J Immigrant Minority Health
DOI 10.1007/s10903-013-9910-9
ORIGINAL PAPER
Cultural and Social Influences on Adolescent Smoking Dissipate
by Emerging Adulthood Among Hispanics in Southern California
Jon-Patrick Allem • Daniel W. Soto •
Lourdes Baezconde-Garbanati • Steve Sussman
Jennifer B. Unger
•
Ó Springer Science+Business Media New York 2013
Abstract The aim of the present study was to identify
risk factors for smoking among Hispanic adolescents and
determine whether these factors continued to influence
smoking into emerging adulthood. Data were drawn from
932 Hispanics in the greater Los Angeles area who were
surveyed in high school in 2007 and then again in emerging
adulthood from 2010 to 2012. Logistic regression assessed
the associations between predictors in adolescence and
smoking in adolescence while an order one transition
logistic model assessed predictors in adolescence and
smoking in emerging adulthood. Adult and sibling smoking
status, perceptions of smoking, perceived discrimination,
and fatalism all influenced smoking in adolescence but not
in emerging adulthood. Once Hispanics reach emerging
adulthood different tactics to reduce smoking will be needed and are where future research should be directed.
Keywords Hispanic Emerging adults
Adolescence Smoking
Background
The Surgeon General has set a high priority on reducing the
smoking prevalence among emerging adults as currently
one in three smoke in the United States [1]. Among
emerging adults, Hispanics appear to be at high risk for
smoking. In 2011, 28.4 % of Hispanic emerging adults
J.-P. Allem (&) D. W. Soto L. Baezconde-Garbanati
S. Sussman J. B. Unger
Department of Preventive Medicine, Keck School of Medicine
of USC, 2001 N. Soto Street, 3rd Floor Mail, Los Angeles,
CA 90032, USA
e-mail: allem@usc.edu
aged 18–25 reported cigarette use in the past month compared with 25.7 % of African Americans and 10.1 % of
Asian Americans [2]. Currently, there is limited understanding of the risk factors for smoking among Hispanic
emerging adults. A reasonable starting point for structuring
this literature would be to build on studies of adolescents
[3].
Because many risky behaviors are developed during
adolescence, it is important to understand whether or not
the factors that influence smoking during adolescence
continue to influence smoking during emerging adulthood.
If influences dissipate by emerging adulthood, prevention
scientists should identify new, more proximal influences on
smoking that emerge post-adolescence. Because the
smoking prevalence among Hispanic emerging adults has
not declined as considerably as among other priority populations, [1] it is possible that proximal factors in emerging
adulthood are not fully understood, leaving a gap in the
prevention literature. The present study investigated whether cultural and social influences on adolescent smoking
persist into the future by surveying respondents in high
school and several years later as emerging adults.
Conceptual Framework
Cultural risk factors for smoking among Hispanic adolescents include parent–child Hispanic acculturation discrepancy [4], fatalism, or a general belief that one’s outcomes
are predetermined [5], and perceived discrimination [6, 7].
While previous studies showed clear associations in adolescence, it is unknown whether these factors continue to
influence smoking in emerging adulthood. In addition to
cultural influences, social influences also affect smoking.
These include descriptive norms, or perceptions of what
most others do [8, 9], and injunctive norms or perceptions
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J Immigrant Minority Health
of what most others approve or disapprove [10]. Data
restrictions prevented this study from testing hypotheses
about all known social influences of smoking. However,
parental or adult smoking models [11, 12], as well as sibling smoking status [13, 14] have been shown to influence
smoking. The present study tested whether or not these
cultural and social influences were associated with smoking among Hispanics, thus achieving two research aims:
adding recommended clarity to the role of social influences
on smoking among Hispanic adolescents [15], and
informing the literature on Hispanic emerging adults.
Methods
Participants and Data Collection
Surveys were completed by individuals who participated in
Project RED (Retiendo y Entendiendo Diversidad para
Salud) [4]. Project RED is a longitudinal study of acculturation patterns and substance use among Hispanic adolescents in Southern California. Adolescents were enrolled
in the study when they were in 9th grade, attending seven
high schools in the Los Angeles area. Schools were invited
to participate if 70 % or more of their student body was
Hispanic, as indicated by data from the California Board of
Education. Details of the school and student recruitment
process are described elsewhere [4].
In 2005, all 9th-graders attending selected schools were
invited to participate in the survey (n = 3,218). The 9th
grade survey (Year 1) was administered in the Fall of 2005,
the 10th grade survey (Year 2) in the Fall of 2006, and the
11th grade survey (Year 3) in the Fall of 2007. For the
school-based survey in 9th, 10th, and 11th grade, data
collectors distributed surveys to all students who had provided parental consent and student assent. The university’s
Institutional Review Board approved all procedures.
Students who self-identified as either Hispanic, Latino
or Latina, Mexican, Mexican–American, Chicano or Chicana, Central American, South American, Mestizo, La
Raza, or Spanish on survey items asking students to indicate their ethnic identity were later surveyed in emerging
adulthood from 2010 to 2012. Research assistants sent
letters to respondents’ last known addresses and invited
them to visit a website or call a toll-free phone number to
participate in the study. If participants could not be contacted with the information they had provided in high
school, staff searched for them online using publicly
available search engines, as well as social networking sites.
Respondents with complete data in 11th grade served as
the sample of adolescents (n = 1,341). Respondents with
complete data in 11th grade and in emerging adulthood,
served as the sample of emerging adults (n = 932). Those
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lost to follow-up were more likely to be male (p \ .05),
had larger parent–child acculturation discrepancy scores
(p \ .05), perceived less smoking in high school on average (p \ .01), and were more likely to have a sibling who
smoked in high school (p \ .01) but did not statistically
significantly differ on age, smoking behaviors or the other
explanatory variables (e.g., adult/parental smoking status,
fatalism, perceived discrimination, perceived approval for
smoking).
Measures
Participants’ acculturation scores and their perceptions of
their parents’ acculturation were used to compute parent–
child Hispanic acculturation discrepancy scores. Further
details on this measure can be found elsewhere [4]. Perceived
discrimination was adopted from previous research [16].
Respondents were prompted with the statement, ‘‘Sometimes
people feel that they are treated differently because of their
ethnic or cultural background. How do people treat you?’’ and
then were shown a series of statements including, ‘‘You are
treated with less respect than other people,’’ ‘‘You are treated
with less courtesy than other people,’’ ‘‘People act as if they
think you’re not smart,’’ ‘‘People act as if they’re better than
you,’’ ‘‘You receive poorer service than other people at restaurants or stores,’’ ‘‘People ignore you or act as if you are not
there,’’ ‘‘You are threatened or harassed,’’ ‘‘You or your
family members are called names or insulted,’’ ‘‘People act as
if they think you are dishonest,’’ ‘‘People act as if they are
afraid of you.’’ Response were coded as ‘‘often’’ = 1,
‘‘sometimes’’ = 2, ‘‘rarely’’ = 3 and ‘‘never’’ = 4. Responses to individual items were averaged with Cronbach’s
alpha = 0.90.
Fatalism was also adopted from previous research [17].
Participants were asked, ‘‘It’s more important to enjoy life
now than to plan for the future,’’ ‘‘People can’t really do
much to change what happens in life. You just have to
accept things,’’ ‘‘I live for today because I don’t know what
will happen in the future,’’ ‘‘I don’t plan ahead because
most things in life are a matter of luck.’’ Responses were
coded ‘‘Definitely No’’ = 1 ‘‘Probably No’’ = 2 ‘‘Probably Yes’’ = 3 ‘‘Definitely Yes’’ = 4. Responses to individual items were averaged with Cronbach’s alpha = 0.79.
Descriptive norms, perceptions of what most others do, was
measured by responses to the question ‘‘Think about 100
students in your grade who are the same gender as you (boy
or girl). Guess how many of them smoke cigarettes at least
once a month.’’ Responses were treated as continuous.
Injunctive norms were measured by responses to the
question ‘‘How would your five closest friends feel about
you if you smoked one or more packs of cigarettes a day?’’
Responses were dichotomized with a 1 indicating perception of approval.
J Immigrant Minority Health
Adult smoking status was measured by responses to the
question ‘‘Think of the two adults that you spend the most
time with. How many of them smoke cigarettes every day
or most days?’’ Responses were dichotomized with a 1
indicating having an adult who smokes. Sibling smoking
status was measured by responses to the question ‘‘Do any
of your siblings (brother or sister) smoke cigarettes once a
month or more?’’ Responses were dichotomized with a 1
indicating having a sibling who smokes. The two smoking
outcomes in high school were respectively dichotomized
with a 1 indicating lifetime smoking and cigarette smoking
in the past 30 days.
Analysis for Smoking Influences in High School
Given the variety of schools enrolled, adolescents attending
the same schools may have shared similar characteristics
relative to those who did not. However, appropriate diagnostics revealed that intraclass correlation (ICC) was negligible in this study. For example, the ICCs were
1.88 9 10-20 and 0.0012365 for lifetime and past-month
smoking respectively. Logistic regression first assessed the
associations between predictors in high school and lifetime
smoking and cigarette smoking in the past 30 days in high
school. These two models included the cultural and social
predictors of smoking while controlling for gender and age.
Quantities of interest were calculated using the estimates
from the multivariable analysis by simulation using 1,000
randomly drawn sets of estimates from a sampling distribution with mean equal to the maximum likelihood point
estimates and variance equal to the variance covariance
matrix of the estimates, with covariates held at their mean
values [18]. All tests presented were two-tailed p \ .05.
Analysis for Smoking Influences in Emerging
Adulthood
reported lifetime cigarette use while 9 % reported cigarette
use in the past 30 days (Table 1). Participants who reported
having an adult who smoked, perceived approval from
friends for smoking, or had a sibling who smoked had
higher probabilities of lifetime smoking and past-month
smoking (Fig. 1). For example, respondents who reported
having an adult who smoked were 3 % [95 % confidence
interval (CI) 0–6] more likely to report past-month smoking compared with those who did not have an adult who
smoked. Participants who reported having a sibling who
smoked were 6 % (95 % CI 2–11) more likely to report
past-month smoking compared with those who did not have
a sibling who smoked. Similarly, participants who perceived approval from friends for smoking were 12 %
(95 % CI 5–21) more likely to report past-month smoking
compared to those who did not perceive approval.
Participants who perceived smoking as more common
were more likely to report lifetime smoking as well as pastmonth smoking (Fig. 2). For example, the probability of
Table 1 Sample characteristics
Mean
95 % CI
N
Age
15.99
15.98, 16.01
1,688
Male
0.44
0.42, 0.47
1,684
Lifetime smoking
0.38
0.36, 0.40
1,687
Past-month smoking
0.09
0.08, 0.10
1,688
21.14
21.12, 21.16
1,384
0.41
0.21
0.38, 0.44
0.19, 0.233
1,386
1,381
High school
Emerging adulthood
Age
Male
Past-month smoking
Numbers in cells are means, associated 95 % confidence intervals,
and useful sample size for each concept
To control for smoking status in high school, this study
employed an order one transition logistic model in analysis
[19], which took into account the correlation between
smoking status in high school (time 1) and emerging
adulthood (time 2) while concomitantly assessing the
associations between all predictors in high school (considered lagged covariates) and cigarette smoking in the past
30 days in emerging adulthood. Smoking in the past
30 days was the sole outcome in emerging adulthood.
Results
In high school, 44 % of participants were male, the average
age was 16 years and 86 % reported being born in the
United States. Among participants in high school, 38 %
Fig. 1 The mean effect of each influence on adolescent lifetime and
past-month smoking holding covariates at their mean values. Black
bars represent 95 % confidence intervals based on 1,000 simulations
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Discussion
Fig. 2 The difference in predicted probabilities of lifetime smoking,
and past-month smoking, when the 10th and 90th percentile scores are
included in computations holding covariates at their mean values. The
difference represents the effect of differences in each measure on
lifetime smoking, and past-month smoking, given the empirical
estimates of the logistic regression. An overlapping confidence
interval with zero indicates a null result with alpha = 0.05
past-month smoking among participants who believed
10 % of their peers smoked was about 4 % (95 % CI 3–6)
versus 9 % (95 % CI 7–12) among those who believed
80 % of their peers smoked. Participants who held more
fatalistic beliefs were more likely to report lifetime
smoking as well as past-month smoking. For example, a
difference in score on the fatalism measure between the
10th percentile and the 90th percentile was associated with
a 4 % (95 % CI 0–7) difference in probability of pastmonth smoking. Participants who perceived more discrimination were also more likely to report lifetime
smoking and past-month smoking. For example, a difference in score on the discrimination measure between the
10th percentile and the 90th percentile was associated with
a 4 % (95 % CI 1–7) difference in the probability of pastmonth smoking. Parent–child Hispanic acculturation discrepancy was not statistically significantly associated with
lifetime smoking or past-month smoking.
Smoking in Emerging Adulthood
In emerging adulthood, about 41 % of participants were
male, the average age was 21 years and 21 % reporting
past-month smoking. The associations between all predictors and smoking dissipated by emerging adulthood with
p \ .05. On the other hand, past-month smoking in high
school was associated with past-month smoking in emerging adulthood. For example, those who reported smoking in
high school were 35 % (95 % CI 22–50) more likely to
report smoking in emerging adulthood compared to those
who did not report smoking in high school.
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The present study showed that cultural and social influences
for smoking among Hispanic adolescents in Southern California dissipate by emerging adulthood. Influences in
adolescence could dissipate because more proximal risk and
protective factors emerge. These proximal factors might
include transition-to-adulthood themes, such as feeling that
emerging adulthood is a time of uncertainty or a time for
exploration [20]. Specific role transitions [21], such as
entering new relationships or loss of employment may also
influence smoking behavior [22]. The results from the
present study suggest that prevention programs for emerging adults should explore the proximal influences that occur
during this phase of the lifecourse rather than rely on previously known predictors of adolescent smoking.
Implications for Smoking Prevention in Adolescence
Normative influences were associated with smoking among
Hispanic adolescents and should be addressed to prevent
initiation among this target group. Smoking experimentation and subsequent use develops in a social context; thus
de-normalizing smoking is important to prevent initiation
and habituation [23]. Research suggested increasing the
social unacceptability of smoking would subsequently
reduce consumption independently of cigarette tax
increases [24]. Local tobacco control policies also influence residents’ perceptions of social norms, with individuals residing in towns with strong tobacco regulations
perceiving norms to be more antismoking than those living
in towns with less tobacco regulation [25]. Banning
smoking in public places in local areas where Hispanics are
highly concentrated could prove fruitful in reducing cigarette initiation and continued use [26]. Hispanic youth may
act as information leaders for their local communities,
fostering the necessary civic engagement to bring about
such policy changes [27].
Environmental approaches in prevention have been
determined to be more cost-effective than clinical interventions [28], and may prove especially beneficial among adolescents and emerging adults, as they are difficult to engage
in traditional smoking programs [29]. School prevention
programs can reinforce environmental approaches by denormalizing smoking before initiation occurs or habituation
is established [30]. Sibling and adult smoking status were
strong influences on individual smoking therefore focusing
on ways to combat these influences by de-normalization
could prove beneficial. In the case of sibling smoking this
could have a transitive effect that extends to the sibling of the
individual thus increasing the impact of the intervention.
Interventions should also incorporate cultural traits when
targeting Hispanic adolescents. Redirecting fatalistic beliefs
J Immigrant Minority Health
about one’s health being predetermined may prove difficult
and should be approached delicately. Teaching positive
coping skills among Hispanic adolescents may help reduce
the impact of perceived discrimination potentially leading
some to smoke.
Implications for Smoking Prevention in Emerging
Adulthood
Similar to other longitudinal studies among adolescents
[31–33], this study found smoking in high school was
predictive of smoking in emerging adulthood, suggesting
smoking experimentation grows into habituation by
emerging adulthood among Hispanics. In other words,
smoking in emerging adulthood may be due to addiction
rendering cultural and social influences negligible factors.
Influences of adolescent smoking may also dissipate for an
array of other reasons. For example, immediate perceptions
of approval of smoking, and the prevalence of smoking,
may supersede previous perceptions established in adolescence. Parental or sibling influences may dissipate by
emerging adulthood because emerging adults generally live
outside of the home with reduced social contact with parents and/or siblings. Alternatively emerging adults may be
asserting their independence and parental influence could
be less important as it relates to decisions about smoking.
Emerging adults also have more opportunities to smoke
e.g., reached legal age and acquired an income to buy
cigarettes compared to adolescents. In this case, the ability/
opportunity to smoke may be a relatively stronger factor in
one’s decision to smoke compared to social or cultural
influences. Emerging adulthood is also a time of transition
and in some cases difficult transitions may influence individuals to look for ways to cope, triggering smoking initiation. In any case, the present study provided strong
evidence that smoking influences are dynamic among
Hispanics as they move through the lifecourse and interventions focused on reducing or preventing cigarette use
require modifications based on phase of the lifecourse.
Limitations of this study include dichotomous outcomes
preventing the understanding of smoking quantities.
Smoking behaviors were also not validated but relied on
self-report. The present study did not employ an exhaustive
list of cultural and social influences on smoking due to data
limitations. Future studies employing separate predictors
may find disparate results lending to the possibility that
other smoking influences in adolescence persist into
emerging adulthood. While the present study showed
having a smoking adult influenced smoking, it could not
discern if that adult was prompting the adolescent, served
as a smoking model or simply provided easy access to
cigarettes. Additionally, the present study could not discern
if the adult in the adolescent’s life may have also been his
or her sibling. The present study could not show if participants with smoking siblings started smoking prior to
their sibling. This study was also limited to adolescents and
emerging adults of Hispanic descent and may not generalize to other ethnic groups. In contrast to previous
research [4], this study did not find an association between
parent–child acculturation discrepancy and smoking. This
was likely due to loss to follow-up.
Prevention scientists should next attempt to identify the
influences among Hispanic emerging adults that weigh on
their decisions to smoke during this stage of the lifecourse.
Future research should explore how other possible, or
known, influences of adolescent smoking persist or dissipate by emerging adulthood. Researchers should examine
how social and cultural influences affect smoking quantities and cessation attempts among Hispanics and whether
or not these influences change between adolescence and
emerging adulthood. These understandings may prove
crucial if tailored prevention programs are to be developed
that lead to a reduction in the smoking prevalence among
Hispanic adolescents and emerging adults.
Acknowledgments National Institute on Drug Abuse (Grant #
5R01DA016310-09) and the National Cancer Institute of the National
Institutes of Health (Grant # T32CA009492) provided funding for this
study. The National Institute on Drug Abuse and the National Cancer
Institute of the National Institutes of Health had no role in the study
design, collection, analysis or interpretation of the data, writing the
manuscript, or the decision to submit the paper for publication.
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