment in the four basic pillars and 14 different indicators under these sub indexes has been identified as crucial commitment in the development goals and in enhancing democracy. Beijing Declaration and plat form for Action with the Beijing +5 political Declaration and out come Document, United Nations, New York, 2001, P.2. Empowerment of women supports development by involving women in development and reduces in equalities through investing in enhancing women’s capabilities. Empowerment of women further strengthens good governance through participation and consultation. For this basic reason “Gender equality and women’s empowerment” is considered as the third of the Millenniums Development Goals /MDGS/. The third Goal of Millenniums Development Goals /MDGS/. There are targets adopted to meet this goal. Political empowerment- the seats of women in national parliament and women’s presence in decision making positions, is considered as one indicator besides the social and economic empowerment. The feminist struggle and the extensive work made by the national governments and international agencies in the past decades produced a progress in women’s empowerment in the social, economic, cultural and political spheres in every corner of the world. The past three decades have witnessed a progressively increasing awareness of the need to empower women through different measures to increase social, economic and political equity, and broader access to fundamental human rights, basic health and education. Moreover awareness of the subordinate status of women has came the concept of gender as an overarching socio-cultural variable, seen in relation to other factors, such as race, class, age and ethnicity. World Economic Forum (2005). Women’s Empowerment: Measuring the Global Gender Gap. Available at http://www.weforum.org/pdf/Global_Competitiveness_Reports/Reports/gender_gap.pdf as accessed in June 26,06,2010. However, despite the efforts, commitments and pledges by states and the international actors, women’s empowerment or gender equality is still not fully realized. The following data released by UNDP reflected that, Women are equal in number with men in almost every country; however, Women have not achieved equality with men in the four basic pillars in any country. Based on the United Nations Department of Public Information published in 1997, of the world's 1.3 billion poor people, it is estimated that nearly 70 per cent are women. Between 75 and 80 per cent of the world's 27 million refugees are women and children. On the Political arena, according to Inter-Parliamentary Union reports (IUP)-2005, Women hold a world average of only 15.6 percent in combined houses of parliament seats. According to the reports of UNDP, the percentage of female cabinet ministers worldwide is 6.8 per cent in 1996. Of the 185 highest-ranking diplomats to the United Nations, only seven are women. When we see Women and Education, it is true that, during the past two decades the combined primary and secondary enrollment ratio for girls in developing countries increased from 38 per cent to 78 per cent. However, two-thirds of the 130 million children worldwide who are not in school are girls as reflected in the UN report. A quick look at Women and Labor indicates that, the majority of women earn on average about three-fourths of the pay of males for the same work, outside of the agricultural sector, in both developed and developing countries. In most countries, women work approximately twice the unpaid time men do. Women make up 31 per cent of the official labor force in developing countries and 46.7 per cent worldwide. According to the World Economic Forum (2005) women employment is concentrated in poorly paid or unskilled job “ghettos,” characterized by the absence of upward mobility and opportunity. The report further affirms that, there are more problems on the health status. Women are becoming increasingly affected by HIV. Today about 42 per cent of estimated cases are women. An estimated 20 million unsafe abortions are performed worldwide every year, resulting in the deaths of 70,000 women. Approximately 585,000 women die every year, over 1,600 every day, from causes related to pregnancy and childbirth. In sub-Saharan Africa, 1 in 13 women will die from pregnancy or childbirth related causes, compared to 1 in 3,300 women in the United States. Globally, 43 per cent of all women and 51 per cent of pregnant women suffer from iron-deficiency anemia. Women and Violence Each year an estimated two million girls suffer the practice of female genital mutilation. Worldwide, 20 to 50 per cent of women experience some degree of domestic violence during marriage. The primary victims of wars are civilian women and their children. With this general highlight on women’s empowerment in the social, economic, cultural and political spheres in the world, lets us proceed to the more specific topic that deals with the Political empowerment of women, used to measure women’s empowerment as one sub index. Political empowerment of women. In the first part of this chapter the writer tried to provide a high light on the broad concept of women’s empowerment and the frame work indicators developed to measure women’s empowerment. Thus, among the Gender Gap Index /GGI/ developed by the World Bank, political empowerment of women is one whereby used to measure women’s empowerment as one component. This topic will discuss on political empowerment of women. In doing so the historical background, the experiences of other countries and mechanisms for women’s political empowerment are treated. The topic will wind up by assessing the relevance of the best practices of political empowerment of women in other countries to their Ethiopian counterparts. As reiterated above, empowerment implies the creation of an enabling environment where individuals can fully use their capabilities to take charge of their lives. Empowerment also implies the building or acquiring of capacity to accomplish certain tasks and attain specific goals. In the area of women's political empowerment, it is increasingly becoming recognized that women should both empower themselves and 'be empowered’. Judith Lorber (2005). Gender Inequality: Feminist Theories and politics. 3rd Ed. Roxbury, Los Angeles, P.15. This relates both to individual for instance- increasing individual civic competencies and collective empowerment such as networking. Empowerment also involves creating conducive environment Id. so that women can use their competencies to address the fundamental problems of society at par with their male counterparts. Women’s political empowerment refers to both ensuring equal representation of women in positions of power and decision making and equipping with the non-quantifiable aspects of women's empowerment. Before the Beijing Conference, it was evident that women played only a small role in the power and decision making structures in most of their countries. To change the statuesque, countries of the world made a Commitment in the Beijing Declaration and Platform of Action (BDPA). Pertinent to the political empowerment of women, the BDPA has requested state parties to take measures to ensure women's access to and full participation in power structures and decision making and increase women's capacity to participate in decision-making and leadership. Cited above no.17, at P.112. Moreover various actions were proposed to achieve these goals including: governments to establish the goal of gender balance; creating a critical mass of women leaders in strategic positions; women to hold 50% of managerial and decision-making posts by year 2000; political parties to integrate women in elective and non-elective positions; protect and promote women's equal rights with men; remove discriminatory systems; continuous monitoring and regular evaluations of progress. Also, African regional commitments were made through the Dakar Platform with actions for example, to establish mechanisms for participation at community and society levels; adopt measures to improve women's economic status; affirmative action etc. to redress imbalances; mobilize and sensitize men, women, NGOs, political parties, trade unions; enact legislation on women with disabilities; ensure women take 35% of decision-making positions; etc. In addition, by ratification of CEDAW, most countries have demonstrated a level of national commitment to raising the status of women and increasing their presence in power and decision making. 2.3.1. Historical Back ground. The straggle for the political empowerment of women was started in the 19th century in Europe and America. Cited above at no. 20, at P. 1 It was begun by the feminist movement against the great in equalities between women and men citizens. The initial demand of the feminist was to get equal right to vote or suffrage. Gradually it proceeded to involve the right to equally own property, to go to education; to get access to government employed job and others which were denied to women in every social class. Ibid, P. 2 Consequently states started to recognize the basic citizenship right, that is, the right to vote. Universal suffrage has become common in most countries of the world. Though the movement started in America and Great Britain, the first country to grant women the right to vote was New Zealand in 1893. In the United States of America women did get the right to vote in 1920 and Britain in 1923. A number of European countries did not recognize until the First World War. Switzer land was recognized this citizenship right as late as 1971. Id. The pioneers of women’s movement were the western industrialized countries. Soon after they have achieved their independence, however, states of Africa, Asia, central and south America also took the issue and recognized the right to vote equally. Money of African countries for instance includes the right to vote, as basic fight to their basic law. Some even grantee reserved seats in there constitution. As a result in some of the emerging democratic states such as Rwanda, the share of women’s seat in the national parliament is by far better than the older democracies. Ibid. p.4 The straggle for gender equality has different form and philosophy at different times. In the past few decades, feminist researches and studies revealed that dominance of men over women is a social fabrication not biological phenomenon. Id. Gender in equality is deeply ingrained in the structure of the society. It embedded in to family, work and economy, politics, religion, art and other cultural production. The structural inequality in division of labor, access to resources, education and political power are further built in to the national and international social structures. Cited above no.20, at p.5Consequently the feminist suggests that the systematic disempowerment of women can be transformed to new social and cultural institutions where there is justice and equality, through social solution based on the grass root level all the way to the national and international stages. The systematic inequality needs structural redress. Thus they proposed various political philosophies, among which gender balance Ibid. P. 13 is one to meet the gap of participation of women in every sectors of human life. To challenge the inequality between men and women across the world in every society, the most feasible one proposed by the liberal theorist or gender reform feminist, is gender balance. Proponents of this theory demands that political commitment of states and international agencies to ensure equal opportunity and equal participation for all men and women at all levels in a society is important to meet the outcome of equality. Further they proposed affirmative measures Id. to bring women to equal level to men so as to compete equally. As a result, though gradual, there has been considerable progress in all parts of the world in women’s political empowerment with a variation in degree among states; the average participation of women in the national parliament has been reached 18.5 percent. The assessment made by Inter-parliamentary Union (IPU) in 2005 provided in the table-1 below, proved the above fact. Table 1: Regional Averages of Women in Parliaments: 1995, 2000 and 2005. No Region Participation Women in Parliaments in percent 1995 2000 2005 change(1995& 2005) 1 Nordic countries 36.4% 38.8% 40.0% % +3.6 2 Americas 12.7% 15.9% 19.7% + 7.0 3 Europe including Nordic countries 13.2% 16.0% 18.4% + 5.2 4 Europe excluding Nordic countries 10.7% 14.1% 16.8% + 6.1 5 Sub-Saharan Africa 9.8% 12.1% 16.5% + 6.7 6 Asia 13.2% 15.0% 15.9% + 2.7 7 Pacific 6.3% 13.6% 13.9% + 7.6 8 Arab States 4.3% 3.6% 6.8% + 2.5 Total 13.3% 18.5% Source: Inter-parliamentary Union (IUP) << http://www.ipu.org/>> As we see in the Inter-Parliamentary Union reports a world average of women in the combined houses of parliament has increased from 13.3% to 18.5% within the past one decade. The data proved that, there is considerable progress on women’s political empowerment despite the variation in degree among states. The statistics by region offer few surprises, ranging from 6.8% in the Arab States to 16.5% in the Sub-Saharan countries and 40% in the Nordic states. While women are poorly represented in the lower levels of government, they are rare in the upper echelons of decision-making. According to the reports of UN Development Report, the percentage of female cabinet ministers worldwide is 6.8 per cent in 1996. The report affirms that in 1999, only 4% of the ministers in South and Southeast Asia are women, compared with only 11 % in the industrialized west. The absence of women from structures of governance inevitably means that national, regional and local priorities—i.e. how resources are allocated—are typically defined without meaningful input from women, whose life experience gives them a different awareness of the community’s needs, concerns and interests from that of men. The aforementioned statistics proved that, despite the progress of women’s political empowerment with a variation in degree among states, women placed behind men in every sector across different society. Similarly the Ethiopian reality reflects significant gender gap. Despite the Ethiopian women’s are entitled to the equal rights generated in the 1995 constitution, women’s occupy lower statues than their counterparts in the society. Women’s contribution to the perpetuation of the social, cultural and economic fabric of their respective community is great. However, their contribution is not recognized equally. This is particularly true, at state and sub-state level or local level in general, where the cultural practice and traditional division of role is highly entrenched in the community. 2.3.2. Political empowerment of women as basic Human Right It is noted that women’s political empowerment refers to the right to 50 percent representation of women in local and national parliaments, and in the government decision making areas at all levels. Effective political empowerment of women is mandatory in the realization of economic development and democracy in general and for the adoption and implementation of gander friendly laws and policies in particular. Above all making local decision making more inclusive to women, where the elected representative are usually not full – time workers, is crucial to represent and protect the interest of women in implementing lows and policies. Beyond the above benefits, the right to elect and to be elected equally and the right to equal participation of women in decision making are the most important civil and political rights of women. A number of international and regional conventions and declarations recognized political empowerment of women as the most important citizenship rights of women. Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) provides the right of every citizen to participate in the government of their respective countries. Article 25 (a, b) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political rights (ICCP) provides the right to every citizen “to take part in the conduct or public affairs, directly or through freely chosen representatives” and “to vote and to be elected---” Similarly articles 1, 2 and 3 of the Convention on Political Rights of Women (CPRW) affirms the right of every citizen to “elect and to be elected” and “to hold public office and to exercise all public functions” without discrimination. Article 7 item one of the more comprehensive Convention on the Elimination of all form of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) provides the equal rights of Women “to participate in the formation of government policy and the implementation there of and to hold public office and perform all public functions at all levels of government.” However, the commitment by the international and regional community to equal rights and opportunities did not result to ensure women’s empowerment at all levels. Regardless of the variation among states, the percentage of women in national parliament around the world on average was only 18.5 percent in 2005. The participation of Women on government decision making areas is even below that with average 6.8 per cent in 1996 percent at the global level. This is for the reason that women’s are subjected to structural discrimination at all level everywhere in the word. Consequently the binding international and regional conventions, requires state parties to apply various measures, including bench mark to meet with certain time, that ensures political empowerment of Women. To begin with, article 4 of the CEDAW provides that state parties to take a “temporary special measures” that accelerate equality. Article-9 of the African Women’s protocol requires state parties to take all necessary measures including affirmative action, to “ensure increased and effective representation of and participation of Women in Africa.” Moreover, the Women’s participation in power and decision making, contained in the Beijing Declaration and plat form for Action (BDPA), has got priority as one of its twelve area of concern. And it requires state parties and all other actors to” monitor progress towards the target of having Women hold 50 percent of managerial and decision-making positions by the Year 2000.” Cited above no.17, at P. 114 Following these requirements, countries of the world has been devising different mechanisms, including reforming their constitutions and electoral lows, and adopting party programs, to include affirmative action such as quota system to meet the basic rights of Women. 2.3.3. Mechanisms for the political empowerment of Women The participation of woman in local and national councils and in public decision making spheres has considerably skewed up in the last decade. For instance women’s ratio in national parliaments has increased on the average from 13.3 percent in 1995 to 18.5 percent in 2005 at the national level. Inter-parliamentary Union (IUP)-2005. Available at http://www.ipu.org/pdf/publications/women06_en.pdf Observed in 15, 06.2010 Further political empowerment of women in the local councils and leader ship of local community, shows remarkable increment. For instance in Africa countries such as South Africa, women constitute 40 percent in the local councils, 44 percent at national parliament and 59 percent of NGOs and CBOs, leadership. In Uganda Women’s ratio in the local government has reached 41.7 percent. In India 33.3 percent of local councils and local leadership is occupied by women. Documents revealed that participation of Women throughout the world has increased following the international and regional conventions and declarations that required state parties to take specific measures to ensure gender equality. Countries which legally or in their party program, enforce affirmative action measures achieved encouraging result in narrowing gender gap in parliament and in decision-making areas at all levels. By 2006 around 40 countries had already adopted gender quotas in their basic low or in their electrical law. More over in similar time 50 countries have introduced gender quotas under their party programs. Cited above no. 20 at p.11 In Africa, countries such as Rwanda have included reserved seats in their constitution. Others such as South Africa and Ethiopia, introduced gender quotas through their ruling parties. Id. So far it is proved that an affirmative action measure is effective in the political empowerment of women. However, various arguments have been set forth for and against the introduction of quotas as a means to increase the political presence of women. Proponents of quota argue that, women as citizens have the right to equal representation, so quotas for women do not discriminate, but compensate for actual barriers that prevent women from their fair share of the political seats. Introducing quotas, however, should be temporarily. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA) 2005. Women in Parliament beyond Numbers. Available athttp://www.idea.int/publications/wip2/upload/WiP_inlay.pdf observed in 28,06,2010. Challengers of affirmative action such as quotas, on the other hand, argue that quotas are undemocratic, because it is against the interest of voters. Moreover it violates the principle of equal opportunity for all, since women are given preference. Practically, large number of women also does not want to get elected just because they are women. Id. The writer supports affirmative action such as quotas devised to promote full enjoyment of human rights by women applied against which the lives of women are restricted by the accumulated practices of the past. It is true that the subject of affirmative action is a vast one, it is quite clear that there is no simple formula that can be applied to all situations. Yet despite the differences, certain common themes can be found. In this case, affirmative action represents a conscious effort to correct gender imbalances in politics. Whether a quota system achieves its objective, however, depends largely on the process of implementation. As many writers indicated successful implementation is based on some principles. Among others, it should be guided by the concrete demands which women themselves make for advancement. Where women seats are filled by party in power without creating the ‘agency’ to change, they are unlikely to represent women from all sectors of the society and do not guarantee that they will represent and protect the poor women’s interest than men in parliament. Cited above no.1, at P. 188 Furthermore, the cultural change of patriarchal ideology and whether the political culture of a party is conducive to women politician or not is significant in the efficiency of women in power. Id, P. 185 The means used and the time frame must be proportionate to the ends to be achieved. Moreover, the processes must be transparent, non-corrupt and accountable to public opinion, Parliament and the courts. “Affirmative Action and the New Constitution in South Africa.”Available at http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/policy/affirm.html#locgov as accessed in June 28/06/2010 In addition to the temporary special measures, a number of studies and the practical reality show that the types of electoral system can make a difference in creating the opportunity for women to join to political representation. Kabeer suggests that proportional electoral system with competition among parties more likely can bring women to the political power. In proportional representation, competitive political parties are represented in parliament in proportion to the vote they received. Thus, proportional representation creates opportunities to all parties and groups to get representation in the legislature. Cited above no.1, at p.186In plural electoral systems, however, individuals or parties who received majority vote in an electoral area represented in the parliament. The major criticism posed on this system is it undermines the votes of small parities and minority groups. Id. In Ethiopia, the FDRE constitution in its article 35 items three provides affirmative action. However, there are no subsidiary laws in place to implement this provision in the political empowerment of women. According to article 25 of the proclamation No 532/2007 electoral low amendment proclamation, Ethiopia has adopted plurality or majority electoral system. Federal Negarit Gazeta of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Proclamation No. 532/2007 Moreover, the electoral proclamation is gender neutral. Women’s participation has increased from 1.87 percent in the 1995 to 27.8 percent in 2010 in the federal House of People’s Representative. This is for the reason that the ruling party has adopted a party initiative to include 30 percent of Women in the list of its candidate since the 2005 general election. Cited above at no. 10, P. 10 The writer argues that reserved seats either by low or party regulation is important for countries such as Ethiopia to change the existing gender gap in politics. However, the type of electoral systems can be only meaning full in countries where there is matured democracy, civilized civic culture and wider believe in gender equality among citizens. In countries such as Ethiopia, where there is entrenched gender discrimination in the society, I do not believe that, proportional representation electoral systems will bring significant change in the political empowerment women. This electoral system is much more relevant to diversified people and fragmented political parties for power sharing and fair representation. Cited above no. 39 However, the issue of gender is not a minority versus majority relationship. Women constitute half of the electorates in every group. The issue of political empowerment of Women is about equal participation of women in politics. This, I think, is possible by providing equal opportunity to women and by applying special temporary measures that heals the effects of historical discrimination that the Ethiopian women suffers. 2.4. Political Decentralization and women’s political Empowerment the case of South Africa, Uganda and India. The role of local government in federation and administrative decentralized countries is multifaceted. Among others, local government plays key role in enhancing democracy and facilitating development. Local government brings government close to the people; there by strengthen democracy by facilitating participation of all groups directly or through their representatives. Arif Ali Khan “Enhancement of Democracy through Empowerment of Disadvantaged Groups.” in John Kinkaid and Rupak Chattopadhyay, eds. (2008). Local Government in Federal systems in Unity in Diversity: Learning from Each other. Vol.4 Viva books, p.95. Involvement of local people in local governance influencing local policies and programs and influencing authorities to remain accountable to local interest and transparent in their action. Political decentralization provides local government a room to be flexible in policy innovation and experimentation. This autonomy eventually results in the local variance in laws, policies and institutions. Horst Risse, Caroline Andrew, etal “Local Government in Federal Systems.” in John Kinkaid and Rupak Chattopadhyay, eds. (2008). Local Government in Federal systems in Unity in Diversity: Learning from Each other. Vol.4 Viva books, p.20 Furthermore, it serves as laboratories of democracy. Ibid. p.21 The exercise of democracy at sub-state level deepens the value of democracy in the local people and can enhance democracy at sub-national and national level. It also ensures the legitimacy of the national government by fostering good governance at local level. The other important thing produced by political decentralization is development. The fact that local governance brings government close to the people helps local authorities to harness local resources and local energies towards development. Cited above no.10, at. p. 7 Actors such as NGOs and civil societies can involve in supporting local development and mitigating local problems directly and influence government policies to reflect local interest through sustained research and intervention. Cited above no.10 at P. 5 The World Bank research policy report (1998) further affirms that development policy without empowering women and involving them at all levels will only have limited success. Involving women in local governance is crucial for their empowerment. It facilitates legislations, policies and institutions Taye Asefa and Tegegne G-Egziiabher, eds (2007). Decentralization in Ethiopia. Forum for Social Studies (FSS) Addis Ababa, P.50 that respond to the problem of women at local level. Furthermore most of the basic services such as water, primary health, sanitation, transport and others that are provided at the grass root level benefited women than men. Thus empowering women at local level meant addressing their problem and considering their voices. Furthermore it prepares women for further responsibilities. Above all it helps to fight the traditional practice that discriminate women at family, institution and community level. Taking in to account these benefits, decentralization is receiving support in the contemporary world for its contribution in fostering democracy through empowering people and facilitates development or poverty reduction through efficiency and butter targeting services. However, Steytler argued that local government does not always achieve the inseparable concepts, that is, democracy and development. To achieve development and democracy, local government should meet the two challenges- empowering disadvantages groups, including women by involving them in local government as selected representative and managers and Making decision making more participatory and more inclusive to all groups. Nico Steytler “Enhancement of Democracy through Empowerment of Disadvantaged Groups.” in John Kinkaid and Rupak Chattopadhyay, eds. (2008). Local Government in Federal systems in Unity in Diversity: Learning from Each other. Vol.4 Viva books, P. 27 With this discussion let’s proceed to see the following examples, from the two African countries and India, to illustrate the commitments and the progress achieved as well as the challenges and constraints that these countries continue to face, particularly at local level with regard to political empowerment of women. The better experiences of some federations and decentralized state in empowering women at sub-state and local level helps us for the comparative analysis of our achievement. South Africa South Africa had been codified customary system since 1927, Minke Volk, Sarah Cummings and etal, eds. (2004). Gender, citizenship and governance. KIT publisher, the Nether lands, P.52 which intended and extended the sub ordination of women under the colonial rule. After that, customary law in South Africa remained a major source for the unequal status of men and women. It denied women access to property during marriage, made women powerless to make decisions and to get access to communally held land and to inherit immovable property. Id. Soon after the African National Congress (ANC) assumed power through election, with the help of other state holders and advocacy groups; it decided to reform and changes the status of this law. As a result taking in to consideration the needs of the south – African women and their experiences, the customary low was reformed in the 1994 South African constitution. Moreover, other progressive rights were included. Croline Sweet Man, ed. (2004). Gender, Development and citizenship. Oxfam publishing, P.51 Chapter 3 Section 8 of the South African constitution allows affirmative action. South Africa has Constitutions that provide for affirmative action and quotas to enhance the numbers of women in policy and decision making positions. In South Africa, 50% of local-governing council’s seats are reserved for women. Cited above at no. 16 Since then South Africa has taken a focused step to upgrade women’s participation as public representatives and managers in the leadership areas. South Africa has developed a national action plan for implementing the Beijing and Dakar Platforms. It has also pledged to implement CEDAW. The statutory goal that requires all political parties should seek 50/50 representation of men and women at local level and the reserving 30% of parliamentary seats at national level was devised. In the 2006 local election, ANC has adopted this policy and made 48 of percent total elected local committee’s were women. Overall 40 percent of the local council and 44 percent of the national parliament occupied by women, and 41 percent of the cabinet posts including many of those assigned to men such as defense foreign affair, science and technology and home affairs occupied by women. Cited above at no 32, P.27 South Africa has the highest representation of women in the leader ship of Community Based Organization (CBOs) on the African continent. In South Africa the managers of NGOS and CBOs, 59 percent are women at local level. Meaza Ashenafi (2009). Participation of Women in Politics and Public Decision Making in Ethiopia. Forum for Social Studies(FSS), Addis Ababa, p. 19. The statutory goal that requires all political parties should seek 50/50 representation of men and women at local level and the reserving 30% of parliamentary seats at national level, results the political empowerment of women at all levels as representatives and leaders of the local based NGOS and CBOS. In South Africa, the environment for promotion of gender equality is also enhanced. According to the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) report, the increase in NGOs dealing with women's issues and the strong networks and partnership with the non-governmental sector, further contribute to enhance the capacity of national machineries for empowering women. However, south – Africa was not extended this measure to include in public leadership. For this reason woman mayors in South Africa are only 15 percent. Cited above at no. 32, P.27 Moreover, despite the significant achievement, women’s still occupy lower status in comparison to men in the country. Although women make nearly half of the lab our force, most are lower wage sector. White men dominate the senior management and company boards in both the public and private sectors. As stated by Southern Africa Development Community, (SADC), the age – old patriarchal institutions Cited above no.13 in the society still drawback the full realization of gender equality in South African. South Africa is one of the highest incidences of reported rape in the world, for the reason that the attitudes of men have changed least. Uganda Uganda is the other progressive country with regard to power decentralization and political empowerment of women. Uganda has Constitutions that provide for affirmative action to enhance the numbers of women in policy and decision making positions. The adoption of positive measures to empower women in the 1995 constitution and the subsequent adoption of the local government Act of 1997 to enforce the affirmative action Cited above at no.10, P.8 enabled women to enjoy their citizenship rights in Uganda. Following the decentralization of administrative and political authorities to the lower level of government, the ruling party- Uganda’s National Resistance Movement /UNRM/ took measures that enable women to constitute one third of the local council public decision making. Cited above no.10 at p.8 As a result, political empowerment of women improved. Despite the degree of participation varies from the highest 47 percent to 33 percent of seats in the district council and from 46 percent to 14 percent in the executive committee of the council Ibid, P.15. on average, Uganda ranked at the top with 41.7 percent participation of women in the local government. Cited above at no.35, p.19. Decentralization in Uganda has brought some of the decision-making majorities to village level. Though the extent of influence varies from one district government to other, woman has got better opportunity to influence local decision making. Their influence is particularly powerful in local court in issues such as child abused and domestic violence. Cited above no. 10, P.17. Political empowerment of women at local level serves women as a base from which to move in to higher level positions and more responsibilities. Moreover, empowerment of women at local level has a long – term effect on changing the traditional role and traditional practices at the grass root level. In Uganda political empowerment of women at all level has increased the number of positive role model for women or girls, and changes the attitudinal problem of all sexes. Id, Uganda is said to be one of those few countries in Africa that have made significant achievements in women's political empowerment. But more intractable obstacles remain even in such a conducive environment. Women’s chances for political empowerment are limited by discriminatory practices and attitudes arising from unequal power relationships between men and women. A few examples serve to show that any progress is not necessarily positive or sustainable. Women's participation is often met with enormous challenges deeply ingrained in traditions and customs that have for a long time constituted societal practices. To begin with, cabinet women are given ministries which are considered as women prone, Cited above no. 13. and therefore, not so demanding; lack of political experience at local level on the side of women councilors and leaders, and the traditional double role Cited above no. 10, at P.10-12. of women are among the noted factors that adversely influence women’s political empowerment. Furthermore and though one out of the nine executive committee member seats at the local council was reserved to women, this doesn’t meet the minimum requirement. The provision providing for a third in the local council is not extended to the executive position and statutory committee. Mary Kusambiza ‘Affirmative Action: Uganda’s Position.’ In ‘Berchi’, the Annual Journal Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association, EWALA, Issue no.4, 2003, Addis Ababa, p.38. India: the case of Kerala state. India is the other multi – cultural country, where gender based and cast based discrimination is common. Political empowerment of disadvantage groups has been debated in India since their independence in 1947. By 1993, with the 73rd and 74th amendment of the constitution, India coming with a positive measure that one – third seats and decision making areas in all levels in the local government reserved for women. Cited above at no. 17, p.97. Within the above frame work, there are states which achieved better results in comparison to some other states. Among others Kerala state is one. Article 243 G of the 1993 Indian constitution mandated the state government to decide on administrative decentralization. Cited above at no.39, P.18. Accordingly Kerala state devolved power to village panchayats (Local council) in the revised state constitution of 1994. Ibid, P.30 One of the important motives for the decentralization of power and function to the third level of government was enhancing democracy through promoting participation and empowering disadvantaged groups, including women. Cited above at no.39 P. 31. Consequential, a grass – root participation in local planning was made and 35 – 40 percent of the state’s plan funds, out of which 10 percent exclusively on projects for women, were devolved for schemes to be prepared and implemented by the local governments. Id. The local governance involved local organizations, such as the feminist organization sakhi in its planning and implementation works. This organization provide continues training to men and women on gender awareness, provide training to self-help groups on economic and social areas; provide capacity building training to local councilors to make them real political agents and to address women gender specific concerns. Cited above no.39 at P.33 The initiative taken by the Indian government that enable women to occupy the one – third local seats and head of local public leadership bodies including municipalities resulted in enhancing women’s political empowerment. In the contemporary India, among the elected local authorities, more than one million are women. To meet the bench mark provided by the BDPA that is to make women representative 50 percent, India needs only two women representative per constituent. Cited above at no. 17, P.97 The political empowerment of women in general and the additional budget reserved for women projects only in the Kerala state resulted high human development in the state Cited above no.10, at P. 33 measured in terms of life expectancy, low infant mortality rate and literacy rates. Despite the state is poor economically due to ecological problem and crises in the productive sector, the achievement on Human development is leveled the state with the western developed countries. Id. A glance on the Ethiopian reality revealed that, women constitute on average only 26 percent Cited above no.35, at P. 56 in the regional state councils. However, there is variation among states. In the Tigray regional council; women constitute 49 percent, then Oromiya 38 percent, while in Somalia only 2 percent and in Afar 3 percent respectively in the 2005 election. The participation of women in decision making at all levels is even lower than their participation in the councils. Though the number varies at different time, on average women participation in the executive committee of state is only 10 percent, Id. while their participation in the ministerial position at the federal level is only 9.7 percent in the 2010 Minister and State Minister election. Interim Conclusion Political empowerment women’s refers to equal representation of women in local and national parliaments, and in the government decision making areas at all levels. Political empowerment refers to both the quantities and substantive participation of women in the affairs of their community. Effective political empowerment of women at different level of government is mandatory in achieving economic development and democracy. Above all making local representative and decision making more inclusive to women, is decisive to represent and protect the interest of women in implementing lows and policies. For this basic reason it is acknowledged as one of the eight Millennium Development Goals. The right to elect and to be elected equally and the right to equal participation of women in decision making are the most important civil and political rights of women. A number of international and regional conventions and declarations recognized political empowerment of women as the basic citizenship rights of women. State parties also apply various measures, including bench mark to meet with definite time that ensures political empowerment of women. Accordingly, the participation of woman in local and national councils and in public decision making spheres has considerably improved in previous one decade. Women’s ratio in national parliaments in the world has increased on the average from 11 percent in 1995 to 16 percent in 2005 at the national level. Similarly in some developing countries such as South Africa, Uganda and India political empowerment of women in the local councils and leader ship of local community, shows remarkable increment. Though almost all states of the world legally guarantee women’s equality and banned all kinds of discrimination against women, and some takes positive measures, the reality shows that, women are almost disproportionally represented in all countries, albeit the variation among states. This is also true to the Ethiopian federation. Addressing gender equality and empowering women still remains the most demanding. This is for the reason that, there are deep-rooted challenges, which depends not only on the actions of state parties, but also on the changing attitudes and traditional values of a given society. Chapter-Three Political empowerment of women in Ethiopia Chapter Introduction This chapter will briefly document the status of women in the traditional and the three governments of Ethiopia. It tries to give a general overview of the legal politico status of women in the imperial, the Military and the incumbent governments. The chapter will also examine the history of political empowerment of Women at national levels. Particular emphasis is given to the place of women in the federal, regional and local governments in the current government. In doing so the constitution, laws and the political experiences of the country, in the political empowerment of women’s are evaluated. 3.1 The status of women before 1991 In the traditional Ethiopia, women were subjected to exploitation and were victim of the traditional and cultural practices. Women were the injured party of all kinds of discrimination and violence. Back ward traditional practices such as early marriage, abduction, rape and genital mutilation which were practiced in all ethnic groups in the country The women’s affairs office, the FDRE and the World Bank (1998). Implementing the Ethiopian National Policy for Women: Institutional and Regulatory issue. The World Bank, Washington, Dc, P.6 violet the inalienable and integral rights of women. The widespread practice of violence against women is a reflection of the historically unequal power relation between men and women. Different studies proved that violence against women, be it in their family or community, instill fear and constrained their mobility and access to resources. Cited above no.17, at P.74 The unfair division of labor and duties with in the households further limits women to have ample time and develop the skill and knowledge for political participation. Women were responsible for all the house hold works, including the laborious tasks such as grinding grain, searching fuel wood, collecting water, preparing food etc and they were expected to support in agricultural activities and livestock protection. Cited above no. 80, P. 6 In the traditional Ethiopia, there were no appropriate technologies such as grind mill, transport service and alternative energy that relieve the burden of women. Id. These unequal division of labor together with unequal power relation constrained women’s access to information, and knowledge that supports them to effectively participate in their community’s affair. Furthermore, in the traditional Ethiopian society, women were expected to serve their husband and they were economically dependent on their husband or family. Their life destiny was determined by their family through arranged marriage and there were different cultural taboos that restrict women than men. Cited above no. 80, P. 6 The traditional constitution which was in practice since 13th century did not protect the interest of women. Rather, it emphasized on the supremacy of men by incorporation discriminatory provisions. “Male succession to the throne was the principle of the traditional constitutions.” Fasil Nahum (1997). Constitution for a Nation of Nations. The Ethiopian a prospect. The Red Sea Press, Asmara, P. 19. Thus, the gender based discrimination was prescribed too, in the traditional laws. The cultural practices that undermines the political role of women emanates from different directions in the society. For instance, the Tigray Bureau of Culture and Information has collected about 500 proverbs associated with female. Tigray Bureau of Culture and Information, “Tigrigna proverbs.” Department of theater and language studies, 1999. Among others the following proverbs, which are common among the Tigray national groups, reflect the place women had in the traditional Ethiopia: Had women been appointed, they would kill people. To have a son is a credit; to a have daughter is a debt. A weak country is invaded by women. To married a daughter is better than to educate. Women and donkey love stick, but men love work. To consult women is comparable to work with children. As silly person couldn’t be a judge, so as women couldn’t be a merchant. These proverbs clearly reflect to what extent the society were patriarchal. Women were considered as incapable other than the domestic chores, lack wisdom equally to their counter parts. People were judged not because of their contribution and skill, but because of the fact that of sex. Consequently, despite women constitutes half of the people, work about 15 – 18 hours a day, produce half the food and above all bear and real children, Cited above no. 80, at P. 6 they were subjected to suffer from all forms of discrimination. Women in Ethiopian remained weak and most vulnerable groups. They remained at the lower level with regard to political participation in comparison to their counter parts. This was mainly the result of gender based division of labor prescribed by tradition and culture. With this description on the political statues of women in the traditional Ethiopia, let’s see the statues of women in the imperial and military regimes. The political status of Women in the Imperial and Military regimes. Women disproportionally represent in the political affairs of their community at all levels in Ethiopia. Traditional division of labor and discriminatory cultural practices and traditional religions laws are accountable for this. In addition, the modern written constitutions and other subsidiary laws had discriminatory provisions. A glance on the Imperial laws proved this fact. Ethiopia adopted and developed the first written constitution in 1931. Cited above no.85, at P.21 The strong motive to have the constitution was to modernize the country. Id. However this constitution was successful in centralizing power and providing power privilege to the nobility. Id. Though the Revised constitution of 1955 contains a provision that empowers citizens to vote and to take part in the political activities equally, the subsidiary laws developed in 1969 to implement the basic law contain discriminatory provisions. Gita Gopal and Maryan Salim, eds. (1998). Gender and Law. Eastern Africans conference Organized by The World Bank and the Economic Commission for Africa. The World Bank, Washington, DC. P.139. Assuming power to the throne is only possible through male descendants of the Solomon Dynasty. Cited above no. 81,at p. 139 Furthermore the electoral proclamation provides property and literacy pre condition for candidature to compete to government office. Id. Some of the provisions in the 1969 civil code also contain discriminatory statements. On the part that deals with matrimonial and family rights, the low entitled the husband to be the head of the family and administer common property and the marriageable age was discriminatory. Ibid, p. 143 During the imperial period there were discriminatory provisions in the penal code of 1957, among others, lack of criminal proceedings against abductor or rapist, of the abducted or raped women agreed to make marriage. Ibid, P.144 And with regard to granting nationality, the 1930 Ethiopian nationality low contains discriminatory provision. Ibid. P.153This law was amended in 1933 and it includes provision which says “an Ethiopian man transfers his nationality to his child born of a foreigner, but an Ethiopian women married to foreigner cannot do so unless her child is born out of wedlock.” Therefore, though the feudal government claimed that, the adoption of the 1931 constitution is to modernize the people, it was effective in marginalizing all groups belonged to all ethnic groups, except the nobility. It fails to include the basic civil and political rights that guarantee liberties and equally to all citizens. Consequently, the participation of women in the government office was minimal. There were two women in the lower house in the 1957 election and they became four in the 1962 and 1973 elections. Cited above no. 57, p.53 Finally, the class and national oppression a paved the way for the break of the 1974 revolution. The military group, which assumed power through student revolution, introduced some changes as a response to the feudal system. After, thirteen years in power, the military made a constitution through public referendum in 1987 -the Provincial Democratic Republic of Ethiopian (PDRE) Constitution. This constitution adopts some progressive equality rights. The PDRE constitution of 1987, in its article 36 items one and two includes the equality rights and the rights to equal participation in the social, economic, political cultural life of their society. Cited above no.85, at p.p.17 Move over, some of the discriminatory laws of the imperial regime were abolished. The discriminatory electoral law was changed and women friendly maternity labor low was adopted. Cited above no. 91at P. 139 As a result, the participation of women in the national shengo increased form four in 1973 to 14 women representative out of the 850 members of the council in the military period. Cited above no. 57, at p.53 However, most of the other discriminatory provisions under the civil law of 1960 and the penal code of 1957 were not changed. More importantly, as the government was military dictator, most of the progressive provisions in the constitution of the 1987 were not materialized. For instance practicing free, fair and periodic election was difficult. Appointment to public offices was determined by the workers party. Cited above at no.91, p.139 Furthermore, the military government lacks detail subsidiary laws and institutions to implement the constitution. The civil war, the red terror and other security problem further limits women to fully exercise their civil and political rights. Cited above no.91, at p.139 Consequently, despite the Ethiopian women constitutes half the Ethiopian people, gender power relation in the two regimes were clearly in favor of men. Women’s low status was partly expressed through in adequate access to public representative and leadership opportunities. The partial effort made by the military government did not challenge the age long gender power relation. Furthermore, the educational, health, economic status of women was striking during the adoption of the National Women’s Policy in 1993. Figures in the introductory part of the National policy-1993, shows only 23 percent were female student in primary school; 98 percent of Ethiopian women had no access to family planning, only 17.9 percent engaged in the formal government office, about 50 percent women were victim of the harmful traditional practices, among which the 60 percent of all sexes exposed to the harmful practice. .The Political Status of women after 1991 Two major developments- the adoption of the FDRE constitution in 1995 and the introduction of the federal state structure, are likely to have an impact on the lives of Ethiopian women and continued to influence in the future. To begin with, the FDRE constitution includes a progressive individual and group rights. It recognized fundamental rights and freedoms without discrimination. Chapter three of the FDRE constitution It also recognized the different international and regional instruments which Ethiopia ratifies, as part of the national law. Art.9 (4) of the FDRE constitution Among others that are basic and related to women are the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in 1993 and the African Human and Peoples Rights (AHPR). Furthermore, the constitution includes specific provision such as article 35 item one stipulated the equality of women and men; item three entitled women to affirmative measures to heal the historical inequalities and items six of the same article explicitly empowers women to participate on the development program of their country. As stipulated in article two the CEDAW, state parties are required to take all necessary measures, including to devise policy and to adopt other subsidiary laws that helps to meet the full realization of equality by eliminating discrimination against women. Accordingly, Ethiopia adopted a National Women’s policy in 1993. National Policy on Ethiopian women, sep. 1993, Addis Ababa Moreover, the government created the harmony of the other law with the constitution by revising the Family and Criminal laws. As a major policy objective, the women’s policy was devised to facilitate the realization of equality between men and women in all fields. Particularly, the policy aims at enhancing the participation of women “to hold public office and to participate in the decision - making process at all level.” Ibid, P. 26 The document incorporates strategies for the implementation of the policy. The provisions under the strategy, urges the government and other stake holders to take all appropriate measure that they believed it can ensure the social, political and economic equality between men and women. More over to make gender sensitive policies and plans, the strategy requires all ministers and government organizations to have department of women’s affairs. Cited above no. 105, at P. 24 – 33 Efforts have been made to make gender as a cross-cutting issue through incorporating gender issues in the various national policies. To implement the policy and strategy, an institution, - The ministry of Women’s Affairs, was established through proclamation number 471/2005. Federal Democratic republic of Ethiopia (2005). National action plan for gender equality (NAP-GE) 2006-2010, Ministry of Women’s a Affairs, Addis Ababa. The ministry is accountable to the House of Peoples Representative and presents its periodic report to the women’s standing committee in the parliament. The ministry is responsible for the coordination, facilitation and monitoring of the gender issues. To that effect the ministry duty bond to organize women to fight for their rights, to create net work with other organizations who work on women, to provide capacity building training to women parliamentarian and to maintain cooperative intergovernmental relations with the regional states. Cited above no. 108 Furthermore the ministry is authorized to solve the Ethiopian women’s problem based on continuous studies and researches. It is also responsible to initiate new policies and work for the improvement of the existing one, that it believed, can facilitate the empowerment of women. Id. Accordingly, it has so far adopted a new national plan of action that serves as a road map to facilitate its activities. Id. In addition the ministry adopted a comprehensive women’s package entitled “Ethiopian Women’s. Development and change package” in July 2005. FDRE (2005). Ethiopian Women’s Development and Change package. Ministry of Women’s Affairs, Addis Ababa These documents envisaged different strategies to create a community where there is no gender difference by taking necessary economic, social and political measures that need to be taken to rectify the existing problems. Consequently, in the past two decade the social, economic and political condition of the Ethiopian Women has improved. The general condition of women in 2009/10 has improved than their situation in 2002/3. Figures in the 2010 Ethiopia’s MDGs report, shows that the gross rate for girls at primary level increased from 53.8 percent in 2002 to 93 percent in 2009; 25 percent of Ethiopian women had access to family planning; about 32 percent engaged in the formal government office, the practice harmful traditional practices reduced by 18 percent in 2009. Achieving gender party at the primary level, results not only in many more girls enrolling at secondary and tertiary education levels, but also the vital means to meet women’s empowerment in the other areas. Although the levels of representative in the federal parliament are law, significant improvement was observed when compared with the previous three elections. In the first parliament (1995), 13 or 2.7 percent were represented out of 547 seats, while in the fourth (2010 election), the number of women holding seats in the House of People’s Representative rose to 152 or 27.8 percent. What is more, the number seats held by women in the House of Federation has now reached 22 or 16.3 percent in the fourth national election, from 10 members or 10.8 percent in the first election(1995). The following data further proves the improvement of women’s involvement in the federal parliaments. Table2: Women representative in the Federal Parliaments in the four successive Parliaments in percent No The Federal Houses Participation Women in the Federal Parliaments in percent. 1995-2000 2000-2005 2005-2010 2010-2015 Change M F %of F M F %of F M F %of F M F %of F 1995& 2010 1 House of Peoples Representative 531 15 2.7 502 42 7.7 413 117 22 395 152 27.8 +25.1 2 House of Peoples Federation 98 10 10.8 110 7 5.9 91 21 18.7 113 22 16.3 +6.5 Source: The Ethiopia Election Board. As we see in table 2, above, there is a progress in the participation of women in the federal parliaments. On average women in the HoPR of the federal parliament has increased from 2.7% to 27.8% within the past one decade and half. The data proved that, there is considerable progress on women’s political empowerment with regard to representation at national level. What accounts for the significant progress is that, the ruling party- Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) took an important step by making 30% of its candidates since the 2005 election. Tigist Gossaye “Gender Equality: Understanding Affirmative Action in Ethiopia.” In Eva Brems, Christophe Vander Be ken, ed. (2008). Federalism and the protection of Human Rights in Ethiopia. Transaction Publishers New Brunswick (USA) and London (UK), P.290. Different types of quota are prominent in the world’s regions. In some states, constitutional or legal changes have opened up quotas, while in others mainly come in the form of voluntary party quotas based on decisions made by the political parties themselves. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA) 2005. Women in Parliament beyond Numbers. http://www.idea.int/publications/wip2/upload/WiP_inlay.pdf accessed 26/06/2010. The positive measure taken by the ruling party in Ethiopia which is in line with the later one is an important step in implementing the constitutional rights of women. However, it leaves much to be done, for one thing the decision is made by a party not a state party, and this may raise uncertainty on its stability and the other thing, the decision is not to the extent of 50/50, it deserves further effort to reach to a party. The above data shows gender gap and deserves a great concern. The document itself affirms that despite the improvement, women disproportionally represented in the social, economic and political activities of the society. The basic problem accountable for this is lack of strong women organization and net work; the patriarchal thinking; low participation of women in leadership and the insufficient capacity building training provided to women so far. The document further affirms that the leadership at all levels lack the required capacity to implement the constitutional rights and the policies and strategies in a gender sensitive way. Cited above at no. 108, p.16-22.This high light will help to understand the general condition of Women in Ethiopia. The coming topic specifically shows the political statues of women at regional state and local levels in the country. 3.3. The overview of political empowerment of Women at state and local councils in Ethiopia. The FDRE constitution introduced a political decentralization by establishing a federal state structure comprised of nine regional states and two administrative Cities.30 As over and over again noted in the literature part of this paper, decentralization empowered people at the grass-root level by enabling people participate in decision-making of their affairs. Particularly decentralization has its own impact on women’s empowerment. It facilitates legislations, policies and institutions Taye Asefa and Tegegne G-Egziiabher, eds (2007). Decentralization in Ethiopia. Forum for Social Studies (FSS) Addis Ababa. P.50 that respond to the problem of women at local level. It brings service such as health, education, technologies and transport to local level, there by addresses the burden of women at local level. Cited above no.80 , at P.51 Political empowerment of Women at local level facilitates the fight against traditional practices and discrimination at the community and institutional level. Horst Risse, Caroline Andrew, etal “Local Government in Federal Systems.” in John Kinkaid and Rupak Chattopadhyay, eds. (2008). Local Government in Federal systems in Unity in Diversity: Learning from Each other. Vol.4 Viva books, p.20 Most importantly, it facilitates the fight against poverty by using the women’s energy and creativities in development. Id. However, this is true only if women are involved equally in the local representative and local decision-making positions. As noted above the FDRE constitution established a federal state structure. Article 50 items five of the constitution empowered states to draft, adopt and amend their respective state constitutions. Accordingly all the regional states drafted and promulgated their own constitution. The part of the state constitution that deals with human rights in general, the woman’s rights in particular are similar to the federal constitution in content Chapter three and article 35 of the federal constitution and chapter three and article 35 of the Tigray, Amhara regional state constitutions. there by the federation created multiple level of protection of rights. In principle in federations, the constitutions of the federated units are lengthier, easier to amend, and thus more flexible than the federal constitution. Tsegay Regassa “Sub-National Constitutions in Ethiopia: Towards entrenching constitutionalism at state level.” in Mizan Low Review, Vol. 3, No.1, Biannual Low Journal Published by St. May’s University College, Faculty of Low, Addis Ababa, P.39. The fact that constituent units are geographically small in size and close to the people, their constitution provides more priority to direct democracy than representative democracy. Id. Furthermore governments at the federated units and local level are nearby to citizens. Thus, they are not only the real implementer of development policies, but also more responsible to respect and protect human rights. Consequently, states are expected to provide detail law Id. for better implementation on the protection of human rights within the frame work of the federal constitution. However, in the Ethiopian federation, regional state constitutions are usually the carbon-copy of the federal constitution. Particularly this is true in the area of human rights. State constitution provides list of women’s rights which are the replica of the women’s rights included in the federal constitution. However, as repeatedly noted, the constitutions at all levels accepted the international and regional conventions and declarations on women. Moreover, the regional states adopt the federal women’s policy and established Regional Bureau of Women’s Affairs to implement the policy. There are variations among regional states with regard to implementation of the constitutional pledges and commitments. Despite the differences among regions, there is improvement in the participation of women as representatives and in the government posts at the state and local levels. Similar to the federal level, significant improvement was observed when compared with the previous elections at the sub- national and local levels of councils. In the second election(2000), there were 244 (12.9%) women members out of the total numbers of 1891 members of the regional state council, Cited above no. 57,at p.33 while in the fourth (2005 election), the number of women holding seats in the regional councils upgrade to 509 or 26 percent. Ibid, p.56. The following data further proves the improvement of women’s involvement in some selected regional state councils. Table3: Representative of Women in Addis Ababa City council and some Selected regional state councils in the four successive parliaments. No Region Participation Women in the Regional councils in percent 1995-2000 2000-2005 2005-2010 2010-2015 Change M F %of F M F %of F M F %of F M F %of F 1995& 2010 1 Addis Ababa 84 8 8.6 116 22 15.9 119 19 13.7 - - - 2 Tigray 127 28 18.4 110 42 27.6 77 75 49 79 73 48 3 Oromiya 342 12 3.38 250 44 14.7 326 196 36.8 4 Amhara 259 15 5.47 457 70 13 210 84 28.5 5 SNNP 232 8 3.3 303 43 12.4 257 91 26 6 Somalia - - - - - - 182 2 1 7 Total 7.8 - 27.1 Source: Ethiopia Election Board. As we see in table 3, above, there is a significant improvement in the participation of women in the regional councils. On average women in the above six regional council has increased from about 7.8 % to 27.1%, from the first election (1995) to the third election (2005). The data proved that, there is considerable progress on women’s political empowerment with regard representation at regional level. The statistics by region varies, ranging from 1% in the Somalia regional States to nearly 50 % in Tigray regional state. The figure shows that, only two of the regional councils, namely Tigray and Oromia, passed the 30% threshold for women’s participation. The document itself affirms that despite the improvement, women disproportionally represented in the political activities of the society, so states will be expected further effort to reach to a party. The difference in the implementation of this constitutional pledges and the party commitment can serve as a lesson for regions, including the federal government, to learn from each other’s experiences. Despite the variation in degree among states, there is progress with regard to the critical mass, that is, participation in greater number. The improvement of women participation at state level is not only important to consider women interest at regional level, but also help to prepare women for further responsibility at the federal level. Similar to the federal government the considerable improvement at regional council, is attributed to the initiative of the ruling party (EPRDF) decision to make 50% of its candidates in the regional and local councils, since the 2005 election. Cited above no. 113, at p. P.290. So far experiences of different countries proved that, the various types of quota are prominent in bringing women to the public politics. This positive measure taken by the ruling party in Ethiopia is not constitutional, but attributed to the ruling parties commitment. Though this is an important step in implementing the constitutional rights of women and practically helps in upgrading the involvement of women in politics, it deserves, however, supportive laws to make the system more sustainable, transparent and inclusive to various actors. The participation of Women in decision-making at federal and state levels. Despite the great struggle towards democratization, in most countries of the world women are largely underrepresented in public decision-making areas. According to the reports of UN Development Report, the percentage of female cabinet ministers worldwide is 6.8 per cent in 1996. The report affirms that in 1999, only 4% of the ministers in South and Southeast Asia are women, while in the industrialized west compared is only 11 %. Taking the gap in to account, the BDPA required state parties to forge a mechanism to improve the participation to 30 percent bench mark. They believe is that having 30 percent of women in leadership can play significant role in representing and protecting women’s interest during planning, implementation and evaluation of government policies, strategies and programs. Cited above no. 17, at p.109. The BDPA clearly states that, the goal to achieve equality, development and peace, deserves inclusive mechanism to women at all levels. Cited above no.124, at p.2. Considering this believes in to account, the FDRE government adopted lows and policies that are consistent with international conventions and declarations. Women are entitled to all right generate by the constitution. Article 7 of the FDRE constitution. In relation to political power, the constitution provides equal right to vote and hold public office at all levels. Article 38(1, c) of the FDRE constitution. Particularly with regard to designing policies, the government has the duty to involve woman’s interest. Article 35(6) of the FDRE constitution affirmed this by stating “Women have the right to full consultation in the formation of national development policies, the designing and execution of projects, and particularly in the case of projects affecting the interest of women.” Article 35(6) of the FDRE constitution. The provisions in the FDRE constitution and other subsequent lows proved that equality between men and women is guaranteed. Women are entitled to equal rights, responsibilities and opportunities. To that effect, the government organs at all levels are duty bound to work for the realization of equal participation of women in decision-making. As noted above, the constitution confers equal right and opportunities, and imposes equal responsibilities to all citizens without discrimination. However, low and practice on the ground may not match. The country’s gender profile revealed a dichotomy between women and men as regards to participation in decision-making. Studies dispatched by the World Bank (2006) proved that in the major areas of measuring empowerment, women occupy inferior position in comparison to men. In the formal employment, women who work as legislatures, senior officials and managers constitute 23 percent, and professional and technical workers of women occupy only 28 percent in Ethiopia. Women occupy 60 percent of the less paid sector, including clerical, secretarial and other supportive government vacancies. Women ratio in the civil service is just 32 percent. When we see the political empowerment or women in decision-making, in the formulation of new cabinet ministers in 2010, only 3 women or 13 percent occupy the ministerial positions and about 8 percent in the state minister, and there is no woman as head of state in regional administrative states (see table-4). Table-4: The participation of Women in key public decision-making areas at federal and state level. No Position Participation Women in key public decision-making in percent. 2000 2005 2010 Change 2000& 2010 M F %of F M F %of F M F %of F 1 Ministers 16 1 5.8 20 2 9 20 3 13 +7.2 2 Deputy Ministers 12 4 25 30 5 14 45 4 8.1 -16.9 3 Ambassadors 16 4 20 35 3 7.8 15 1 6.25 -15.75 4 State presidents 9 0 0 9 0 0 0 0 0 0 Source: The Federal Civil Service Agency, 2006 Reproduced in Tigist Gossaye. Cited above no. 16,at p. 292.And ETV news in 19/10/2010, for the 2010 data. As we see in table 4, above, the data proved that, there is considerable progress on women’s political empowerment with regard representation at ministerial level. Women Ministers has increased from about 9 % in 2005 to 13% in 2010. However, in the deputy Ministers, while the number of the state ministers increased from 40 to 49, the ratio of women reduced from 14 percent to 8 percent. The inadequate access to and the low participation at lower hierarchy of public decision making areas , the inadequate political knowledge and information, the multiple role they have and the discriminatory attitudes and practice are among others accountable for the low partaking. Cited above no. 91, at p. P.47. Moreover, lack of concrete lows and other mechanisms to implement the positive measures enshrined in the constitution are further accountable for low statues of women in the key decision making. Cited above no.16, P. 292. According to the public relation head of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, the strategy of the government is to bring women to the middle level leadership, so that in the long run they can get themselves to the higher post through competition. For this reason, the government prefers to provide affirmative action in education and continues training to women on middle level public leadership.. “Ensuring equality in leadership will not happen overnight, it will take considerable time to realize significant change. This is what we are working. We did not start with a quota system. First we laid the groundwork to facilitate women's entry into politics. We prepared the women to ensure they were competent to enter the field; and we prepared the system, by exposing them to middle level leadership and providing them continues capacity building schemes. Then we used quotas as an instrument in education that can help to the overall empowerment of women.” Interview with the public relation director of the head of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, Ato. Aby Epherem. In evaluating the implementation of women’s policy in the country at all levels to empower women, the World Bank (1998), points out some institutional and regulatory short comings. Firstly, the women’s affairs office and women’s affairs department lacks clear and adequate power, institutional capacity, particularly at local level and in adequate budget to put in to effect women’s projects are some of the problems. Cited above no.91, at P.3 Individuals who works on this office are not gender experts and do not involve men. Id. The institutionalization of woman’s department affairs, in addition to the women’s affairs office, in different government office, is meant making public policies and interventions gender sensitive. However, with the exception of certain welfare oriented areas such as health and education, the regional development plan are largely gender neutral. This is attributed to the lack of adequate gender sensitive planners and implementers. Furthermore, the absence of full-fledged gender disaggregated data, which are a requirement for planners and policy maker; Cited above no.57,at P.46-47 disproportional participation of women in the formal organization at the grass-root level government institutions which are expected to gender mainstreaming are male dominated. Absence of strong net work among government institutions NGOs and civic association who work on women and the institutions are engaged in economic emancipation and on the fighting against cultural barriers than on gender and development approach Cited above at no.91, p.2-3 further drawbacks the effective implementation of the policy, thereby effective empowerment of women in the public decision making areas. Despite the regionalization and the subsequent decentralization within the regions themselves, development approach has been top-down approach. The development plans in all regions focused on infrastructure, without considering the contextual differences. Id., P.2 Moreover, lack of impact indicators in planning and implementation and set of procedures for the implementation of gender mainstreaming planning Cited above no. 113, at p. 292 constrained the enforcement of the policy. On the political arena, there is no clear ways and mechanisms to realize the commitments to gender equality in the basic low and other subsequent lows, and in the government policies. So far, the positive measure of the party program to make women parliamentarian 30 percent at the federal and up to 50 percent Cited above no. 57, at P.45 at regional councils, results encouraging developments. The participation of women in the people’s representative increased to 27.8 percent, from 7.7 percent in the 2010 election. However, this is not devised to include women in the higher government executives at all levels. The ratio of women in the ministers and deputy ministers in the 2010 election was only 14 percent (only 7 from the 50 ministers and deputy ministers). So far the special support enshrined in the constitution is interfered in to practice in the higher education with regard to the reduction of the grade point average required for entrance to universities Cited above no.113, at p.293 and the party or EPRDF’s program to increase women’s representative at the federal and regional levels. However, this is not extended to include women in bring to the higher public decision areas. Interim Conclusion In the traditional Ethiopia, women were victim of the traditional and cultural practices. Back ward traditional practices such as early and arranged marriage, abduction, rape and genital mutilation, which has been practiced in all ethnic groups in the country violet the inalienable and integral rights of women. In addition, women in the modern written constitutions of the Imperial period and other subsidiary laws had been victim of discriminatory provisions. The military government introduced some progressive rights. However, most of the progressive provisions in the constitution of the 1987 were not materialized. The military government lacks detail subsidiary laws and institutions to implement the constitutional rights. Consequently, Women disproportionally represent in the political affairs of their community at all levels in these two governments Ethiopia. The adoption of the FDRE constitution in 1995 and the introduction of the federal state structure brought an impact on the lives of Ethiopian women. The provisions in the FDRE constitution and other subsequent lows proved that equality between men and women is guaranteed. Women are entitled to equal rights, responsibilities and opportunities. To implement the constitutional provision, policies and institutions has been established. Consequently, in the past two decade the social, economic and political condition of the Ethiopian Women has improved. In the fourth election, the number of women holding seats in the House of People’s Representative rose to 27.8 percent and the number seats held by women in the House of Federation has now reached 22 percent, while the number of women holding seats in the regional councils are 26 percent. When we see women in decision-making, 13 percent in the ministerial positions and about 8 percent in the state minister in 2010 election of the federal executives are occupied by women. What accounts for the significant progress in representative is that, the positive measure taken by the ruling party. This is important step in implementing the constitutional rights of women. However, it leaves much to be done. Women still disproportionally represented in the social, economic and political activities of the society. The basic problem accountable for this is lack of strong women organization and net work; the existence of patriarchal thinking; low participation of women in leadership and the insufficient capacity building training provided to women so far. Furthermore, the leadership at all levels lack the required capacity to implement the constitutional rights and the policies and strategies in a gender sensitive way. Chapter-Four The Existing Political Empowerment of Women in Tigray Regional State Chapter Introduction This chapter provides the existing political status of women in the Tigray Regional state in general and some case studies at local level in particular. This part of the paper evaluates the state constitution, other subsidiary lows and the regional government policies in light of the political empowerment of women. The commitment of the ruling political party is also considered based on interviews and available information. Empirical data is used to show the status of women in politics in the region, and to evaluate to what extent the lows and policies are addressing gender issues in general, the political empowerment in particular. The Tigray women are more experienced in fighting for their rights than women in the other regions. Since the armed struggle, they were fighting for their social, economic and political equality in on organized manner. In the last two successive regional and local elections, the participation of women has reached nearly 50 percent. Unlike women representation in the state and local councils, however, their participation in the executive does not meet the minimum requirements. 4.1. General overview of Tigray Regional State Tigray Regional State, in the North of Ethiopia is one of the nine regions. The region lies or shares its boundaries in the North with Eritrea, in the East with Afar, in the South with Amhara in the West with the Sudan. The region has a total surface 80,000 km2 and, with a total population 4,314,456 of which about half are women. The National State of Tigray consists of six administrative zones, one special zone, 34 rural woredas and 11 cities (having the status of woredas). According to the Tigray Bureau of Capacity Building there are 756 Tabias or Kebeles in the region in 2010. Because of social mobility for a number of factors such as employed in public services, trade, war (an army) other work activities, there is interregional migration which reflect the ethnic composition of the region’s population. Explicitly the revised constitution of 2001 mention about the composition of the three ‘endogenous’ ethnic groups namely the Tigray nation 4,165,749 or 96.55%, the Kunama 2,976,or 0.07% and the Irob,30,517,or 0.71%. There are other ethnic groups or nation, nationalities and peoples such as the ‘non endogenous’ people, which resides in region. These includes, the Amhara 70,334 or 1.63%,the Afar 12,309 or 0.29%,the AgewHimyra 8,269 or0.19%,the Oromo 7,498 or 0.17% ,the Ari 2847 or 0.07% and the Somali 2,112 0.15% . Considering religion the Orthodox Church comprises of 95.6%, Muslim 4%, catholic 0.4 and protestant 0.1% and the other traditional beliefs. The FDRE Central Statistical authority, “statistical Report on the 1999 National Labor Force Survey.” Statistical Bulletin, March 1999, Addis Ababa, p.238. 4.2. Women during the armed struggle (1975 – 1999) Similar to their sisters in other parts of Ethiopia, the Tigray society is patriarchal, where there is inequalities between women and men in the responsibilities each is assigned; in their access to and control over resources and indecision- making opportunities. During the 17 years of struggle, the Tigray Peal’s Liberating Front /TPLF/ had been working to the enhancement of gender equality in Tigray as an objective. TPLF practical equal distribution of land in 1977/8 and in 1995/6 in the liberated areas; it has worked to challenge harmful traditional practices such as early marriage, FGM, Rape and abduction, and recognized equal right to participate in the local elections and decision making. Kjeti Tronvoll (2000). Ethiopia: A new start? Minority Rights Group International Report, MRG publishing, UK P.27-28. Furthermore, women were organized under the institution of the Tigray Fighters Women’s Committee/TFWC/ since 1976, Id. so as to fight women against the national suppression and gender inequality. The participation of Women during the armed struggle was multi-faceted. Their role extended from engaging as political practitioner in the liberated areas and combatants and commanders in the front to member of the ground cell in the Dergue’s controlled areas and cities. Yebmar Asfaw (2001). ‘Finxiwa Motam Tinesalech: Yalteqachew Yetigray Setoch Gedle.’ To mean the ‘Finxiwa will resurrect: The unfinished struggle of the Tigray women’ Addis Ababa, P. 51. Acknowledging Roman, Meaza discussed that, during the armed struggle, particularly in 1988’s women constitutes 30 percent of the TPLF’s fighters; in the liberated areas, women’s ratio in the local councils or biotos was about 30 percent; 38.7 percent of the political committee and 37.4 percent of the economic and social committees. Meaza Ashenafi (2009). Participation of Women in Politics and Public Decision Making in Ethiopia. Forum for Social Studies, Addis Ababa P.37-38. However, the participation of women in the key decision making areas was low. In the TPLF’s central committee, there was only one woman throughout the 17 years of armed struggle and their participation in the local key decision – making areas such as Wereda administrators, region heads was low. Cited above no.147, at P.112 TPLF /EPRDF controlled power by abolishing the military government in 1991. TPLF, as a ruling party, in the region has developed a regional constitution; adopted Women’s policy, and established a Women’s Affairs Office in 1993 in the region to deal with gender issues. Following the first national and local election in 1995, Women’s participation in the local councils and executive committees was reduced to bellow their participation during the armed struggle. In the first parliamentary years (1995-2000), women constitute 18 percent in the regional council, 22 percent in the Wereda council and 16.7 percent in the Tabia council respectively. The Tigray Regional Sate (2008). Ethiopian/Tigray/ Women’s Development and Change package. Bureau of Women’s Affairs, Addis Ababa., p.8 And their participation in the decision-making areas was even more insignificant than in the councils. There were only 3 women from the executives at regional level and a number of women who had been in zone administrators and other decision making areas during the armed struggle demoted to lower areas. Cited above no. 147, at P.112 One can deduce from the above data, that, the ruling part/TPLF/ has no clear vision and policy on how to handle the issues of women after it had control power. In the last two decades, however, the social, economic and political conditions of women have been improving. Following the ruling party’s decision to make women participation in the regional and local councils to 50 percent in the 2005 election An interview with the head of Women’s standing committee, Wro. Almaz Tesfu., women’s ratio in all the councils has reached about a party. On the social arena, the participation of female student in the primary and secondary education has reached 100 percent since 2009 and the activities of harmful traditional practices reduced 33.63 percent from 52.4 percent in 2000. Tigray Bureau of Women’s Affairs ‘Five Year Strategic Plan (2010-2015), in 2010, Mekelle. Despite the above improvement, however, Women in the region are still a disadvantaged group in terms of economic status and structural discrimination. Indications of this are, for instance, the employment rate and their participation in decision-making. In the formal government institutions, Women constitute 33.8 percent and their participation in the regional executive is only 20 percent in 2010. The Regional Bureau of capacity Building and civil service (2001) With this historical back ground and some high light on the status of women in Tigray Regional state, let us proceed with the measures taken so far to enhance the social, political, and economic status of women in the region. Legal, policy and institutional measures taken by the Regional Government to empower Women 4.3.1 Legal Measures Following the establishment of the federal state structure, the FDRE constitution conferred power to states to draft, adopt and amends their own respective state constitution on matters of their domain through their own state councils, which has the highest power in the states. Article 50 (5, 3) of the FDRE constitution Furthermore, according to the FDRE constitution, state governments have the power to establish administrative hierarchies in their own territories and to decentralize power to the local administration with the aim to enhance local participation. Article 50 (4) of the FDRE constitution Accordingly, the council of Tigray Regional state, for the first time, in the Tigray history adopted a regional national constitution in 1994. The first Tigray Regional state national constitution, 1994 In the constitution, three administrative levels namely, Region, Woreda and Tabia /Kebele/ constitutionally established. And their power is enumerated in the constitution. Article 45 of the 1994 Tigray Regional state constitution This constitution was revised in 2001. The revised Tigray regional state constitution, 2001 It was revised for two basic objectives for division of power among the branch of government and for power decentralization to the local government level. The preamble of the revised state constitution Similar to the federal constitution, the revised constitution of Tigray regional state provided all rights generated by the constitution to both sexes equally. Article 5 of the revised RST constitution As one component to empower women, the revised constitution comes up with provision which have a direct impact on women’s access to economic resources, political power and protection from harmful traditional practices. On the rights of women, the constitution has a comprehensive provision that embodies the principle of gender equality and specifies the civil, political, economic and social rights of women. Art. 35 entitled ‘rights of women’ affirms the right to equality of women with men in the enjoyment of the rights provided for in the constitution. This is in addition to what the general equality provision in the Constitution Art. 25 provide. This provision enshrines the right of everyone to equality before the law without any discrimination on the basis of race, nation, nationality, sex, religion and other status. Political empowerment refers to the right to actively engage in the civic and political affairs in a country. The regional constitution gives recognition to women participation in politics and other organizations. Article 38(1) states, that, every Ethiopian national without any discrimination has the right to vote and be elected at periodic election shall be held by universal suffrage and secret ballot. Sub article 2 of 38 also enshrines that, every person to be a member of political parties, labor unions, trade organizations, employers’ and professional associations shall be respected, if he meets the general and special requirements stipulated by such organizations. To increase the participation of women in the Wereda and regional councils and decision-making areas, the constitution guarantee equal participation in social, economic and political activities of the region. Particularly, article 35 (9) of the constitution entitled women to full consultation in the formulation of regional development policies in general and gender sensitive projects in particular. Furthermore, article 35 item three of the constitution allows affirmative and remedial measures to heal the effect of discrimination and inequalities in every sector against women. To the extent their full participation in political, economic and social realm of the country requires their educational advancement. Thus on the part that deals with policy objective, the social objective states to the extent the region’s resource permit, inhabitants shall have access to education. For without this, women cannot naturally be expected to exercise the whole range of rights enshrined under art.35 that takes off and culminates with gender equality in the region. From the perspective of women’s property rights as are enshrined in the constitution Art.35 and Art.40, women have the right to property and to equality in ownership and use of a property with men in various contexts including their households and workplaces. Related to health, special provision is given to maternity right by guaranteeing women the right to maternity leave and plan families in article 35 (6) and (7).The state constitution in its article 35 (4) obliged the regional government to prohibit laws or customary practices that harm women. Article 34(1) of the Tigray constitution also gives equal provision to both men and women. It says men and women, without any distinction have equal right “while entering into marriage, during marriage and at the time of divorce.” The regional constitution further accepts international treaties, conventions and declarations, which the federal government of Ethiopia has ratified. Article 13 of the regional constitution requires all governments organ to comply with and interpret the provisions in line with the international human rights conventions to which the federal democratic republic and Ethiopia adopted. Furthermore, other laws such as the regional family law and civil service law are providing equal rights, opportunities and benefits to both sexes. One of the characteristics of laws in the region is the harmonization of other laws with the regional constitution. 4.3.2. Policy and institutional measures To put the provisions of social, economic, political and cultural equality enshrined in the constitution in to effect, the regional government adopted the regional women’s policy in 1993. The Transitional Government of Ethiopia (1993). National Policy on Ethiopian/Tigray/ women. Ministry of Women’s Affairs, Addis Ababa Similar to the federal women’s policy, the major objective of the regional policy is, to facilitate the realization of equality between men and women in all fields. Particularly, the policy aims at enhancing the participation of women “to hold public office and to participate in the decision - making process at all level.” Ibid, P. 26 It primarily aims to institutionalize the political, economical and social rights of women by crafting appropriate structures within the government offices and institutions to establish equitable gender-sensitive public policies. The document incorporates strategies for the implementation of the policy. The provisions under the strategy, urges the government and other stake holders to take all appropriate measure that they believed it can ensure the social, political and economic equality between men and women. Furthermore, to implement the constitutional rights, other lows and policies, the regional government established an institution the Regional Women’s Affairs Office in 1996 through proclamation number 22/1996. Cited above no.153 Moreover, with the aim of making gender as across-cutting issue, the regional government made all regional Bureaus to include Women’s Department Affairs in their structure. The Bureau is accountable to the Regional council and presents its periodic report to the women’s standing committee in the council. Interview with the head of women standing committee. Almaze Tesfu. The Bureau is responsible for the coordination, facilitation and monitoring of the gender issues. To that effect it is duty bound to organize women to fight for their rights, to create net work with other organizations who work on women, to provide capacity building training to women at all levels in the region. Cited above no.162 The Bureau has the duty to conduct continues researches and studies on the general condition of women, so as to came up with better strategy to empower women. It is also responsible to initiate new policies, laws and work for the improvement of the existing one, that it believed, can facilitate the empowerment of women. Following the Ethiopian women’s development and change package, the bureau come up with a comprehensive change package entitled “Ethiopian/Tigray/ Women’s. Development and Change Package” in 2008. After assessing the general status of women in the region, the package provides a strategy on how to empower women in the region. The document includes strategies to go over these problems and devised necessary economic, social and political measures that need to be taken to rectify the existing problems. The bureau has also conducted the business process re-engineering (BPR) in 2000 and restructured in a new form. Emphasis is given to gender main streaming and awareness development. An interview with the core process owner of gender main streaming. Ametemickeal G/Mariam.To make all development intervention plans and programmers are gender sensitive and gender inclusive, 14 women’s affairs department in all bureaus at regional level and some focal points at wereda level are made functional. Id. The departments are accountable to their respective organization. These departments conducted their job in cooperation with BWA. The gender mainstreaming core process organizes the works and reports of these departments and other self-initiated women organization in the region. The main function of the departments and focal points is to provide gender awareness development, to check whether every development plan and program is gender mainstreamed; and check the participation of women staff in every committee in the respective institutions. Cited above no.167 They evaluates plans of each organization, compile and report to BWA in every of quarter. The BWA supports coordinate and monitor the departments in their implementation of the regional women’s affairs policy. It ensures weather every development plan and programs are gender sensitive. The BWA has a structure which extends to the wereda level. The main function of the office at wereda level is to check the implementation of every sectors planed programs benefited women. By and large, the BWA, at all levels is responsible to mobilize, organize and aware women at the grass-root level. It is responsible to ensure the participation of women in getting training and credit; and access to resources and information in every sector. Cited above no.162, at p. 37 Considering the contribution of women in the realization of development, democracy and peace, the government guaranteed equal rights and opportunities to both sexes in the regional constitution and other subsequent laws. In addition, to implement these lows, policy of women is drafted and ratified, and institutions are established with a vision to create a society where all citizens has equal opportunity to participate in their affairs in the region at all levels. Consequently, in the past few years the social, economic and political condition of women in the region has improved. The general condition of women in 2008 has improved than their situation in 1993. Figures in the first part of the Tigray Women’s. Development and change package 2008 shows that the gross enrolment rate of female students have reached 100 in the primary school; the participation on the regional, Wereda and Kebele councils have reached a party; about 33 percent employed in the formal government office, the practice harmful traditional practices reduced by 33.6 percent in 2010 than 52.4 percent in 2000. However the condition of women in the region still deserves a great concern. These documents affirm that despite the improvement, women disproportionally represented in the social, economic and political activities of the society. They are not benefiting from the regional development equally to their counterparts in every sector. The participation of women in the public decision making at all level is on average 22.6 percent. Currently there are no women who lead Zone or Wereda; 31.8 percent of the regional women are still victim of the harmful practices. According to the document, the basic problem accountable for this is lack of strong women organization and net work; the patriarchal thinking; low participation of women in leadership and the insufficient capacity building training provided to women so far. The document further affirms that the leadership at all levels lack the required capacity to implement the constitutional rights and the policies and strategies in a gender sensitive way. Cited above no.150, at p.22-27 This high light will help to understand the general condition of women in the State. The next topic deals with the participation of women as public representative at all level in the region. 4.4. The participation of women in the key grass –root level organizations in the region. 4.4.1. The rational for the women’s empowerment at the local level Women’s empowerment refers to “exposing the oppressive power of the existing gender relations, critically challenging them and creatively trying to shape different social relations.” Martha C. Nussbaum (2000). Women and Human Development: the capabilities Approach. Cambridge University Press, Chicago, p.20 It is upgrading women’s economic participation and opportunities; educational attainment; and access to health. Above all, empowerment is representation in decision-making structure. Id. Empowerment is a multifaceted social process that helps people gain control over their own lives. It is a process that fosters the capacity to implement in people for use in their own lives, their own communities and in their own society, by acting on issues that they consider as imperative. Id. It is noted that women’s political empowerment refers to the right to 50 percent representation of women in local and national parliaments, and in the government decision making areas at all levels. Anthony D.G. Mawaya, Economic Commission for Africa: Assessment Report on Political Empowerment of Women.Nov.1999Availableat http://www.uneca.org/publications/ACW/new/acgd_publications/political%20empowerment.htm as observed in June 28, o6, 2010.Women’s political empowerment farther implies both ensuring equal representation of women in positions of power and decision making and equipping with the non-quantifiable aspects of women's empowerment. The non-quantifiable aspects of women's empowerment, that is, capacities of women to enter into political, and the numbers of women in positions of power and decision making should have equal place in women political empowerment. Moreover, indicators of true political empowerment should show that increasingly women are breaking the traditional boundaries and stereo-types. Cited above no.175 Involving women in local governance is crucial for their empowerment, when it facilitates the changing of discriminatory traditions and laws and it facilitate legislations, policies and institutions Taye Asefa and Tegegne G-Egziiabher, eds (2007). Decentralization in Ethiopia. Forum for Social Studies (FSS), Addis Ababa, P.50. that respond to the problem of women at local level. It expected to change women’s role by enhancing access to services, decision-making and empowerment at local level. Id. As repeatedly discussed in the literature part of this thesis, the right to elect and to be elected equally and the right to equal participation of women in decision making are the most important civil and political rights of women. In addition to this, effective political empowerment of women is mandatory in the realization of economic development, democracy and peace in general and for the adoption and implementation of gender friendly laws and policies in particular. Above all making local decision making more inclusive to women, where the elected representative are usually not full – time workers, unlike to that of the executive, is crucial to represent and protect the interest of women in implementing lows and policies. Political empowerment of women in the national parliament and the public management helps to make gender issues the government and administrative issues. Involving women’s in the implementation of local planes meant enhance their responsibility and facilitate sustainable development. John Kinkaid and Rupak Chattopadhyay, eds. (2008).Local Government in Federal systems in Unity in Diversity: Learning from Each other. Vol.4 Viva bookes,p.28. Exercising of power by women at the local level will, generally contribute to their overall empowerment in the society and serves as base to be tamed with political life for their later life. Id. Empowering women at local level enable women to change the rules and norms governing gender relations in the family, community and institutional level. Ranjani K. Murthy, ed. (2001).Building Women’s Capacities: Intervention in Gender Transformation. Sage publication, New Delhi, p.133. The role of local government in federation and administrative decentralized countries is multi-dimensional. Local government plays key role in enhancing democracy and facilitating development. Arif Ali Khan “Enhancement of Democracy through Empowerment of Disadvantaged Groups.” in John Kinkaid and Rupak Chattopadhyay, eds. (2008). Local Government in Federal systems in Unity in Diversity: Learning from Each other. Vol.4 Viva books, p.95.Local government brings government close to the people; there by strengthen democracy by facilitating participation of all groups directly or through their representatives. Involvement of local people in local governance influencing local policies and programs and influencing authorities to remain accountable to local interest and transparent in their action. So it promotes the legitimacy of the national government by fostering good governance at local level. Autonomous local governments can serve as policy innovation and experimentation. Horst Risse, Caroline Andrew, etal “Local Government in Federal Systems.” in John Kinkaid and Rupak Chattopadhyay, eds. (2008). Local Government in Federal systems in Unity in Diversity: Learning from Each other. Vol.4 Viva books, p.20. Furthermore, it serves as laboratories of democracy. Ibid. p.21 Exercising of democracy at local level deepens the value of democracy at sub-national and national level. The truth that local governance brings government close to the people helps local authorities to exploit local resources and local energies towards development. Ibid, p.7 Actors such as NGOs and civil societies can involve in supporting local development and mitigating local problems directly and influence government policies to reflect local interest through sustained research and intervention. Ibid. P. 5 Women constitute half in any society in the world. Thus, development policy without empowering women and involving them will not have full success. Most of the basic social services provided at the grass root level benefited women than men. Thus empowering women at local level meant addressing their problem. Empowerment of women supports development by involving women in development and reduces in equalities through investing in enhancing women’s capabilities. Empowerment of women further strengthens good governance through participation and consultation. For this basic reason “Gender equality and women’s empowerment” is considered as the third of the Millenniums Development Goals /MDGs/. There are targets adopted to meet this goal. Political empowerment is considered as one indicator besides the social and economic empowerment. Promoting the involvement of women in every organization at all level, therefore, important so as to achieve the objectives of the Millennium Development Goals. Taking in to account these benefits, decentralization is receiving support in the contemporary world for its contribution in fostering democracy through empowering people and facilitates development or poverty reduction through efficiency and better targeting services. However, Steytler argued that local government does not always achieve the inseparable concepts. To achieve development and democracy, local government should politically empower disadvantages groups, including women and Making decision making more participatory and more inclusive to all groups. Nico Steytler “Enhancement of Democracy through Empowerment of Disadvantaged Groups.” in John Kinkaid and Rupak Chattopadhyay, eds. (2008). Local Government in Federal systems in Unity in Diversity: Learning from Each other. Vol.4 Viva books, P. 27. The FDRE constitution introduced the federal state structure or political decentralization and conferred power to states. The constitution farther, provides authority to state governments to decentralize power to the local administration with the aim to enhance local participation. Similar to the federal constitution, as one component to empower women, the revised constitution of Tigray Regional State comes up with provision which have a direct impact on women’s access to economic resources, political power and protection from harmful traditional practices. To put the provisions of equality rights enshrined in the constitution and other lows and policies in to effect, the regional government adopted the regional women’s policy and established an institution the Regional Women’s Affairs office. However, do all these measures really bring positive effect on the status of women in the region? Are women enjoying the fruits of their constitutional right, development and peace in the region? The officials and experts, with whom I had interview, expressed their view that, the laws, policies and strategies of the government is to large extent gender friendly. However, in their implementation, they had no good profile. Despite the improvement in the past two decades, women’s participation in every sector is not to the extent of expected. Empower women politically thereby enabling them to exercise their right by taking part in the public affairs and the government of their region is evaluated next. 4.4.2. The Economic, Social and Legal condition of women in the Region. The social and economic participation of women at the community level has been improving in Tigray Regional State in the past two decades. Women participated in the local law – making schemes since the armed struggle and after that. As a result land was distributed equally since 1976/7 in the region. Women have equal right to all opportunities. They have equal access to local micro-credits, extension packages and to participate in local cooperatives. However, in implementing these rights and opportunities, women’s participation in the economic activities at local level is still lower than men. The following data further serves to understand the situation. Table-5: The participation of women in the key local level economic organizations form 2006 – 2010. No Type Participation or Beneficiaries M F Ration of in percent 1 Local cooperative 123, 640 681,831 25,3% 2 Small and micro enterprise 539,108 388,925 42% 3 Local credit Beneficiaries 290205 105547 26.67% Source: The Five Year Strategic Plan of BWA, 2002. As indicated in table above, women are disproportionally participating in the local economic activities. Only 25.3 percent are involved in local cooperatives in the last four years. 26.67 percent of women are beneficiaries of the local micro-credits. Women who are beneficiaries of the micro-credits, usually involved in the different agricultural and town packages. Though still below the participation of men, women’s participation in the small and micro enterprises with large number of people is encouraging. One can deduce form the above data that, though women has equal right to land, equal access to resources and equal opportunity to participate in the economic activities their community in the region, practically in the key local economic activities, their participation is inferior to that of men. According to the discussion with the focal group, the major factor that drawback women’s economic participation in the region, are the back ward traditional believes on division of labor and lack of awareness and fear to involve in taking micro credit because of bank interest. Discussion with focal group( Almaze desta, Werkinesh Tesma, Etay Asefa- Women’s Department Head of Education, Finance and Economic Development, and Justice Bureaus respectively) In the previous two decades, there has been significant achievement in education in Tigray. The ratio of female students to male students at primary and secondary schools has reached to a party. In the past five years, the general participation of female students at primary level or 1-8 grades was 50.26 percent, while secondary or 9-10 grade 50.94 percent. Cited above no. 153.p.4 However, the participation female students in the preparatory grade or 11-12, are about 26 percent in the 2009 academic year. Furthermore, the dropout of female girls has reduced to zero level. According to the report of Bureau of education, the drop out has reduced from 7 percent in 2007 to 1 percent in 2010. The significant achievement, in education at the primary and secondary levels, is credited to the involvement of all sectors. The expansion of schools in the rural areas, the better awareness education of girls at the community level and the involvement of all stake holders such as the government, NGOs, CSOs, teachers and the family Id are attributed for the improvement in education. For instance, with regard to the expansion of schools, the primary schools reached 1956 in 2010, while secondary schools 110 from 12 in 1996. Id. Furthermore, there are improvements in the health status and reducing harmful traditional practices in the region. With regard to maternal mortality, the ratio was 103/100,000 in 2005 and this was reduced to 97/100; 000 in 2008. Id Concerning harmful traditional practices such as rape and abduction, it was 13.9 percent in 2000, but reduced to 5.9 percent in 2010. Female genital mutilation was 48.1 percent in 2000, but reduced to 26.9 percent in 2010. And early marriage reduced by 18.9 percent from 53 percent in 2000 and became 34.1 percent in 2010. The report by the Ethiopian Association for the Elimination of Harmful Traditional practices, Tigray Brach 2002. The expansion of health centers, education and awareness developments Id. are the major factors for the improvement. For instance, there were only 4 hospitals, 10 health centers and 102 clinics in 1991, but these were upgrade to 12 hospitals, 2003 health centers and 614 clinics in 2002. Cited above no.153, at p.4 Furthermore equal participation of women at the local level is tantamount to ensuring democracy and development. Particularly, the involvement of women in the local judiciary and security, have immense contribution in fighting back ward traditional practices and fighting house violation on women and children. Making the staff of low enforcement 50/50 ratio between men and women enabled the civil and political rights of all people are protected, promoted and respected. United Nations ,“Gender resource package for peace keeping operation”, U N, 2004, Geneva, P. 145 Thus, the participation of women in the judiciary and security is more than the simple justice. It is meant respecting of the basic women’s rights. T he following table (table 6), be evidence for women are more underrepresented in the judiciary and security in the region. Table-6: The Participation of Women in the local justice Sector. No Justice Sector Number of employees M F Ration of F in percent 1 Police 3725 542 12.7% 2 Social Courts 1980 660 33.3% 3 Judges 191 43 18.3% 4 Public Prosecutor 163 59 26.57% Total 5059 1104 17.9% Source: Tigray Capacity Building and Civil Service Bureau, 2002. As we seen in table 6, the participation of women in the justice sector is low, which constitutes only 27.9 percent. The low participation of women in the local judiciary implies incompleteness in the struggle to protect human rights of all groups, fight domestic violence and realize peace at large. Particularly, the participation of women in the social courts and police force, which are usually recruited not based on their educational level, but based on their talent, hard work, worth in social service respected by the residents Negarit Gazeta of the Tigray National Regional State, Proclamation number 32/1999. the traditional believes on division of labor, the stereotype towards women and lack of awareness on the side of women Cited above no.166drawbacks the full participation of women. Therefore, the application of laws to large extent depends on the local police, social court, and the public prosecutor in which women are disproportionally represented. Thus constitutional rights and opportunities are difficult to put in to effect without the involvement of women. Women are victims of the applications of the laws. Below is one case, which reflects, how less women representation in the local executive and the judiciary organ poses a problem in the implementation of the principle of equal rights and opportunities. Case one: A woman denied of her right Berha was divorced with her husband before eight years in 2002. Following her divorce, she has equal right to share their common property with her ex- husband. However, the man denied transferring her share of land. Up on his denial, she took the case to the kebele Social court. After reviewing the case, the court decided that Berha has to get the share of her land in Feb., 2005. However, the verdict was not implemented. The man denied transferring the piece of land. He denied for the reason that, he is armed and member of the security force of the Kebele. The kebele executive failed to implement the decision of the social court and she remained without land for about five years (until-Jun, 2010). Discussion among Lealay Machew wereda council on the report of the Wereda office of Justice ( June 12/2010). The existing political empowerment of women in the region. The above section of this chapter dealt with some high light on the social, economic and legal status of women in the state. This sub-chapter deals with the current political condition of women in the region. The forms of women’s empowerment are not mutually exclusive; rather very often reinforce each other. According to the liberal feminist agreements, issues of access to resources, raises political questions. Thus, the political empowerment of women is important to meet the social, economic and legal empowerment in a much more sustainable way. 4.5.1. Women representative at state and sub-state level. Women’s political empowerment implies both ensuring equal representation of women in positions of power and decision making and equipping with the non-quantifiable aspects of women's empowerment. Moreover, indicators of true political empowerment should show that increasingly women are breaking the traditional boundaries and stereo-types. It expected to change women’s role by enhancing access to services, decision-making and empowerment at local level. Political empowerment of women in the national parliament and the public management helps to make gender issues the issues of the government. Particularly, this is important when institutions of local government more inclusive and decision-making process more participatory. Involving women’s in the implementation of local planes meant addressing their problem, enhance their responsibility and facilitate sustainable development. Exercising of power by women at the local level will, generally contribute to their general empowerment in the society and serves as base to further responsibilities in their political life. As repeatedly discussed in the literature part of this thesis, the right to elect and to be elected equally and the right to equal participation of women in decision making are the most important civil and political rights of women. For this basic reason, the various international and regional conventions and declarations recognized as basic human rights. The regional laws in Tigray provide legal guarantee to women equally with men. The region has also made policies, detailed laws and directives to enforce and protect the rights guaranteed in the constitution. The right to elect and to be elected of women was part of local low during the armed struggle or since the public conferees widely held in 1977, which resulted for the establishment of local councils or baito in Tigray. ‘Erya’ the Yearly Magazine of Tigray Bureau of women’s Affairs, 2008. P.19. The participation of women in the local council was about 30 percent. Women were actively participating in the drafting and adoption of local laws. So, that gender friendly lows on land, marriage and divorce was adopted. The exercise of harmful practices such as early marriage and abduction was banned. Following the victory of TPLF on the military regime, a more gender friendly state constitution and other laws such as the regional family law, civil service law and others adopted. As a result significant improvement was observed in the political status of women in the region. When compared with the previous three or four elections. In the first election (1995), 18.4 percent were represented out of 155 seats in the regional council, while in the third (2005 election), the number of women holding seats in the regional council rose to 49 percent. What is more, the number seats held by women in the third election at the lowest administrative level or Kebele has increased from 16.7percent in 1995 local election to 47.5 percent in 2007 local election. In the third election the participation of women in the regional and local councils significantly increased. This was for the reason that the ruling party took some concrete measures to upgrade the political participation of women in the region. Following, the decision to make women parliamentarian 50/50 at the regional and local level, by the ruling party. An interview with Almaz. Automatically women’s participation at all level reached nearly to a party in the region. The following table (table 7), reflects how women representative at regional and local level gradually reached about 50 percent. Table-7: Women representative at state and local councils in the four successive elections. No Level of council Participation Women in the State and local councils in percent. 1995-2000 2000-2005 2005-2010 2010-2015 Change M F %of F M F %of F M F %of F M F %of F 1995& 2010 1 Regional Council 127 28 18.4 110 42 27.6 77 75 49 79 73 48 +20.4 2 Wereda council 5209 1443 21.7 4446 2251 33.6 3816 3666 49 - - - +15.4 3 Kebele council 54231 9097 16.7 40339 17944 30.7 30231 27351 47.5 - - - +16.8 Total 18.9 30.6 48.5 - +17.5 Source: Tigray Bureau of Women’s Affairs ‘Five Year Strategic Plan (2010-2015),’ in 2010. As indicated in table 7, in the 2005 state and 2007 local elections, women parliamentarian reached about half. This was because of the ruling party’s commitment to reach the participation of women to equal level with that of men. Given the slow speed of women participation in politics, Countries introduced Quota as mechanism to meet the goal of equality. Because of its relative efficiency, the hope for dramatic increase in women's representation by using this system is strong. However, quota system is implemented differently in state of the world. Some countries such as India and Uganda constitutional introduced quotas, while in others, such as the Denmark and Norway, quotas were introduced based on decisions made by the political parties themselves. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA) 2005. Women in Parliament beyond Numbers. Available athttp://www.idea.int/publications/wip2/upload/WiP_inlay.pdf observed in 28,06,2010 The women's groups within parties as well as the women's movement in general are known for the mobilization and organization pressure to ensure that political parties increased their number of women candidates. The positive measure taken by the ruling party in Tigray is in line with decision of the party. It increased the political representation of women considerably. However, it leaves much to be done. To begin with, the decision is made by a party not a state party, and this may raise uncertainty on its stability and continuity. Whether a quota system reaches its objective depends also largely on the process of implementation. The system shall be open to public discussion, so that a critical mass of women, who will be able to influence political norms and culture; and Women having the possibility to influence the decision-making process as individuals, will get the chance to join the council. Furthermore, quota system should be guided by the concrete demands which women themselves make for advancement. Where women seats are filled by party in power without creating the ‘agency’ to change, they are unlikely to represent women interest from all sectors of the society. Naila Kabeer, P. 188 In addition, the cultural change of patriarchal ideology and whether the political culture of a party is conducive to women politician or not, is significant in the efficiency of women in power. Id, P. 185 The means used and the time frame must be proportionate to the ends to be achieved. Moreover, the processes must be transparent, non-corrupt and accountable to public opinion, Parliament and the courts. “Affirmative Action and the New Constitution in South Africa.”Available at http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/policy/affirm.html#locgov as accessed in June 28/06/2010 The positive measure taken by the ruling party is well-coming, because it increased the political representation of women considerably. The ratio of women in the regional, Wereda and Kebele council getting very close to the 50% party. However, with regard to the capacity of the members of representatives, most of my respondents raise their concern. The method of selection is not open to public discussion and most of women candidates are recruited by party in power without competition. Cited above no.172Furthermore, the patriarchal ideology in the ruling party Cited above no.155, at p.22 and the party discipline, limits women efficient in the council at all level. Moreover, the measure doesn’t include independent women candidates. As repeatedly discussed in the literature part of this paper, equal participation of women in public representative at all levels has significant importance in realizing women interest and solving their problem, beyond the simple justice. Does it hold true in case of Tigray after their participation has reached 50 percent? There are indications, that, women representatives have started to challenge the statuesque with regard to drafting and adoption of gender friendly laws, policies and in bringing women to the executives. For instance, in drafting the regional family law, women’s parliamentarian role was crucial. Furthermore, in establishing the Tabia/Kebele social courts to implement the family law and in adopting provisions which provide 33.3 percent participation in the social and Sharia courts, Negarit Gazeta of the Tigray National Regional State, Proclamation number 32/1998. their role were essential Furthermore, women parliamentarian at regional and local level has been actively participating in the election of regional and local executive organ of the government. Strengthening the capacity of women parliamentarian and their relation with women in public decision-making, can help in developing the confidence of women in leadership and in breaking the patriarchal thinking. The following case can serve as a landmark in the political empowerment or women in the region. Case-two: Challenging the statuesque. Following the regional election 2005, the participation of women in the regional council became 49 percent. TPLF won in the election; accordingly the party that has majority seat shall establish the regional government. Based on the article 58(d, f) of the regional constitution, the chief executive of the region shall present the regional executive committee, which includes, among others, Bureau heads, president and vice-president of the regional supreme court and Zonal administrators, to the regional council to be approved. Accordingly, in its first, third regular meeting of the council, the regional president presents 14 member of the executive committee, among which only one (head of Bureau of Women’s Affairs) is women. However, the regional council rejected the nominees, for the basic reason that, women are not fairly represented. Finally, the chief executive agreed to reconsider the case. As a result, some five vice deputy regional bureau heads, among others- the vice bureau heads of the regional supreme court, finance and economic development, and agriculture were included. Moreover, one bureau head, that is, head of the regional Bureau of Construction and Urban Development was included. Thus the ratio of women executive at regional level improved from 7% to 20%. The minute of third regular meeting of the council Vol. 3, 2006 and an interview with Almaz Tesfu. The above case (case one), proved that, making 50 percent of women in the public representative, helps women to came to the leader-ship arenas. According to the head of women’s committee of the regional council, this trend was also reflected in some of the woreda council in the region. The cases were usually raised by women member of the councils. However, men member of the council resisted the demand of women. Men are not confident on the capacity of women. Id. 4.5.2. Women participation in leadership at state and sub-state level in Tigray Regional State. Women’s emancipation was considered as part of the emancipation of the whole society in the political program of TPLF; during the armed struggle. TPLF took political empowerment of women as its objective in the fight against back ward tradition, in the fight against the military regime, in realizing development, and maintaining peace and order Cited above no.205, at p.19 in the liberated area during the 17 years of armed struggle. As a result women had been, participating as leaders in mobilizing and organizing the local people, as fighters and military commanders at the front and as member of the ground cell in the government controlled areas. Id. More than a third of women were participating in the local political committee, which was assigned to conduct local public administration and maintain rule and order. Id. However, women’s participation in the upper leadership was low. Among the central committee, there were only one woman in the years of struggle and in the higher administrative level, their participation was low. Cited above no. 152, P. 51 Decentralization empowered people at the grass-root level by enabling people participate in decision-making of their affairs. It facilitates not only the making of legislations, policies and institutions Cited above no.50, at p. 51 that respond to the problem of women at local level, but also it promotes the implementation of laws, Policies and government programs in a way that benefits women. Decentralization brings basic public services to local level, there by addresses the problem of women at local level. Cited above no.50, at p. 51 Political empowerment of Women at local level facilitates the fight against traditional practices and discrimination at the community and institutional level. Cited above no.46, at p.20 It facilitates the progress by using involving women in development. It is for this reason that, the BDPA specified the minimum requirement 30 percent to meet by state parties. Following the adoption of federal state structure, decentralization introduced to the Ethiopian administration. Then, Tigray emerged as one constituent unit in the Ethiopian federation. Subsequently, the region made state constitutions, policies, detailed laws and directives that guarantee to women equally with men. Regardless of the existence of gender sensitive laws and policies, however, the participation of women in decision-making areas is low in comparison to men in the regional state at all levels. On paper the region protects women’s right. But there is gap between principle and practice. In some area, particularly in the representative, it does well. Women hold 49% of the regional council, the first highest proportion in the country. However, in the public decision areas, women progress has been slower. Men dominate the senior leadership at all level. Most women in the civil service occupy the lower wage sectors. The following data, which collected at two events, proved the general political status of women in decision-making area in the region. Table-8: The participation of women in the regional and local executive-committees. According to pro.No.100/1998 art. 3(3) of the regional state, Wereda executive organ includes: Wereda chair person, vice Administrator, Wereda Offices of Justice head, Education head, health head, Capacity Building head, Agricultural and rural development head, Trade, Transport and Industry head, Finance and Economic Development head, Women’s Affairs head, Water and Ming head , and Social Affairs head. While Tabia executive council includes: Tabia head administrator, Vice head administrator, two persons elected from the residence of the kebele, and head of the different social, economic and political committees. No Administrative level Participation Women in percent. 2003 2010 Change M F %of F M F %of F 2003& 2010 1 Regional level 12 2 14.3 12 2 14.3 +0 2 Wereda level 222 5 2.2 912 303 25 +22.8 3 Tabia/Kebele level 4142 167 3.9 3525 1011 22.3 +18.4 Total 3.8 20.5 +16.7 Source: The Five Year (2004-2008) Strategic Plan of WAT, in 2003 and the Four Year (2010-2015) Strategic Plan of TBWA, in 2010. As indicated in the table, women’s participation in the Tabia executive was 3.9 percent in the mid of the second parliamentary period, that is in 2003, and was 2.2 percent at Wereda or district level. This was significantly improved and reached 25 percent at Tabia level and 23 percent at Wereda level in 2010. Women participation in the local executive committee increased following the TPLF or the regional ruling party’s decision to meet the minimum requirement or 30 percent set by the BDPA. Interviews with Almaze. Regardless of the improvement, however, the share of women, as indicated above has not met the minimum requirement set by BDPA. Furthermore, most of them are in those sectors often assigned to women: women’s affairs, social affairs and in the other offices, they are assigned as vice heads. During the time, when this paper was under study, there are 34 rural Weredas and 12 urban weredas, 756 Tabias/Kebleles in the region. Bureau of CB and civil service. However, there was no women Wereda head administrator. IdWereda and Kebele are the key institutions for controlling local communities and they are the main service providers in Ethiopia. At the grass-root level, where the representatives are not full-time workers, the role of the wereda and Tabia executives in implementing government development works and programs in gender friendly way is crucial. So, having fair representation in the local executive meant facilitating the effort for gender equality. It is believed that, the participation or women as speaker in the local councils is important with regard to participate and speaks out women members of the council freely. However, women speakers at wereda council constitutes 3.2 percent or 7 out of 46 speaker. PR Department in the Office of the Regional Council Furthermore, the participation of women in the government posts at all level is in overall 12.65 percent. And among those who are government employees, professional women workers constitute only 18 percent. The largest proportion, however, or 64.36 percent are engaged in the less paid and insecure clerical and secretarial works. Bureau of CB and CS Though Tigray score remarkable achievement in the equal participation of students at primary and secondary level, the participation of women in leadership in education is low. According to the report of Tigray Bureau of Education (2002), there are 36 percent women teachers at primary level. Among the 8 process owners at regional level, only one or 12.5 percent is woman. Women directors at primary level are only 12 percent, while in grade 9-12, they are just 2.38 percent. Cited above at no.157, P.9 Furthermore, the following data reflects the status of women in public leadership in some selected regional Bureaus. Table-9: The participation of women in the regional executive council and core process owners According to pro.No.168/2002 art. 8 of the regional state, Regional executive council organ includes: Region president, vice president, regional bureau heads. According to the Bureau of Capacity Building and Civil Service, Core process owners are key- decision- maker with the respective regional bureaus and posted by the regional ruling party. in some selected regional Bureaus. No Regional Bureau Participation Women in percent. T M F %of F 1 Education 8 7 1 12.5 2 Capacity Building 8 7 1 12.5 3 Agriculture 7 6 1 14.2 4 Justice 8 7 1 12.5 5 Plan & Economic Dev. 10 9 1 10 Source: Bureau of Civil Service and Capacity Building, 2010. The above figures clearly proved that, women are disproportionally represented in leader ship. While the participation of women in the councils improved, their ratio in the political leadership remained low. According to the focal group discussion, there are different factors accountable for the low participation of women at all levels. Among others, lack of leadership experience, low women professionals, economic dependence or poverty, men’s patriarchal thinking is the prominent. Focus group discussion Adding to the above factors, the successor of BWA said. “The law participation of women in every sector in decision making areas is accountable for the lack of leadership experience since their early age. Women should practice leadership at school level, in the different school clubs, at the community level as group leaders, so that they can make themselves ready to higher responsibilities. Furthermore, men’s resistance and lack of confidence on women’s ability that emanates from the traditional stereotype type, drawbacks the participation of women in decision-making in the region.” Interview with Amete The officials and experts, leaders of civil associations with whom I have interviewed, expressed their view that, despite the lows, policies and programs, which are gender friendly in general, in its implementation, however there are problems, particularly in area of decision making. The government together with women’s associations has reached remarkable achievement in making regional and local council near to 50 percent by breaking the stereotypes. However, their ratio in the decision-making is not to the extent of expected. This can be improved when women are become assertive and committed themselves to change. Besides, the implementation of affirmative action with continues capacity building training can improve both the numerical and qualitative status of women in leadership in the region. Interview with Kahsu Zenawi Government alone cannot deal with the problem of female representation by a quota system. According to my respondents, there is lack of effective alliance between the different actors in government and civil society to improve the empowerment of women in the region. Political parties, the educational system, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), trade unions, churches all must take responsibility within their own organizations to systematically promote women's participation, from the bottom up. Interview with Berhu G/hin With this discussion on the political empowerment of women in the formal government bureaucracy, let us asses the contribution of civil societies or NGO, in the political empowerment of women in region. The role of CSOs, or NGOs in political empowerment of women in Tigray regional state. As discussed in the literature part of this paper, women’s organized activities at the community level, not only encourages and mobilized women to bring to governance, but also the exercise of leadership skill at local level equips women with important knowledge for further responsibilities at higher level. It further facilitates equality, by challenging and changing the traditional practice that discriminate women; lows that violates women’s right and policies and programs that adversely affect women’s benefit. Independent Civic Society Organizations (CSOs) or Non-Governmental organizations (NGOs) who work on women at local level has crucial role in empowering women in all sectors. In situations, where there are limited access to the traditional avenues to power for women, CSOs, can serve as alternative structure, through which women can articulate their interests and concerns and can bring women issues and priorities to the public agendas at all levels. Beijing Declaration and Plat form for Action with the Beijing +5political Declaration and outcome Document, United Nations, New York, 2001,P. 110. Civil society organization and grass-root organization can build and strengthen unity among women through information, education and sensitization activities. Ibid, P. 114 They can enable women to influence decisions and development interventions in coordinated manner. Furthermore, they can facilitate the political empowerment of women, through providing leadership and self-esteem training to women at the grass-root level. Ibid. P. 65 CSOs can contribute to the decentralization process by pointing out women’s priorities at local level and can lobbying government and other institutions to invest and work in empowering women at local level. Id. In the traditional Ethiopia, women’s are familiar with the traditional rotating credit association, burial associations and religions based associations. These associations have family or friendship and neighborhood bases. Women association with a wider social and economic aim was came to seen in the mid- 1930s. Cited above no.57, at, P. 32 The Ethiopian women’s welfare association (EWWA) and the Ethiopian voluntary association (EWVA) were the pioneer in this regard. Id. These associations initially were organized with the aim to take care of the war victims in the resistance to the Italian invasion. However, with the fall of the country under the Italian occupation, the activities of the association suspended. Soon after independence in 1942, the two associations merged to form the Ethiopian women’s welfare association. EWWA had 40 branches Id. over all the country, including in Tigray in two cities – Mekelle and Adwa. WAT, “Report paper on the activities or WAT’’ Tigrigna Version, (Mekelle, 2001) P.3 It was largely engaged in some skill training development, training birth attendants, fighting literacy than on the strategic needs of the Ethiopian women’s. Cited above no.57, at , P.33 This association, which was lead not by elected individuals, but members of the royal families and nobles at different level, did not start to fight the discriminatory civil and criminal laws of the imperial regime. EWWA, together with the Ethiopian women Christian Association (EWCA), established in 1950’s, were suspended by the military regime in 1974. Id. One can conclude form the above narration that during the feudal bourgeoisie period, there had no independent civil association that can challenge both the dejuri and defacto discrimination of women and violation of women’s right all over the country. The few earlier associations were largely engaged in the limited practical needs of the Ethiopian women. The student movement, which was started in 1960’s and went to 1970’s against the feudal bourgeoisie led to the 1974 revolution. The Ethiopian women, particularly the young women were part of the general student movement, though late in the end of 1960’s. Randi Ronning Balsvite (2005). Haile Sellassie’s studnts: The intellectual and social back ground to revolution, 1952 – 1974. AAU press, the in preface part. Unfortunately, the military group controlled power. Consequently, any political movement was banned, and a student organized under various political parties, was terrorized, killed and exiled. Cited above no.245, at P.60 During the military government, women under the Workers Party of Ethiopia (WPE) established the Revolutionary Ethiopian Women’s Association (REWA) in 1979. This association, which had a structure, that, reached the peasant association achieved some positive Social and economic objectives, particularly with regard to reducing illiteracy. However, as the regime was totalitarian dictatorship, the association was not independent. Leaders of the association was recruited by the party and the association was largely served as channel of communication for party agenda and to galvanized support in the civil war, than fighting for democracy, peace and development. Cited above no.57, at P.36 The situation in Tigray during the military regime had two features. Women under the control of the military government had similar situation with that of other women in the country. However, women who live in the Tigray people’s liberating /TPLE/ controlled areas were under different condition. From its inception, TPLF constituted both national operation and gender equality as part of its political programs. TPLF had started its concern to gender equality by distributing land equally in 1977. Cited above no.200, at p. 19 In countries like Ethiopia land has significant role in the economic empowerment of women. There was practical indication for this, following the distribution of land, a study conducted in one wereda, “in one small city called Debre Kerbe there was about 317 commercial Sex workers before the distribution of the land, in the survey conducted three years after, however, the number of commercial Sex workers remained only 17.” Id., P.19 Moreover, TPLF worked on the political empowerment of women fighters in the front and mass civilian women in the TPLF have controlled areas. In 1977, the Fighter’s Women’s Committee was established. Following the repeated public conference held in 1979, the Mass Civilian Association was established under the support of TPLF. Cited above no.200, at P.19 The fighter’s women’s committee was established to fight for the stereotypes reflected among the fighters; to solve for their problem in the day-to-day activities and to fight for their double operation in organized way. While the civilian association was established to fight for their equality and protection of their right in the liberated areas. Yewibmar, at P.48 Following the public conferences, various local committees were established and local laws (seret) was ratified and adopted. In the local council called baito, which were established in the conferences, the participation of women in the baito was reached about 30 percent while in the economic and political committees in some areas up to 37. Meaza, at p.33. In the local law (seret), the right to equality before, during marriage, the right to own property equally was included more over; harmful traditional practice such as early marriage and abduction was regally prohibited. Yewibmar, at P.140 Thus, women have the right to elect and be elected to the local council and the various decision-making committees. On the social areas, the association under the leadership of TPLF was provided skill development training, literacy, birth attendants, agricultural extension Id., P. 139 and others equally to both sexes. After the down fall of the military government in 1991. The Tigray Women Fighters Association (TWFA) and the Mass Women Association merged to form Democratic Association of the Tigray Women (DATW). Cited above no.232, at p.4 During the armed struggle women’s right and equal political participation at all levels was guaranteed. The participation of women in the local councils and local committees was relatively better. By around 1990’s women fighters constituted about 33.3 percent or one-third soldiers Yewibmar at p. 81 however, their participation higher public administration was low. These joint organizations become Women’s Association of Tigray (WAT) in 1996. It was legally registered as CSO in 1997. Currently as civil society organization it has 514, 230 paying women members and 7949 associate members in Tigray, in the other parts of Ethiopia and abroad. Cited above no.232, at p.4 The association has a hierarchical organized structure form region to group level. The association is engaged largely in the practical needs of women and to some extent in the strategic needs of women in the region. It mobilizes women to participate in development activities; it provides skill development training and economically assists poor female students in their education. Id. On the political area, WAT lobbied the regional government for the improvement of the existed laws and in developing new drafts of law and other government and non-government development intervention to make gender sensitive. It also provides capacity building training to women parliamentarian and women in decision – making, and organization female student clubs at school level. Id In the regional sate of Tigray, the activities of civil association at all levels, in politically empowering women and widening the democratic horizon are generally weak. According to the leaders of some civic associations, the political activities and democratization scheme in the region is largely the domain of the ruling party (TPLF). In principle CSOs can raise women issues and priorities to the public agendas at all levels and can enable women to influence decisions and development interventions in coordinated manner so far they are independent. However, the CSOs in Tigray are not independent and their influence in the development government policies and development programs are generally weak. In the last two years 70 CSOs came together and formed an Alliance of Civil Society Organization of Tigray (ACSOT). An interview with acting chairman the ACSOT Ato. Berhu G/medhin. In the Alliance, there are various economic and professional associations who work on women. According to the acting chairman, the associations are largely engaged in the economic activities. Besides they are not strong, has poor network and coordination. Most of the CSOs are at their initial stage, they are financially and materially poor. Thus, they have little contribution on the political empowerment of women as alternative avenues to bring them to governance. Interim Conclusion Similar to women in the other parts of the country, women in the region were victim of the traditional and cultural practices. The adoption of the FDRE constitution in 1995 and the introduction of the federal state structure, however, brought an impact on the lives of women in the region. The federal constitution confers power to regional government to adopt their own constitution. Accordingly, Tigray adopts its own state constitution. The provisions in the state constitution and other laws guarantee to women equality with men. Women are entitled to equal rights, responsibilities and opportunities. The region has also made policies, detailed laws and directives to enforce and protect the rights guaranteed in the constitution. A more gender friendly state constitution and other laws such as the regional family law, and civil service law adopted. Furthermore Women’s Affaires institutions are established at all levels to execute women’s rights and empower them. Consequently, in the past two decade the social, economic and political condition of the Women in the regional state has improved. For instance, following the decision to make women parliamentarian 50/50 at the regional and local by the ruling party, women’s participation at all levels in the region reached nearly a party. Women hold 49 percent in the regional and wereda councils and 47.5 on the kebele councils. By and large, despite the improvement in the last few years, the social and economic status of women constitutes the largest segment of poor in the society. The participation of women in the formal employment is 33.8 percent. Among which only 18.04 percent professional positions are occupied by women compared to 82.06 percent that of men. Among the government employee, only 11% are employed as legislatures, senior officials and managers. The largest proportion, however, or 64.36 percent are engaged in the less paid and insecure works. Their participation in the public decision-making area is law with an average 20.5 percent at all level. There are no women woreda heads in the 46 Rural and Urban Wereda’s in the region. The basic problem accountable for this is lack of strong women organization and net work; the existence of patriarchal thinking; low participation of women in leadership and the insufficient capacity building training provided to women so far. Furthermore, the leadership at all levels lack the required capacity to implement the constitutional rights and the policies and strategies in a gender sensitive way. Independent Civil Society organization and grass-root organization can build and strengthen unity among women through information and sensitization activities. They can raise women issues and priorities to the public agendas at all levels. They can facilitate the political empowerment of women, through providing leadership and self-esteem training to women at the grass-root level and lobbying government and other institutions to invest and work in empowering women at local level. However, the CSOs in Tigray are not independent, weak in human and material power and has poor net work. Thus their influence in the government policies and development programs are generally weak and has little contribution on the political empowerment of women. Chapter-Five Summery, Conclusions and Recommendations 5.1. Summery and Conclusion Political empowerment of women’s implies equal representation of women in local and national parliaments, and in the government decision making areas at all levels. Political empowerment refers to both the quantities and substantive participation of women in the affairs of their community. Effective political empowerment of women at different level of government is mandatory in achieving economic development and democracy. Making local representative and decision making more inclusive to women, is decisive to represent and protect the interest of women in implementing lows and policies. Various treaties and declarations recognized political empowerment of women as the basic citizenship rights of women. State parties also apply various measures, such as quotas, to ensure political empowerment of Women. Accordingly, the participation of woman in local and national councils and in public decision making spheres has considerably improved in previous one decade. Despite the improvement and albeit the variation among states, however, women are almost disproportionally represented in all countries. Addressing gender equality and empowering women still remains the most challenging. This is for the reason that, there are deep-rooted challenges, which depends not only on the actions of states, but also on the changing attitudes and traditional values of a given society. In Ethiopia, the FDRE constitution lays the grounds for the rights of women. Part and parcel of the constitutional provisions are those outlined under article 35 of the constitution that recognizes the right to equality of women along with a means to realize those, one of these being affirmative action. Consequently, in the past two decade the political condition of women in Ethiopia has improved. In the 2010 election, the number of women parliamentarian in the House of People’s Representative rose to 27.8 percent and the number seats held by women in the House of Federation has now reached 22 percent, while the number of women holding seats in the regional councils are 26 percent. The positive measure taken by the ruling party to make women parliamentarian 30% at the federal level, contributes for this progress. This is important step in implementing the constitutional rights of women. Similar to women in the other parts of the country, women in the regional state of Tigray were victim of the traditional and cultural practices. The adoption of the regional constitution and the introduction of the federal state structure, however, brought an impact on the lives of women in the region. The provisions in the revised state constitution and other laws guarantee to women equality with men. Furthermore, Women’s Affaires institutions are established at all levels to execute women’s rights and empower them. Consequently, in the past two decade the political condition of the women in the regional state has improved. For instance, following the decision to make women parliamentarian 50/50 at the regional and local levels by the ruling party, women’s participation at all levels in the region reached nearly a party. In the current time, women hold 49 percent in the regional and wereda councils and 47.5 on the kebele councils. Despite the improvement, however, women constitute least in public decision-making and economically women constitute the poor part of the society in the region. Their participation in the public decision-making area is law with an average 20.5 percent at all level. The participation of women in the formal employment is 33.8 percent. Among which only 18.04 percent professional positions are occupied by women. Among the government employee, only 11% are employed as legislatures, senior officials and managers; majority or 64.36 percent are engaged in the less paid works. According to the finding, there are improvements with regard to the number of women in the state and local councils. In the state councils at all levels, the participation of women has reached nearly to a party. However their effective participation and political capacity deserves a great concern. Moreover there are under representation of women in the key community based social, economic and legal organizations. In spite of the assertion at various levels, women’s right to equality in the key- decision-making position is far from realization. The reasons for the unequal participation of women in decision making and lack of effective participation in the councils are recapitulated as follows. Lack of affirmative laws which is transparent to all stake holders in the region. The regional constitution contains affirmative action to heal the past inequalities. To implement this, the party initiative to reach the mass-participation of women to the level of 50/50 in the regional and local council is effective and well-coming. The participation of women in the region is about a party at all levels since 2005. However to make it sustainable, most of my respondents, supportive laws to the party decision, with involvement of all stake holders, are imperative. The positive measure is not transparent and lack inclusiveness to independent candidate, the issues related to transparency and accountability to public opinion, Parliament and the courts will be solved with the adoption of laws to implement the initiative and will help in getting critical women representative that has the ability to influence the government. Lack of experiences on leadership and lack of commitment on the part of women. The law participation of women in every sector in decision making areas is accountable for the lack of leadership experience since their early age. Lack of political experience at local level on the side of women councilors and leaders, and the traditional double role of women are among the noted factors that adversely influence women’s political empowerment. Women do not practice leadership in the different school clubs, at the community level as group leaders, so that they can make themselves ready to higher responsibilities. Biased attitude and stereotyping. There is a prevailing societal misconception about the roles of women and that downgrades their potential and integrity to carry out administrative and executive functions. This has its source from overall ignorance about the rights of women to participation in public affairs and decision-making positions. Because of the societal belief that women do not belong to the public life and due to resistance by their counterparts or partners to exercise their political rights. Lack of political experience and capacity on women member of the regional and local council. Political empowerment of women in the national parliament and the public management helps to make gender issues the government and administrative issues. However, effective participation needs political experiences and capacity. So that they will have the ability to evaluate whether particular laws, policies and programs made by the executive and other institutions are gender friendly or not. In this regard the member of women in local council, particularly, at local level usually lacks the capacity and experiences to make gender issue the concern of the executive in implementing laws and policies. There are limited NGOs or CSOs at local level that can provide continues training to men and women on gender awareness and provide capacity building training to local councilor’s to make them real political agents that can address women gender specific concerns. Furthermore, the local governance usually doesn’t involved local organizations, such as NGOs in its planning and implementation of works. Lack of coordinated approach in different stake holders on the works of political empowerment of women. Vertical relation between the levels of government and the horizontal relation between government institutions at the same level are important to create linkage for program coordination and cooperation. For the improvement of participation of women in the public life, there has to be a strategic approach and policy in place. The relevant institutions in this regard such government institutions and non-government organizations or civil society organizations as well as women’s affairs bureau should adopt a common term of reference that would avoid duplication of efforts and rather facilitate the mobilization of institutional resources towards achieving common end. Lack of technical capacity and Gender- disaggregated data. Lack of capacity at the local levels and the gender departments in each sector, poses a great challenge in the effective implementation of the empowerment of women in the region. Particularly the gender department at each bureau lacks the bargaining power to influence preparation and implementation of development plan in gender sensitive way in each sector. On top of this, the numbers of gender sensitive planners that can support this department in each bureau are few. Moreover, lack of gender-disaggregated information is the other drawback for planners in the implementation of political empowerment of women. These are the major findings that demonstrate the gap between the de jure and de facto equality principles. Now follows brief indications of the areas of intervention that should be pursued as both short and long term strategies for effective political empowerment of women. 5.2 Recommendation. The interests of women cannot just be addressed separately from the general development process. There is also no single way of solving problems of women. Besides ensuring their representation, upgrading the status of women, building their capacities and reforming the existing legal and procedural structures, can facilitate the effective politically empowerment of women in the region. Here are provided certain areas of interventions with a view to bridging the gap between de jure and de facto equalities of women in the State of Tigray. Coordinating activities- this way it can clarify, facilitate and unify efforts towards the implementation of gender mainstreaming and institutionalization in all government bodies. The paths that have been followed currently in various bodies to address the plights of women in the region are uncoordinated and disorganized. This in turn would cause the misunderstanding of the very objectives outlined in the national policy, among which is found gender mainstreaming in all institutional frameworks. Gender mainstreaming core process with in the Bureau of Women’s Affairs is one of the major entities entrusted with this function. Thus strengthening its coordination and give guidelines on approaches would bridge the gender gap in political empowerment and overall development endeavors. Design a strategy to build the capacities of women members of councils to increase their active participation in the legislative, over sighting and other functions of the counsel. Work in close contact with lower level women’s affairs departments, with women member of the local council and build their capacity so that they can take active part in controlling the implementation of policies and programs in a gender friendly way and in bringing the participation of women in executive and administrative positions. Use can be made of affirmative action policies, which has the aim of increasing the participation of women in decision-making and political activities. The increase in NGOs dealing with women's issues and the strong networks and partnership with the non-governmental sector, further contribute to enhance the capacity of local machineries for empowering women. Raise public’s awareness for both sexes about the significance of women political empowerment. Awareness creation and attitudinal changes to bring about a paradigm shift among members of society that belittles and does not see the importance of women’s participation in the ongoing development process is crucial. School clubs, community based organizations and peer groups can be used as forum for education at grass-root level. Furthermore, any intervention in implementation of the constitution and other laws should be transparent to all concerned body, including all the government organs, the public academician and NGOs. Effective implementation of decentralization. The political empowerment of women in general and the additional budget reserved for women projects resulted high human development in the Kerela state in India. Sufficient authority to the local council to extent of determining their expenditure, with the participation of all concerned bodies in local planning and implementation is crucial for the overall empowerment of women. 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The Revised Constitution of Tigray National Regional State, (Proclamation No. 45/2001 Negarit Gazeta of the Tigray, 10th year No.2, Mekelle, 16 November2001). Federal Negarit Gazeta of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Proclamation No. 532/2007. The establishment of social courts at keble level in Tigray National Regional State (Proclamation No. 32/1998 Negarit Gazeta of the Tigray,13th year No.2, Mekelle, 15 September 1998 Eth. Cal.). Definition of powers and duties of the executive organ of the Tigray National Regional State (Proclamation No. 100/1998 Negarit Gazeta of the Tigray,7thyear No.4, Mekelle, 12 May 1998 Eth. Cal.). Re-organization of the executive organ and defining of powers and duties of the executive organ of the Tigray National Regional State (Proclamation No. 168/2002 Negarit Gazeta of the Tigray,17thyear No.11, Mekelle, 2 November 2002 Eth. Cal.) Appendix. List of people involved in the interview. No Name Title Date of interview 1 Ato. Aby Epherem PR. Director of Ministry of Women’s Affairs. 13/10/2010 2 W/ro. Ametemickeal G/Maria Successor in Women Association of Tigray. 17/08/2010 3 W/ro. Almaze Desta Gender Dep. Head in Education Bureau 12/08/2010 4 W/ro. Werknesh Tesma Gender Dep. Head in Economic Planning and Finance. 27/11/2010 5 Ato. Berhu G/medhin Chairman the ACSOT 16/08/2010 6 W/ro Almaze Tesfu. Head of women standing committee 12/08/2010 7 W/ro. Etay Asefa Gender Dep. Head in Justice Bureau 13/10/2010 8 W/ro. Brkiti G/mickeal Head of the Women League of Federation 28/11/2010 9 Ato. T/ brhan Area Training Head in the TPLF Office 20/08/2010 10 W/ro. Kahsu Zenawi Deputy Head of Women Association of Tigray 30/08/2010 11 Ato. Mamu Abraha Lawyer in Women Association of Tigray. 28/11/2010 . PAGE - 6 - PAGE \* MERGEFORMAT - 1 - PAGE 58