Journal of Language, Identity & Education ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/hlie20 “Me gustaría que habláramos también de mi cultura”: A Yearlong Case Study of Two Maya English Learners Luis Javier Pentón Herrera To cite this article: Luis Javier Pentón Herrera (2021): “Me gustaría que habláramos también de mi cultura”: A Yearlong Case Study of Two Maya English Learners, Journal of Language, Identity & Education, DOI: 10.1080/15348458.2021.1988606 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/15348458.2021.1988606 Published online: 10 Dec 2021. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=hlie20 JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE, IDENTITY & EDUCATION https://doi.org/10.1080/15348458.2021.1988606 “Me gustaría que habláramos también de mi cultura”: A Yearlong Case Study of Two Maya English Learners Luis Javier Pentón Herrera The George Washington University ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This article describes the journey I embarked on as a teacher-researcher to better understand the realities of two of my Maya English learners (ELs) in our learning environment. This yearlong (2018–2019) study took the form of a qualitative case study inquiry whose purpose was to explore how two Maya migrant youth from Guatemala experienced and negotiated language, culture, and identity in a suburban U.S. high school. Findings highlight the need for acknowledging the participants’ Mayan culture, and including academic resources and support in their first languages (Mam and Q’eqchi’), instead of Spanish, to learn English. In addition, recorded conversations with the participants shed light on the complexities dwelling at the intersection of language, culture, and identity in formal education settings and beyond. ELs; ESOL; Indigenous; Mam; Maya; Q’eqchi’ Introduction Latinx students continue to represent the largest and fastest-growing population of migrant students in U.S. public schools with Spanish being identified as the native tongue (L1) of over 74.8%, or 3.7 million, of English learners (ELs) enrolled in public education (National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), 2020). Although government publications mostly identify migrant ELs from Latin America as Spanish speakers, it is important to recognize that not all Latinx migrants arriving in U.S. classrooms speak Spanish as L1 and, in some cases, do not speak Spanish at all (Pentón Herrera, 2018a). Within the migrant Latinx diaspora in U.S. public schools, there are diverse ethnic groups and languages represented, albeit less visible in academic research and publications. One group that continues to be neglected and unvoiced within the Latinx diaspora in U.S. public schools is the Indigenous1 population (Barillas Chón, 2019; Pentón Herrera, 2018a), especially Indigenous migrant youth. Indigenous groups from Latin America are culturally and linguistically diverse from their (pre) dominant Spanish-speaking counterparts. As explained by Casanova et al. (2016), Indigenous communities from Latin America often transcend national boundaries and “end up at the margins of multiple racial, ethnic and national spaces” (p. 193), placing them in the categories of both Latinx and Native American. Yet, K-12 schooling in the United States continues to categorize all migrants from Latin America as Latinx and Spanish-speaking, overlooking the rich, multiethnic nature of contemporary Latinx migration (Casanova et al., 2016) and neglecting the Indigenous students’ native languages, cultures, and literacies. Although progress has been made to understand the experiences of Indigenous students from Latin America in U.S. public schools (e.g., Barillas Chón, 2010, 2019; Casanova, 2012, 2019; Guerrero-Arias, 2019; Pentón Herrera, 2021), the dearth of research remains a significant challenge in the fields of language and literacy education. CONTACT Luis Javier Pentón Herrera © 2021 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC luis.penton@gmail.com 5010 Warsaw Place, Box# 35, Dulles, VA 20189. 2 PENTÓN HERRERA The purpose of this qualitative case study is to explore how two Maya migrant youth from Guatemala experience and negotiate language, culture, and identity in a suburban U.S. high school. Using Critical Latinx Indigeneities (CLI) (see Blackwell et al., 2017) as theoretical framework, this inquiry situates itself at the margins of three important and neglected areas of inquiry: (a) Indigenous youth in formal education (McCarty & Wyman, 2009), (b) identity as a matter of schooling for Indigenous migrant English learners (Vásquez, 2019), and (c) Maya youth’s self-understanding of indigeneity (Barillas Chón, 2019). Thus, this research places two participants—one Q’eqchi’ and one Mam—in the spotlight where they can share their experiences of language, culture, and Indigenous (Maya) identity negotiations in their learning environment during a full academic school year. Furthermore, this study also explores, from the participants’ perspective, what they need to feel supported, and to maintain safe spaces where their cultures, languages, and identities are celebrated. Introducing the Maya: A Q’eqchi’ and Mam perspective The Maya civilization was one of the most dominant societies in Mesoamerica extending throughout Mexico, Guatemala, Belize, Honduras, and El Salvador. Since Spanish colonization in the 16th century, the Maya have endured marginalization, mistreatment, and genocide in their lands. Today, the Maya remain the second-largest group of Indigenous Peoples in the Western Hemisphere. According to the latest available information, over six million self-identified Maya live in Guatemala (Instituto Nacional de Estadística Guatemala, 2018), close to 800,000 live in Mexico (Gobierno de México, 2020), and an estimated one million live in the United States (Nations, 2006). Presently, an approximate four million people continue to speak one of 30 living Mayan languages as their primary tongue. Furthermore, Guatemala is, by far, the largest Maya-speaking nation in Latin America, where approximately 41% of its population identifies as Indigenous and where 22 recognized Mayan languages are spoken as mother tongue throughout the country (Ministerio de Educación, 2009). Out of the 22 recognized Mayan languages in Guatemala, Mam and Q’eqchi’—the two languages represented in this study—are within the top four Indigenous Mayan languages and ethnicities living in Guatemala with the largest numbers of speakers (Holbrock, 2016; Richards, 2003). Q’eqchi’ In the past, the Q’eqchi’ were known as indomitable warriors who could not be conquered by the Spaniards. They lived in the periphery of the territory that was subjected to multiple external influences (for example, Olmec, Teotihuacan, and K’iche’, among others) and were called Tzulutanes by Mexicans and Spaniards (Richards, 2003). Presently, their territories extend over four departments in northeastern Guatemala: Petén, Izabal, Alta Verapaz, and Quiché, as well as in the Toledo District of southern Belize (Knowlton, 2017). According to the latest available data, there are approximately 865,000 Q’eqchi’ speakers in Guatemala and Belize (Knowlton, 2017). Furthermore, a report by the Guatemalan National Institute of Statistics discovered that “26.7% of Q’eqchi’ Maya are literate in Q’eqchi’, while 56.3% of them are literate in Spanish” (as cited in Holbrock, 2016, p. 149). The Q’eqchi’ language falls within the K’iche’ linguistic branch of the Mayan family. The Q’eqchi’ language has a total of 23 consonants and ten vowels (Caz Cho, 2007; Stewart, 2016). Some of the consonant sounds in the Q’eqchi’ alphabet, such as tz’ and q’ do not appear in the Roman alphabet, and vice versa with consonant sounds such as c and d not appearing in the Q’eqchi’ alphabet. Also, the ten vowels are distinguished by either long or short sounds. For example, a is a short-sounding vowel and aa is a long-sounding vowel—the same with vowels e/ee, i/ii, o/oo, and u/uu (Caz Cho, 2007; Stewart, 2016). JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE, IDENTITY & EDUCATION 3 Mam Meaning generic father or grandfather (Quintana Hernández & Rosales, 2006), Mam is a language that belongs to the Mamean linguistic branch of Mayan languages, and there are considerable variations within Mam dialects depending on the region it is spoken (England, 1983). Mam has a reputation of being the most difficult of the Mayan languages and is primarily spoken in the northwestern highlands of Guatemala in the departments of Huehuetenango, San Marcos, and Quetzaltenango (England, 1983; Pentón Herrera, 2018a; Richards, 2003), and in Chiapas, Mexico (Quintana Hernández & Rosales, 2006). The latest available data indicates that a total of 23,632 Mam speakers live in Mexico (Quintana Hernández & Rosales, 2006), and approximately 617,000 live in Guatemala (Simons & Fennig, 2018). Furthermore, according to a report by the Guatemalan National Institute of Statistics, “3.9% of Mam Maya are literate in Mam, while 62.9% of them are literate in Spanish” (as cited in Holbrock, 2016, p. 149). The Mam ancestral religion is rooted in an ancestral form of Mayan spirituality of animist beliefs and shamanist practices (Hermesse, 2008). These ancient practices constitute part of their culture and identity as Mam and Maya and solidify their connection with Mother Earth. In addition, the shaman intermediary is a key figure for the Mam community and is seen as responsible for restoring stability in nature and the community. There is currently limited information available about Mam traditions, culture, and identity in scholarly publications. Nevertheless, it is important to note that the Mam population has been growing and becoming more visible in the United States, primarily settling in Oakland, California and with smaller pockets also found throughout the states of Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Texas (Pentón Herrera, 2018a). Maya migration from Guatemala to the United States The migration of Indigenous Peoples from Latin American to the United States has served as an opportunity for them to escape the structural discrimination, oppression, and genocide they are exposed to in their native countries. Maya migration to the United States, in particular, has been primarily marked by genocide, civil wars, poverty, and violence (Jonas & Rodríguez, 2014; Velasco Ortiz & París Pombo, 2014). Although there are different views and opinions on this subject, generally speaking, Maya migration can be divided into five waves (Jonas & Rodríguez, 2014). The first three waves were “the pioneers of the 1970s, the refugees of the civil war in the 1980s, and the young migrants of the 1990s taking advantage of the social networks constructed in the previous decades” (Velasco Ortiz & París Pombo, 2014, p. 8). The fourth wave, which occurred approximately from the 1990s to 2003 (Jonas & Rodríguez, 2014), was marked by high levels of poverty in Guatemala, which made Guatemalan families dependent on remittances from their Guatemalan family members living abroad. Presently, the United States is experiencing the fifth wave of Maya migration resulting from “violent drug lords and gangs overtaking Mayan communities, fueled by conditions of intense poverty” (Jenner & Konkel, 2018, p. 2). Maya students in K-12 U.S. schools In comparison with the extensive literature available focusing on non-Indigenous/non-Maya students from Latin America in K-12 U.S. schools, the dearth of studies devoted to the experiences of Indigenous and, in particular, Maya students in K-12 U.S. classrooms is concerning.2 Recent research is beginning to shed light on the negative experiences that migrant Maya youth face in K-12 schools (see Barillas Chón, 2010; Pentón Herrera, 2021), the identity tensions and negotiations Maya students face in K-12 learning settings (see Casanova, 2012, 2019; Casanova et al., 2016), recent migrant Maya youth’s self-understanding of indigeneity in high school (Barillas Chón, 2019), issues of learning and community belonging faced by Maya emergent translinguals (Guerrero-Arias, 2019), and the language and literacy experiences of adolescent Maya English learners in high school (Pentón Herrera, 2018b). 4 PENTÓN HERRERA These and other research studies about different Indigenous groups of students from Latin America in K-12 U.S. classrooms (e.g., see Vásquez, 2019 for Zapotec;; Velasco, 2010 for Mixteco) and higher education (for example, see Pentón Herrera, 2020 for Kichwa) are vital contributions to an emerging field. However, these contributions do not investigate how Maya high school newcomers interpret and describe their experiences learning English and literacy, or how participants negotiate their Mayan cultures, languages, and identities in these learning environments. The purpose of this study is, thus, to contribute to the current lacuna of information about Maya ELs in K-12 educational settings acknowledging that the number of speakers of Mayan languages in U.S. schools will continue to increase, and it is time for education to respect these languages, ways of learning, cultures, and identities as distinctive from their non-Indigenous Latinx counterparts. Analytic framework Critical Latinx Indigeneities (CLI) (see Blackwell et al., 2017) is a fitting lens to guide this qualitative case study. The CLI analytic framework was proposed by Blackwell et al. (2017) in a special issue emerging from the need to examine the transforming notions of indigeneity and Latinidad experienced by Indigenous migrants from Latin America. CLI is a transnational, multilayered analytic frame allowing researchers to explore the experiences of Indigenous families, and provides a foundation to understand the ways “ethnicity, race, class, and other oppressions intersect with indigeneity and are produced over multiple colonial contexts, including within schools” (Urrieta & Calderón, 2019, p. 147). In this case study, I use CLI to understand, recognize, and make sense of the participants’ experiences and negotiations as Maya, migrants, English learners, and co-habitants of our academic learning spaces where the majority of students are Spanish speakers. Employing CLI as analytic framework allows me to remain cognizant of the colonial practices dwelling within U.S. educational institutions, which (re)produces discourses and situations where Indigenous Peoples are eliminated or portrayed as disappearing (Blackwell et al., 2017). Through CLI, I push back on the logic that migration erases Indigenous identity and languages (Blackwell et al., 2017). Similarly, I purposefully rely on CLI to make visible Indigenous student populations—and languages—who have historically been marginalized and made invisible in classrooms and formal education spaces in the United States (Barillas Chón, 2018). The present study extends our understanding of CLI by shedding light on how Mayan students who are learning English as a third language use and negotiate their Mayan cultures, languages, and identities in a U.S. high school. Methodology This inquiry is based on a yearlong (2018–2019) qualitative case study of two self-identified Maya students from Guatemala attending a suburban U.S. public high school. A qualitative methodology was deemed appropriate because of my interest in understanding how both participants experienced and negotiated language, culture, and identity in a suburban U.S. high school (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Similarly, case study design was selected as most appropriate because the participants and learning environment were identified as a bounded system (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). That is, both participants were classified as newcomers, which is a term used by the school county to identify migrants who recently arrived in the United States, and both participants were students in the same English for speakers of other languages (ESOL) and Literacy classes. The sections below provide further information about the research questions, participants, setting, data collection and analysis, and researcher’s role and positionality. As an important clarification, all names used throughout this manuscript are pseudonyms. Research questions (1) How do participants interpret and describe their experiences learning language and literacy in our learning environment? JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE, IDENTITY & EDUCATION 5 (2) How do participants use and negotiate their Mayan cultures, languages, and identities in our learning environment? Participants Pedro is a 17-year-old student born and raised in Poptún, Guatemala and speaks Q’eqchi’ as L1, Spanish as a second language (L2), and is learning English as a third language (L3). Pedro is a short and small-built student who loves to smile and laugh out loud often. He is very proud of his Q’eqchi’ heritage and often speaks in his language to his classmates and teachers to teach us words. He has attended school since first grade in Guatemala. In elementary school, he attended a school that primarily taught in Q’eqchi’ and had some classes in Spanish. However, after sixth grade, he had to move to a secondary school located a little further from his village, and all the information was taught in Spanish. As a result, he shares that he does not remember how to read or write in Q’eqchi’ very well, but he speaks it at home and when talking to members of his community living in the United States. José is 18 years old, born and raised in Comitancillo, Guatemala and speaks Mam as L1, Spanish as L2, and is learning English as L3. José is an average-height and strong-built student who is often described by his classmates as a calming, father-like influence for Pedro. He is very responsible, respectful, and often corrects his peers when they are talking over the teacher in class or not paying attention to the information being taught; “¡presten atención al maestro!” (pay attention to the teacher!), he often tells his classmates with a serious face. José is the oldest of four brothers—his younger three brothers are still in Guatemala—and, while living in Guatemala, he acted as the paternal figure of his household because his dad came to the United States to work and send remittances. His maturity and the way he conducts himself reflect the years serving as a paternal figure for his brothers in Guatemala. He proudly writes, reads, and speaks Mam and teaches his teachers and classmates words in Mam often. Pedro and José were placed in ninth grade and in the newcomer ESOL program upon arrival in the United States because of their English language proficiency and age. Pedro and José are in the same ESOL Newcomer class—taught daily during the second period—and Literacy class—taught every other day during the third period. Data for this case study were collected in both the ESOL Newcomer and Literacy classes. For both of these classes, José and Pedro were the only two Maya students who remained in school for the full year. The rest of the students in these two classes were self-identified non-Indigenous students from Latin American countries who spoke Spanish as their first and only language. Neither participant indicated gaps in formal education, and they both disclosed that, in Guatemala, Spanish was used in the secondary schools they attended as the main language of academic instruction. Setting This inquiry was conducted in a public high school in an eastern state of the United States. Highland High School is located in an economically booming suburban area that has experienced recent developments of new homes and a newly opened mall. The school is considered the oldest high school in its county, and currently serves close to 2,000 students, and employs 130 teachers approximately. Highland High School is considered racially and culturally diverse, where many students and/ or their families primarily migrated to the United States from Africa, Central America, and the Caribbean English-speaking islands. Over 15 languages are spoken at this school as L1. Data collection For the purpose of this study, data were collected in the Newcomer ESOL and Literacy classrooms. These two classes lasted 90 minutes each and shared the same physical space (same classroom), but were taught at different times and had distinct curricula. Both participants attended the Newcomer 6 PENTÓN HERRERA ESOL class on a daily basis during their second period to learn English for social and academic purposes. On the other hand, both participants attended the Literacy class every other day during their third period of class to reinforce and practice print literacy (reading and writing) in English. I, as the teacher-researcher, collected data in both classes during the 2018–2019 school year. As required in the state where this study was conducted, high school students attend schools for 180 instructional days and a minimum of 1,170 hours during a ten-month period. During the 180 instructional days, data were retrieved using four instruments: (a) daily classroom discussions (audiotaped using the teacher-researcher’s cellphone), (b) daily classroom observations (recorded as field notes in the teacher-researcher’s journal), (c) unstructured, informal interviews, and (d) artifacts in the form of participants’ drawings, notes, and school work. The school district and school leadership authorized this study. The participants and participants’ legal guardians also authorized this study with the only condition that no personally identifiable information was used. Researcher’s role and positionality Role During this inquiry, my roles shifted between teacher and researcher. As a qualitative researcher and ESOL teacher, I understood the potential ethical concerns these roles could raise. Thus, I took three steps to mitigate, as much as possible, those potential ethical concerns. First, I met with the school leadership, the students’ legal guardians, and the students at the beginning of the school year, before the study began, and explained the purpose of the study. Also, I made very clear that non-acceptance of the study (in the case of the school administration) or choosing not to participate or withdraw at any time would not affect, in any way, the students, me, my performance, or our teacher-student relationship. Second, I took field notes in my researcher journal about daily classroom observations to reflect on my experiences and biases. Lastly, I maintained continuous communication and shared updates with the school leadership and the students’ legal guardians to keep them updated on the progress of the study, as it was agreed upon in our initial conversation. All the steps taken to minimize possible biases and ethical concerns comply with the recommendations of both Merriam and Tisdell (2016) and Creswell and Creswell (2018). Positionality My lived professional and personal experiences may have affected how I approached the study. As a professional, I approached the study as a bilingual (Spanish-English) ESOL teacher who also learned English as a new language, and who has been learning from his Mayan students about the diversity and rich Indigenous cultures in Latin America. As an individual, I approached the study by defining myself as a Latinx immigrant who has been exploring tensions of identity and positionality. Growing up, I was taught of my European and African ancestry. However, in recent years, I have also learned of my Indigenous—more specifically, Central American and Taíno—ancestry, which has shattered my previous understanding of my identity and positionality, pushing me to engage in constant selfreflection and learning. I have found comfort and company in learning more about my Indigenous roots through my Indigenous students and through writing projects I am currently undertaking. Data analysis Data were collected in English, Spanish, Mam, and Q’eqchi’ and analyzed in those languages. Because the researcher of this inquiry does not speak Mam or Q’eqchi’, the data collected in these languages were translated to and explained in Spanish by the participants. Data were analyzed through an inductive analysis (see Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) following three main stages: (a) reducing data, (b) establishing clear links, and (c) drawing conclusions (see Azungah, 2018; Creswell & Poth, 2018). During the first stage, raw data were scanned several times, line by line, to identify relevant trends or patterns, and condense text into brief formats. During the second stage, I established links in the data JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE, IDENTITY & EDUCATION 7 by following five main steps used in inductive coding: (a) category label, (b) category description, (c) text or data associated with the category, (d) links found among categories, and (e) type of model in which the category is embedded. The four categories described in the findings section, below, emerged during the second stage. During stage three, conclusions were drawn through a recursive process of moving back and forth between the emerging themes and available literature to ensure validity, measurability, and trustworthiness (Azungah, 2018). Findings The data revealed that participants feel comfortable, included, and happy in their ESOL and Literacy classes. Both participants are appreciative of the opportunity they have to come to school every day to learn English and particularly enjoy interacting and being able to convivir3 with their peers in their learning environment. During data analysis, the following four main themes emerged: (a) language and identity, (b) feelings of belonging, (c) tensions in the classroom, and (d) negotiations and preferences in learning. Within the fourth theme—negotiations and preferences in learning—two important sub-sections are shared including (a) Mayan languages and (b) opportunities to celebrate Mayan culture. Throughout the findings section I have transcribed Pedro’s excerpts in Spanish the same way he shared them orally in our conversations. Pedro’s Spanish language skills are intermediate; for this reason, some of his thoughts may seem incomplete, and the transcriptions in Spanish might be considered non-standard for Spanish-speaking readers. In addition, in this section, José uses the words language and dialect interchangeably to refer to Mayan languages, whereas Pedro only uses the word dialect. Data did not produce enough information to explain why Pedro and José use these words to refer to Mayan languages, but readers can refer to Barillas Chón (2019) for more details about this topic. Language and identity The findings of this yearlong study were both illuminating and enigmatic. Every time I thought I had a definite answer to the research questions, or that I had figured something out, José and Pedro continued to surprise me. For example, different from other Maya students from a past study (see Pentón Herrera, 2018b), I learned both participants were proud of their culture and languages. They made sure all teachers knew that they were Mam or Q’eqchi’—Maya—first and Guatemalan second; also, that they spoke Mam or Q’eqchi’ as L1 and Spanish as L2. They never hid their Mayan identity, and they used that visibility (that is, telling people they were Maya) as a way to carve spaces for their Mayan languages and culture in classrooms filled primarily with Spanish-speaking classmates. Sometimes, acknowledging pride of their Mayan identity and the use of Mayan languages created tensions among the participants and their Spanish-speaking counterparts and, other times, turned into friendly competitions/comparisons of who was “more Maya” between Pedro and José. One day, as we often did in our classes, we were reading aloud and I asked students to copy in their notebooks all the new vocabulary words from the activity and to translate them into their native language. “Mr.!” shouted José with a grin on his face, “¡Pedro tiene que traducir el vocabulario en español porque no puede en su dialecto!” [Pedro has to translate the vocabulary in Spanish because he cannot [do so] in his dialect!]. “Pero yo si puedo escribir en mi idioma, Mr., ¡mire!” [But I can write in my language, Mr., look!], José proudly showed me his writing in Mam, read the words out loud in Mam, and asked me to repeat the sounds—he was teaching me Mam! During this brief exchange, Pedro just laughed and said, “es verdad Mr., no puedo escribir bien en mi dialecto ¡pero si lo puedo hablar!” [It is true, Mr., I cannot write very well in my dialect, but I can speak it!]. 8 PENTÓN HERRERA Throughout the academic school year, it became clear that, for José, part of being Mam meant having the ability to read, write, speak, and listen in his language. José shared: Spanish English “Hablo Mam afuera de la escuela, en mi trabajo con mi tío y mi I speak Mam outside of school, in my work with my uncle and my friend, and in the house with my uncle. I speak Mam with amigo, y en la casa con mi tío. Hablo Mam con mi tío porque my uncle because we do not get used to speaking Spanish no nos acostumbramos a hablar español entre familia. Entre with family [members]. Among family we speak Mam so that familia hablamos Mam para que no se nos olvide. Para mi es we do not forget [our language]. For me it is important that importante que no se me olvide el Mam porque yo estaría I do not forget Mam because I would be missing my culture. echando de menos mi cultura. Por eso le decía a [Pedro] que That is why I was telling [Pedro] that he practices talking [in pone en práctica hablando, pero no escribiendo. Si alguien his language, Q’eqchi’] but not writing. If someone [asks] me me pone a escribir en mi idioma yo puedo, pero [Pedro] no. to write in my language I can, but [Pedro] cannot. For me, if Para mi, si no escribes y lees en tu idioma no te importa tu you do not write and read in your language, you do not care cultura; como que no eres parte de ella.” about your culture; like you are not part of it. For José, language represents a living entity that dwells within his culture and it is also an opportunity to connect to his community—and his Mam culture—in the United States and in Guatemala. He believes that, for anyone to be part of a culture, knowing how to read and write in that culture’s language is of utmost importance. In José’s eyes, his ability to read and write in Mam is a way for him to connect to, preserve, and belong to his culture. According to Degawan (2019), for Indigenous Peoples, “languages not only identify their origin or membership in a community, they also carry the ethical values of their ancestors” (p. 7). Degawan’s (2019) statement sheds some light on how José honors his culture and language through his ability to speak, listen, read, and write in Mam. As he shared, “yo soy diferente a los demás estudiantes [latinos] porque yo puedo escribir y hablar en mi idioma y ellos sólo español. Allá, en donde yo vivo [en Guatemala], las personas pueden leer y escribir en mi idioma, la cultura está viva” [I am different from the other [Latinx] students because I can write and speak in my language and they can only [write and speak] Spanish. There, where I live [in Guatemala], people can read and write in my language, [the] culture is alive]. Pedro, on the other hand, does not place much importance on the ability to write or read in his language. For him, speaking Q’eqchi’ is enough to maintain a connection and communication with his family in Guatemala. Pedro shared: Spanish English “Aquí [en la escuela] no hablo [Q’eqchi’], fuera de la escuela si, Here [at school] I do not speak [Q’eqchi’], outside of school I do; with my relatives, uncles, and cousins. Yes [I speak] so that con mis familiares, tíos, y primas. Si [hablo] para que no se me I do not forget, so that I do not lose my language. When I get olvida, para que no pierda mi idioma. Cuando llegue allá a mi there to my house [in Guatemala] to talk to my dad, my mom, casa [en Guatemala] para hablar con mi papá, mi mamá, mi my sister, to be able to talk with others [neighbors]. They do hermana; para poder hablar con los demás [vecinos]. Ellos no not speak English or Spanish. hablan ni inglés ni español.” An interesting distinction between the two participants is that José links print literacy (that is, ability to read and write) with cultural preservation, whereas Pedro associates oracy (that is, ability to speak and listen) with maintaining a connection to his loved ones and his community. Feelings of belonging For José and Pedro, having a strong and respectful connection with teachers played an essential part in feeling safe and included in the classroom and in school. Both of them referred several times throughout the school year to how comfortable and happy they felt in school because of their teachers. Pedro shared:a JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE, IDENTITY & EDUCATION 9 Spanish English “Aquí en la escuela me siento bien, protegido, feliz. Me siento I feel good, protected, happy here. I feel happy because it is very fun with friends and I like to speak in English. To learn English feliz porque es muy divertido con los amigos y me gusta is important. Studying makes me feel happy to get ahead and hablar en inglés. Para aprender inglés es importante. Estudiar help my family. Teachers teach me to speak English. me hace sentir feliz para salir adelante y ayudar a mi familia. Los profesores me enseñan a hablar inglés.” José, on the other hand, shared: Spanish English “Me siento bien porque me enseñan, me dan comida, me dan I feel good because they [teachers] teach me, give me food, give aprendizaje. Aquí me siento cómodo. Todos mis profesores me knowledge. I feel comfortable here. All my teachers are son buenos y amables conmigo, por eso me siento bien.” good and kind to me, that is why I feel good. Having the opportunity to interact respectfully and convivir with classmates was also important for both participants, and it was perceived as having a place in the classroom community. “Con mis compañeros me siento bien. Me siento bien porque todos ellos se comportan bien conmigo. Mis compañeros nunca me han discriminado. Yo siempre los respeto y ellos siempre me respetan, por eso es que me siento feliz” [with my classmates I feel good. I feel good because they all behave well with me. My colleagues have never discriminated against me. I always respect them, and they always respect me, that’s why I feel happy], added José. Pedro, on the other hand, shared, “es importante y divertido con los amigos jugar, practicar a veces un tema de la clase, hablar de que se trató la clase. Es importante sentirme en comunidad con mis compañeros en la escuela” [it is important and fun to play with friends, sometimes practice a class topic, talk about what the class was about. It is important to feel in community with my classmates at school]. For José and Pedro, respectful and strong relationships with teachers and classmates contributed to their feelings of safety, inclusion, belongingness, and community. Tensions in the classroom Although José and Pedro expressed that having the opportunity to convivir with their classmates created feelings of happiness and belongingness, the reality is that there were also tensions present in our learning space, and in other classrooms in the school, between them and some of the non-Indigenous Latinx ELs. In the two classes where data was collected, Pedro and José were the only two Maya students from Latin America. At one point, there were a total of four Maya students, but the two other Maya students left in the middle of the school year. Besides Pedro and José, the other students in the class were ELs from Latin American countries (primarily from El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala) who self-identified as nonIndigenous. The different life experiences and cultures between the participants and their nonIndigenous counterparts created friction that, at times, escalated into physical altercations. One day, I was talking to a student outside the classroom about an unrelated topic, and I asked the rest of the class to work on a warm-up activity that I had written on the board. Suddenly, I heard noises in the classroom, and when I walked in, I saw José and another student pushing each other. I quickly ran toward José and the other student, separated them, and took them outside the classroom to talk and diffuse the situation. The other student admitted to “playfully” (in the student’s own words) taunting José and calling him culero (in English could be translated as homosexual, coward, or both), which is often used as a derogatory insult in some Central American countries. Prior to this incident, José had also been involved in two other physical altercations with a couple of his classmates because he demands respect and does not assimilate childish behaviors typical of his and his classmates’ age. I believe that José’s life experiences as the oldest brother and paternal figure in his household back in Guatemala have shaped him into a responsible 10 PENTÓN HERRERA individual who does not tolerate any form of disrespect toward him or others. As he shared in our conversation after this altercation took place, “Mr. en mi cultura lo que mi compañero hizo es faltar el respeto, no me gustó eso” [Mr., in my culture, what my classmate did is considered disrespectful, I did not like that]. For José, his culture and life experiences continue to shape his identity, worldview, how he conducts himself, and how he responds to his classmates’ disrespectful behaviors. On the other hand, Pedro, who is at times described as a “child” by some classmates due to his playful, child-like personality, responds to tensions differently. Different from José, Pedro’s proficiency in Spanish is still developing. At the beginning of the school year, Pedro’s pronunciation in Spanish caused his classmates to make jokes or laugh. In these incidents, Pedro responded by looking at those Spanish-speaking classmates directly in the eyes and speaking in Q’eqchi’ to them while smiling or laughing out loud. Pedro’s response in Q’eqchi’ annoyed his Spanish-speaking classmates “Mr., mire, Pedro me está diciendo cosas en su dialecto” (Mr., look, Pedro is telling me things in his dialect), Spanish-speaking students would often yell out loud. Instead of getting upset or resorting to physical force as José did, Pedro responded to conflict and tensions by using his Q’eqchi’ language as a way to exert power over his Spanish-speaking classmates. Throughout the year, tensions began to dissipate in our classrooms as I made it very clear that I would not tolerate any form of disrespect, racism, or discrimination. Looking back, I realize that I was highly-protective of Pedro and José in our classroom, which may have influenced their feelings of safety, as well as their classmates’ behavior. Pedro and José continued to thrive in our learning space and often used their languages (Mam and Q’eqchi’) in our classroom. Pedro, particularly, often taught his classmates—and me, his teacher—how to say words in Q’eqchi’ when we learned new vocabulary words, “Mr. en mi idioma aguacate se dice ‘o’, es fácil ¡Diga ‘o’ Mr.!” (Mr., in my language avocado is ‘o’, it is easy. Say ‘o’, Mr.!). Negotiations and preferences in learning In Guatemala, Pedro and José were taught in a traditional, teacher-led school setting. The daily class routine in Guatemala is best described by Pedr o : Spanish English “Allá me siento, después en la materia la maestra nos dice que Over there [in Guatemala] I sit down, then in the class, the teacher tells us to take out the pencil and the notebook, and saquemos el lápiz y el cuaderno y me explica los ejercicios she explains the exercises, and I do the exercises. After we y hago los ejercicios. Después terminamos los ejercicios, la finish the exercises, the teacher asks us [questions], and the maestra nos pregunta y se acaba la clase. Aquí es diferente class is over. Here is different because here we get up and we porque aquí nos levantamos y hacemos nosotros.” do [work together]. In this particular communication, Pedro referred to the shift of teacher-led (in Guatemala) to student-centered (in the United States) teaching and learning. It is important to note that, for Pedro and José negotiating the instructional change from teacher-led instruction (in Guatemala) to a student-led instruction/classroom environment (in the United States) has been a process of adaptation. For José, this instructional change has been easier, and he prefers it, but Pedro is still trying to become accustomed to it. José explains: Spanish English “En Guatemala me enseñaban diferente porque nos enseñaban In Guatemala they taught me differently because they taught us only what is in the book. Here it is different because here we solo lo que está en el libro. Aquí es diferente porque aquí practice talking, not there. There [in Guatemala] we used the practicamos hablar, allá no. Allá utilizamos el diccionario para dictionary to learn. Here we practice English. Practicing is aprender. Aquí practicamos el inglés. Practicar es lo que me what helps me learn; we do not practice [English] there [in ayuda a aprender; allá no lo practicamos.” Guatemala]. JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE, IDENTITY & EDUCATION 11 In this excerpt, José shared how he prefers to learn English by practicing and using the language in real settings and scenarios. He remembers that back in Guatemala, although they did have an English class, they just copied from the book and rarely practiced speaking and listening. José further shared: Spanish English “Lo que me ayuda [a] aprender es cuando uno quiere algo uno What helps me learn is when one wants something, one asks for it in English; to practice in English [helps me]. You speak to us lo pide en inglés; practicar en inglés. Usted nos habla en in English, I see that it is better for me because [I] develop inglés, veo que es mejor para mi porque uno va [my] mind and think about what you say in English and if [I] desarrollando la mente y va pensando en lo que usted dice have a question, I ask you. en inglés y si uno tiene pregunta, le pregunto.” Conversely, Pedro prefers a teacher-led environment, similar to how he learned back in Guatemala. Pedro explained: Spanish English “En la clase de inglés, los trabajos en equipo es mucha bulla, no In English class, teamwork [makes] a lot of noise, I do not want quiero más bulla; más silencio. Quiero que cuando manden more noise; [I want] more silence. I want/like when the los ejercicios que lo hagan los estudiantes solos; poner más exercises are [done] by the students alone; put more practice práctica de cómo leer y escribir y hacer resúmenes de la on how to read and write and summarize the reading. What lectura. Lo que más me ayuda es la lectura. Leyendo con el helps me most is reading. Reading with the teacher. You read maestro. Tú lees primero (oral) y después yo (independiente [out loud] first and then I [read independently in silence], and en silencio), y después hablamos de que trata el tema. La then we talk about what the topic is about. Reading helps us lectura nos ayuda tanto.” so much. José and Pedro’s preferred methods of learning reflect, somehow, their personalities and current life interests. José, as the oldest of four brothers and parental figure in his household back in Guatemala, prefers to learn practical information—with a primary focus on oracy—in English because he feels he can use that knowledge in his everyday life to ask for things and communicate. José has learned that speaking English is a necessary skill in the United States for his job; if he could not communicate orally in English, he could not send remittances to his mother and brothers in Guatemala. Conversely, Pedro prefers a more independent and quiet learning environment where reading is the primary focus because he is interested in exploring the text and having the teacher available for questions and support. Different from José, Pedro does not work after school because he is the youngest sibling in his household here in the United States where his family provides for him and wants him to only focus on school. For Pedro, communicating in English might not seem as much of an immediate need in his daily life as it is for José. Including Mayan languages The inclusion of Mayan languages was vital for Pedro and José in the English and Literacy classrooms. José confessed: Spanish English “Mr., si tuviéramos diccionarios en Mam me ayudaría más que Mr., if we had dictionaries in Mam [they] would help me more than the dictionaries in Spanish. When I read Spanish, it is los diccionarios en español. Cuando leo el español se me difficult for me but Mam I can [read well]. I would like books dificulta, pero el Mam yo puedo. Yo quisiera libros en Mam, in Mam, Mr., it is important for me to use Mam to learn Mr., es importante para mi usar el Mam para aprender English. inglés.” For José, using Mam inside and outside of the class is non-negotiable. He is proud of his language, his culture, and his ability to speak, read, write, and listen in three languages (Mam, Spanish, and English). In 12 PENTÓN HERRERA Figure 1. News report activity in Mam (left) and English (right). Note: The text in Figure 1 reads as follows: Mam on the left page: “Toj tnikjen te jyolte a xjal a lu kyeq’el tijo tnam. Ja otoye jale toktzin q’yol tija xjal. K’okel te matij qxol toj tnam tun tel qnik’. Te ajo aw tun txiq q’olb’in tan txi. Sulte toj axunay. Ajo xjol kyeqel tijo ch’ua xjal lo.” English on the right page: “In the middle of the elction of the president of the united states, he will government this country and he will be in charge so that he has place and then have trouble because people want to have their vote at all times.” addition, it is clear that José feels more comfortable learning English using his L1 (Mam) instead of his L2 (Spanish) to learn English; however, our school and county did not have any resources in Mayan languages. Throughout the year, I recorded José’s and Pedro’s work to share with my leadership and explain to them that we had students in our school who were not being offered language support in their L1, as it is stipulated in Lau v. Nichols. My claims and efforts were often neglected by my leadership, who continued to refer to our EL population from Latin America as “Spanish speakers.” Figure 1 shares an example of an activity where I asked students to complete a news report in their L1 first and then in English. The practice of using my students’ L1 was common in our classrooms, especially during the beginning of the school year. As we can see in Figure 1, José used Mam and English—instead of Spanish and English—to complete this activity. For Pedro having resources and dictionaries in Q’eqchi’ was important and, he felt, it would give him the opportunity to learn English at a faster pace while improving his emergent reading and writing skills in his L1. Pedro share d: Spanish English “¡Mr., si tuviéramos libros en Q’eqchi’ yo aprendería inglés más Mr., if we had books in Q’eqchi’ I would learn English faster! If we had books in Q’eqchi’, [then I would] first practice in rápido! Si hay libros en Q’eqchi’ primero practico en Q’eqchi’, Q’eqchi’, then Spanish, and then English, so [the] three después español, y después inglés, así se me quedan los tres languages [stay with me]. This is what I did in Guatemala. If idiomas. Así lo hacía en Guatemala. Si tuviera un libro de I had a Q’eqchi’ book, I could learn [faster]. On the other Q’eqchi’ así rápido pudiera aprender. En cambio, aquí solo hand, there are only books in Spanish and English [here]; it is hay libros en español e inglés; me cuesta un poco.” a little bit difficult for me. JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE, IDENTITY & EDUCATION 13 Opportunities to celebrate the Mayan culture Throughout the school year, we talked about different American, international, and Latin American holidays and celebrations. One day, when we were learning about Cinco de Mayo, José made a comment to me and his class, “Mr., me gustaría que habláramos también de mi cultura porque para mi es importante que sepan más de mi y de mi cultura; me haría sentir bien” [Mr., I wish we would also talk/learn about my culture because for me it is important for [all of] you to learn about me and my culture; it would make me feel good]. José’s comment was a firm message to me (his teacher) that he wanted his Mayan culture and identity to be celebrated and acknowledged in our classes the same way we celebrated and acknowledged other cultures throughout the school year. José’s message also made me realize that most of the holidays we were learning in class were Eurocentric. Pedro enthusiastically added to José’s comment “¡Sí, Mr.! Podemos hablar de bailes Maya como el Rey Quiché y podemos aprender de ropa, zapatos, y uniformes típicos. Allá celebran el 15 de septiembre y otros días también; eso lo podemos hacer aquí también.” [Yes, Mr.! We could talk about Mayan dances such as King Quiché, and we could learn about traditional clothes, shoes, and uniforms. Over there, we celebrate September 15th and other [holi]days too; we could do that here too]. For José and Pedro, creating spaces that acknowledge, celebrate, and make visible their Mayan languages, cultures, and traditions is vital for language learning. Also, for José and Pedro, talking about their cultures and traditions also meant that their classmates and I (their teacher) could learn more about them and who they are. Throughout the year, this was seen not only in our conversations, but also in their classwork, notebooks, and even on the chalkboard. In our classes, students would often write positive messages on the chalkboard to their classmates or to me in the last five minutes of class. We started this exercise as part of our restorative practices, which is a topic beyond the scope of this research. However, both José and Pedro used the chalkboard to write in their native languages. Pedro, who, according to himself, could not write very well in Q’eqchi’, told me that he learned how to write a few sentences in church.Personally, I believe Pedro’s reading and writing abilities in Q’eqchi’ might have been higher than he thought. Figure 2 shows José’s message in Mam—encircled in red— and it reads “Atz’in tal ja lo te xnaq’ tzil tejo ajxnaq’ tzal [Mr. Pentón]” (this is the classroom Figure 2. José’s message in Mam on the chalkboard. 14 PENTÓN HERRERA Figure 3. Pedro’s message in Q’eqchi’ on the chalkboard. where [Mr. Pentón] teaches). Figure 3 shows Pedro’s message in Q’eqchi’ and it reads, “Aa’ny na’x paa’d lii dios ma’a aa’ni ta q’ak’am” (those who believe in God do not die). I asked Pedro and José to translate these messages into Spanish for me, and I provide the English translation in this manuscript. Discussion and final thoughts The purpose of this research was to contribute to the current lacuna of information about Maya students in U.S. K-12 educational settings. As such, the two research questions guiding this case study focused on the participants’ perspectives as Maya English learners. This study’s findings illuminate the two participants’ perspectives and realities as unapologetically proud Maya, ELs, and multilinguals. The findings of this study invite much discussion about the experiences of José and Pedro as Maya migrants learning English in the United States; in particular, if we look at these findings from the multidimensional lens of the CLI framework. In answering the first question, data revealed that feeling a sense of belonging in their class and school was a vital prerequisite for academic life; thus, they needed to first feel connected to their teachers and classmates. Having the opportunity to build a strong and respectful human connection with their teachers and having the opportunity to respectfully interact and convivir in community with their classmates are two important components of language and literacy learning for Pedro and José. Also, data revealed that the participants’ preferred methods of learning are primarily tied to their immediate life and economic needs. José’s primary interest was learning to communicate orally in English (speaking and listening) in a student-centered environment because he immediately needs those skills in his after-school job. However, Pedro preferred a teacher-led learning environment placing reading as his primary focus—very similar to how he was taught in Guatemala. For Pedro, speaking and listening in English are not of immediate importance because he does not need to work in the United States, and primarily uses Q’eqchi’ for his communication outside of school. Lastly, data also revealed that including the participants’ L1 (Mam and Q’eqchi’) was of high importance to them personally, culturally, and academically. José and Pedro remind us that in the U.S. public schools, Indigenous students from Latin America continue to be underserved—and erased (Urrieta & Calderón, 2019)—as they are forced to use resources (for example, dictionaries, etc.) in Spanish, not in their native Indigenous languages, to learn English. The practice of neglecting Indigenous language support by favoring dominant colonial languages, such as Spanish, has assimilationist implications (Guerrero-Arias, 2019) and is a point of concern on JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE, IDENTITY & EDUCATION 15 many levels for U.S. public schools. From the close purview of this particular study, participants shared that it would be best for them to have resources in their Mayan languages to learn English and that using Spanish (their L2) to learn English presented additional difficulties/barriers. Further studies should take a social justice stance to look into the necessity and effects of providing school resources to Indigenous English learners from Latin America (and other countries around the world) in their native languages. In answering the second question, data showed that for José and Pedro, their Mayan language, identity, and culture are integral to their sense of self as individuals and students. In previous studies (see Pentón Herrera, 2018b, 2021), I witnessed that when students hide their Mayan culture and identity as a defense mechanism in a primarily Spanish-speaking environment, they consequently also hide their Mayan language from their teachers and peers, affecting their language learning and academic success. For José and Pedro, using their Mayan languages in the ESOL and Literacy classrooms, which were predominantly inhabited by Spanish-speaking classmates, was an act of identity reclamation, defiance, and a matter of schooling. José’s high level of maturity is a direct result of his life experiences, upbringing, and culture. José’s sense of self and respect for his culture does not allow him to compromise his cultural beliefs and principles, which has resulted in physical altercations with classmates who joke around in a disrespectful manner. On the other hand, Pedro’s use of Q’eqchi’ toward his Spanish-speaking classmates when they make fun of him reflects how he treasures his language and culture, seeking strength in them when he feels vulnerable. For Pedro, using Q’eqchi’ allows him to find refuge and empowerment in his Mayan language and identity. Lastly, when answering the second question, participants also shared the need for their Maya heritage and traditions to be acknowledged and celebrated in their classroom and school. Furthermore, feeling welcome, safe, and included in their classroom encouraged José and Pedro to use their L1 (for example, speaking, on the blackboard, in academic work) and share information about Maya traditions, holidays, and culture. This inquiry joins the literature as one of the scant—but growing—number of studies shedding light on the realities of Maya English learners in U.S. classrooms. As an important note, I would like to bring attention to the fact that a salient topic throughout the study that was not fully explored due to word limits was the use of translanguaging pedagogies to support Maya (and other Indigenous) learners from Latin America. Thus, further studies should look into the promise of translanguaging spaces as culturally inclusive practices for Indigenous languages and cultures (see García, 2009; Núñez et al., 2020). I would like to end this article with José’s message, which also appears in the title of this article: “Me gustaría que habláramos también de mi cultura.” In this contribution, I honor José and Pedro’s cultures and my hope is that the knowledge I learned from them will serve as inspiration to those continuing the important work of making visible Mayan and Indigenous students, languages, and cultures in U.S. classrooms. Notes 1. In this manuscript, the word Indigenous is capitalized as a proper name for a people, or any aspect of their culture, as explained by Yellow Bird (1999). 2. The author of this article recognizes that some published studies about students from Latin America in U.S. classrooms may include Indigenous students. However, in this statement, the author refers to studies which have focused on students from Latin America and have not explicitly identified participants as Indigenous, thus, contributing to what Barillas Chón (2018) calls the invisibilization of Indigenous Peoples, cultures, and languages. 3. Literal translation in Spanish is to “live together.” In our conversations, participants used this word to describe the time they spent together connecting with their classmates as a community in the classroom. 16 PENTÓN HERRERA About the author Dr. Luis Javier Pentón Herrera is Adjunct Professor of Curriculum and Pedagogy at The George Washington University. His current research projects focus on Indigenous students from Latin America, students with limited or interrupted formal education, and social-emotional learning. Disclosure statement No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s). 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