The Nuanced Narrative of Eulogiae in Late Antiquity: Redefining the Production and Distribution of Ampullae from Asia Minor in the Princeton University Art Museum

The Macksey Journal Volume 2 Article 144 2021 The Nuanced Narrative of Eulogiae in Late Antiquity: Redefining the Production and Distribution of Ampullae from Asia Minor in the Princeton University Art Museum Ryan S. Abramowitz The College of New Jersey Recommended Citation Abramowitz, Ryan S. (2021) "The Nuanced Narrative of Eulogiae in Late Antiquity: Redefining the Production and Distribution of Ampullae from Asia Minor in the Princeton University Art Museum," The Macksey Journal : Vol. 2, Article 144. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by The Johns Hopkins University Macksey Journal. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Macksey Journal by an authorized editor of The Johns Hopkins University Macksey Journal. Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 The Nuanced Narratve of Eulogiae in Late Antquity: Redefning the Producton and Distributon of Ampullae from Asia Minor in the Princeton University Art Museum Ryan Abramowitz The College of New Jersey Abstract: Ampullae are devotonal objects and a type of travel art that were flled with sacred contents that had ceremoniously come into contact with a relic associated with Christan pilgrimage and cult sites around the ancient Mediterranean. Saints, evangelists, crucifxes, and biblical stories frequently appear on fasks embellished with images, lending them amuletc propertes which in turn made them highly sought-afer. Questons surrounding the imagery, producton, and distributon of ampullae from Asia Minor have proven to be troubling for scholars. I address these issues by showing that ampullae could be manufactured at producton centers specifc to a cult site or in of-site facilites that may have utlized generalized images to cater to the religious diversity of early Christans. Apart from shop stalls in or near pilgrimage centers, ampullae too could be distributed as gifs or by traveling peddlers. By presentng a range of conceivable methods for the producton and distributon of ampullae, I hope to both enlarge the scope of future studies on Byzantne material culture and to show the importance of conversing with our evidence and recognizing nuance in art and history. Keywords: Late-Antquity, Cult of saints and relics, Byzantum, Ampullae, Pilgrimage, Christanity 1 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 Ampullae were popular devotonal objects and a type of travel art frequently associated with pilgrimage and cult sites in Asia Minor, Egypt, and the Holy Land. They reached the height of their producton and popularity between the 6th-7th centuries CE, although they contnued to be used untl the 13th-15th centuries.i These fasks could be flled with holy water or oil that had ceremoniously come into contact with a relic from a specifc holy site. In some cases, dust or holy earth cultvated from a saint’s cult site took the place of water or oil. ii Saints, evangelists, crucifxes, or biblical stories frequently appear on fasks that have been embellished with images.iii Nevertheless, ampullae too could be lef undecorated, an indicaton that the possessor of the fask had access to its holy blessings with or without inscriptons or icons. Their amuletc propertes made pilgrimage fasks a highly sought-afer commodity for merchants, pilgrims, soldiers, government ofcials, etc. Questons surrounding the producton and distributon of ampullae, in additon to their status as eulogiai (blessings) have proved to be troubling for art historians, historians, and anthropologists alike. One of the main issue’s scholars face is the lacuna of primary sources, both literary and archaeological, that directly addresses the producton and distributon of fasks. Instead, we are forced to rely, partally, on proxy evidence, to secure dates and to suggest provenances.iv This paper seeks to acknowledge these issues and to synthesize evidence across felds of study to chronicle a more nuanced and interdisciplinary approach to the study of Byzantne material culture, primarily ampullae. I argue that the producton and distributon of ampullae occurred at but was not limited to cult sites, contrary to popular belief. 2 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 By employing data sets from archaeological and literary research, it is my goal to ofer new insights on a litle studied assortment of fasks housed in the Princeton University Art Museum. Visual Analysis Figs. 1.1-1.4: Ampullae with Evangelist(s), Faces A and B, Asia Minor, 6 th century. Terracota. Princeton University Art Museum. Antoch. 6.9 x 5.1 cm. Face A: There are two iteratons of the iconography presented in this group that are identcal to one another. A frontal, bearded man, holds a codex whose cover is decorated with one dot in each quadrant of the dominatng X, or, perhaps, cross.v The evangelist’s body is conceived of deep and crude drapery lines and outlining. The fgure, at diferent tmes, has been identfed as St. John the Evangelist because of its similarity to fasks from St. John’s cult site at Ephesus. Otherwise, it has been referred to as a generic evangelist. vi Stylized trees, on either side, defne the fgure’s space and appear to encompass him. It has been noted that this type of decorated tree commonly appears in illuminated Syriac manuscripts. vii However, this claim is problematc, as there are only a handful of extant illuminated manuscripts in Syriac- the Rabbula Gospels being the most complete book- to corroborate this claim. A symbolic reading for the trees may posit that they represented leaves of laurel, thus celebratng the pilgrim’s, or depicted saint’s, victory over corporeal struggle and the atainment of salvaton. Additonally, I propose that the trees place the saint in the pilgrim’s setng, thereby establishing a mimetc relatonship between pilgrim and intercessor; the evangelist is placed among the same trees the pilgrim themselves walked beside. 3 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 Face B: A seated man in a quasi-three-quarter-profle, holds a writng implement and codex. To his right is a columnar stand, decorated by diagonal futng, which, most likely, is a representaton of an ornate ink or lamp stand.viii Based on difering levels of relief, it appears as if the seated fgure was a part of the mold and that the column was stamped into the clay before being fred in the kiln. The fgure’s body is defned by downward, diagonal lines. From the depth and coarse appearance of the drapery lines, we can be fairly certain that the crafsman used a stylus or stck to hand-etch the lines into the clay in an atempt to “touch-up” the fgure afer it was molded. The evangelist appears to have his mouth parted, as if atemptng to speak. Figs. 2.1-2.2: Ampulla with St. Andrew, Faces A and B, Asia Minor, 6th century. Terracota. Princeton University Art Museum. 6.7 x 4.8 cm. Face A: A man in three-quarter profle, holds in his arms a codex decorated with an X, or, perhaps, a cross. An inscripton bearing the saint’s name was carved on the lef and right sides of the fgure. This ampulla is the only fask in the group with an inscripton. In additon to the inscripton, the fgure’s short beard and large eyes help to iconographically identfy the fgure as St. Andrew.ix Short diagonal lines and a roughly hewn outline compose the clothing and body of the fgure. It appears as if the outline was emphasized by a crafsman using a stylus or stck. 4 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 Face B: This fgure is an embossed image of St. Andrew, nearly identcal to the image adorning Face A. The inscripton, on this face, is virtually illegible on the right side of the saint. This iteraton of St. Andrew depicts him wearing a tunic with vertcal drapery lines on the lef sleeve and diagonal drapery lines on the right sleeve. Also, the fgure is shown with a longer beard than the fgure on Face A.x The ornamentaton of the codex is strikingly diferent from the X motf that adorns Face A of both of the Ampulla with Evangelists fasks. Here, the codex bears a Greek cross and overlapping X, framed by a diamond. There is an incorrect number of fngers on the saint’s right hand; he is shown with six fngers. This detail may either allude to the crafsmens’ carelessness, disinterest in realism, or as an intensifer for the argument proposing the contents of the fask to be of greater signifcance than the vessel and its design. The molding is signifcantly pronounced and raised from the surface of the fask. This might be an indicaton of a crafsman accentuatng design through the use of outlining. Figs. 3.1-3.2: Ampulla with Figures in a Boat, Faces A and B, Asia Minor, 6th century. Terracota. Princeton University Art Museum. 6.7 x 5.0 cm Face A: This fask depicts three nimbed fgures in a boat and is the only fask in the group that explicitly depicts movement. The center of the fask is dominated by the large and geometric head of one of the sailors. In the background is a faint etching of the triangular sail of the ship. It is unclear whether the central fgure is bearded or not. xi The use of hieratc scale is employed, with the central fgure being the largest, and two fanking fgures being of a lower stature. 5 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 Several iconographical interpretatons have been made for this image. Pilgrimage tokens bearing images of boats typically are associated with the cults of Saints Phocas and Isidore, however, in their respectve artcles on pilgrimage tokens bearing the same image, Richard Camber and L.Y. Rahmani developed alternatve explanatons. xii Camber theorized that the image is a representaton of The Tempest Calmed, a biblical scene where Jesus tames a ferocious storm at sea.xiii Rahmani, countered Camber, explaining that of the few verifed early depictons of The Tempest Calmed, none are date to earlier than the 10th century, and most either depict Jesus sleeping beneath the ship, or at its prow raising his right hand to ofer a benedicton.xiv Rahmani suggests that the scene may instead be The Miraculous Draught of Fishes, another biblical scene where Jesus conjures “...a great multtude of fshes…”. xv Regardless of which interpretaton is correct, if the scene even is one of the two proposed here, as long as a seafaring-early Christans understood that the subjects adorning their token or fasks were on a boat, they too could fnd substance in its miraculous, apotropaic abilites. Face B: This side is almost entrely obscured by an obfuscatng crust of some sort. Fortunteky though, the image is stll visible enough to tell that it is identcal to Face A. It is very likely that same mold was used to cast both sides. Figs. 4.1-4.2: Ampulla with Unidentfed Figures, Faces A and B, Asia Minor, 6th century. Terracota. Princeton University Art Museum. 7.0 x 5.0 cm. 6 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 Face A: A bearded man stands beneath an ornamented arch and holds what looks like a codex. Beside the man, on the lef, an ornate Latn cross stands autonomously. Face B: This side depicts a beardless, veiled fgure whose hands are outstretched in the archetypal orans pose. It has been supposed that the fgure may be the image of a generic pilgrim whose outstretched arms reach out to the divine intercessor on the opposite side. xvi Alternatvely, there may have been an interest among Christans to be represented in the fasks they purchased. Perhaps the efcacy of a fask’s miraculous abilites was considered more accessible or potent if their image was incorporated into the design and pressing against the sacred contents inside. The exaggerated lines on the fgure’s clothing suggests that a crafsman used a stylus or other type of pointy tool to stress the garment’s folds. Figs. 5.1-5.2: Ampulla with a Cross, Faces A and B, Asia Minor, 6th century. Terracota. Princeton University Art Museum. 8.4 x 2.7 cm Face A: A Latn cross with faring transepts divides the fask into quadrants. Within each quadrant are tear or petal-shaped lobes composed of concentric semi-circular rings. xvii At the cross’s central point, and at each of the ends, are now barely visible decoratve roundels. This motf, similarly, was used to decorate contemporary processional crosses too. xviii If a pilgrim were to wear this ampulla around their neck or hang it from another conspicuous place during a voyage, the fasks may have symbolized the pilgrim’s walk with Christ. Additonally, the cross, 7 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 as a generic Christan symbol, could be easily interpreted by Christans from a wide range of places. Face B: This side is identcal to Face A. Most likely, the same mold was used to cast the image on both sides. The Producton of Ampullae Molds, Stamps, and Images: The fasks in this study are all constructed from fred clay, however, other media, such as glass, lead, and precious metals, were all viable building materials. Although, for most handlers of these sacred containers its medium was much less signifcant than the actual holy dust, earth, or oil it housed.xix In the Byzantum at Princeton exhibiton two diferent ampullae design types were displayed: Asia Minor and Egyptan. The easiest method of diferentatng between the two is to look at its neck. Flasks from Egypt have handles, resembling a Greek amphora, whereas fasks from Asia Minor are characterized by two holes punctured on either side of the neck.xx The Asia Minor fasks’ punctuaton with holes rather than the additon of handles is a signifcant structural diference to note. The design type afected how the fask fared in the archaeological record as well as how handlers interacted with the vessel. The handles of Egyptan fasks are incredibly fragile. Thus, many Egyptan fasks do not preserve their handles. In contrast, more Asia Minor fasks are preserved. Additonally, the holes would have allowed a pilgrim to insert a rope or a string through them and wear it around their neck or from their belt loop.xxi 8 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 To a certain degree, the producton of clay ampullae was formulaic: a crafsman would have molded each half of the fask separately, fred them in a kiln, and then joined the two sides together.xxii Pilgrims’ souvenirs, namely fasks, tend to appear mass-produced and can be characterized as having a cheap and crude quality to them. Describing a clay amulet in his artcle on terracota amulets from the Holy Land, Dr. Richard Camber noted that “areas of local reducton, [were] due almost certainly to careless fring.” xxiii Camber’s descripton brings up an unanswered queston in scholarship on late antque travel art: was the careless fring of amulets and ampullae the result of an individual untrained crafsperson, a consequence of massproducton, or possibly a combinaton of both? In practce though, consumers may not have been bothered much by their crude appearance; for them, the object’s value was derived from its contents and the efort it took to obtain it.xxiv To contnue, molds, like the fasks themselves, could be made out of clay. Clay molds were not very durable and had rather short lifespans. Afer several uses the image would become blurred or indistnct and shrunk by 10% afer each use.xxv To remedy this issue, crafsmen used fred ampullae as stamps, and a stylus or stck to sharpen outlines and drapery folds. It is likely that these handmade “refnements” are what give fasks their rough-hewn appearance. Aside from molds, images could be stamped or hand-etched into an ampulla too. In the exhibiton, only two of the Asia Minor-type fasks appear to be adorned with additonal images. In order to establish which images were produced with a stamp versus which were produced with a mold, art historians have to analyze relief paterns. Molds are essentally shaped recessions or cavites that emboss predesigned images onto an object in high relief. Stamps 9 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 press images into the surface of an object in low relief. In fgures 1.1 and 1.3, the seated evangelist was sculpted in a higher relief than the podium. It would therefore be reasonable to aruge that a crafsman used a mold to form the seated evangelist and a stamp to impress the podium onto the fask, however, the order in which the images were added is uncertain. Due to the former’s dominaton of the space, I propose that the podium was added afer the seated evangelist. Inscriptons too were added to ampullae, albeit rarely in Asia Minor. xxvi Inscriptons, typically were solely reserved for saints without a standard set of iconography. xxvii The Ampulla with St. Andrew is the only Asia Minor-type fask that bears a hand-etched epigraph. It is unclear when inscriptons were added though. Scholars concur that inscriptons could be incised by hand, afer a fask was molded and stamped, and before it was placed in the kiln. xxviii What remains unknown is how much tme passed between molding a fask and carving an inscripton into it, since scholars, i.e. Campbell and Pülz, have merely stated that inscriptons could be added at a later date.xxix It may also be the case that pilgrims intentonally purchased fasks with ambiguous fgures and then crudely carved their own inscriptons into them. Though this theory is certainly hard to prove, there are several precedents to fortfy this claim. First, along known pilgrimage routes, pilgrims and other travelers were able to, and frequently did, graft their names in Latn and Greek- among other ancient languages- onto stones and rock walls, materials less easily carved than wet clay. xxx Secondly, archaeological evidence has revealed that pilgrims sometmes used knives, or other sharp tools, to intentonally pare or scrape at the rim of tokens.xxxi Therefore, if generic images allowed many people to ascertain 10 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 substance from a singular image, and if pilgrims were already known to epigraphically imprint themselves onto the late antque landscape, it may not be wholly abstract or futle to contemplate the likelihood of literate pilgrims choosing to incise the name of their preferred saint onto a personal, apotropaic vessel. One of the biggest issues that previous scholars have faced in studying these fasks, is the obsessive need to identfy fgures. There is an exhaustve amount of research focused on trying to identfy the fgures that adorn ampullae from Asia Minor. It is quite ironic how focused modern scholars are on identfcaton and how unbothered early Christans were without it. Apart from the Ampulla with St. Andrew, none of the fasks from the Princeton exhibiton have fgures that are iconographically identfable. Instead of atemptng to identfy these ambiguous fgures, it may be more fruitul to recognize that crafsmen decided to deliberately produce fasks with generic fgures. The late antque world was populated by incredibly diverse communites with diferent needs and therefore, preferred patron saints with partcular skill sets. Furthermore, labeling a fgure has the unintended efect of confning an object’s importance or value to select regions. For example, St. Andrew was popular among Christans in the East, achieving nearly the same eminence in the Eastern Church as Saints Peter and Paul were aforded in the Western Church.xxxii St. Andrew’s popularity helps to explain why crafsmen from Asia Minor may have decided to inscribe the saint’s name into ampullae and not the names of others; a pilgrim may be more inclined to purchase a fask adorned with St. Andrew’s name than that of a lesser-known or admired saint. Conversely, the Ampulla with 11 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 Figures in a Boat, due to its vagueness, could have been understood in an assortment of ways, i.e., in relaton to the cult sites of Saints Phocas, Isidore, and Menas, or with the biblical stories of the Tempest Calmed or the Miraculous Draught of Fishes.xxxiii The identty of the scene rests in the eye of the beholder. Since the majority of extant ampullae are adorned with non-specifc images, the current picture that the archaeological evidence paints, is that early Christans could fnd meaning and value in generic fgures of evangelists, saints, and biblical scenes without needing them to be explicitly named. Producton Centers: The most commonly accepted theory in 20th century scholarship on Byzantne material culture is that ampullae were produced and distributed at or in proximity to pilgrimage centers. In many cases, scholars have assumed that the images decoratng pilgrims’ souvenirs were directly connected to the site of their producton.xxxiv Dr. Jas Elsner, one of the foremost scholars of Byzantne and Early Christan material culture, captured this historical traditon, statng that, “...iconography and writng…are primary, for it is through the decoraton in image and epigraph that the worshipper may know the greater whole to which the relic belongs, and may know moreover that the relic is a relic.”xxxv For Elsner, the potency of a holy place is channeled into ampullae via inscriptons, iconography, and a fask’s contents, collectvely working to elicit a greater sense of gravitas and metonymic connecton to the holy source. In her journal artcle concerning the biographies of pilgrimage tokens, Dr. Dina Boero, also holds that incorporatng the holy dust into the clay of objects during producton at cult sites validates and intensifes its efcacy and holiness.xxxvi Therefore, if a fask or token was produced and distributed at a cult 12 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 site, a coterminous relatonship between holy place and holy mater developed. However, these idyllic circumstances do not refect what the archaeological and textual evidence for producton centers, or lack thereof, actually reveals in Asia Minor. Currently, there is a paucity of evidence that validates the existence of producton centers for pilgrims’ souvenirs in Asia Minor. Furthermore, much of our available evidence is ofen determined by places that interest archaeologists, partcularly urban centers. xxxvii For this reason, the majority of ampullae found in archaeological contexts are predominantly from western Anatolia, namely from Ephesus, Pergamon, and Smyrna, among other major cites or towns.xxxviii At Ephesus the Basilica of St. John atracted a considerable number of pilgrims each year. One of the main atractons at the Basilica of St. John was the dust-miracle. xxxix Many pilgrimage souvenirs have been found at or near the Basilica of St. John at Ephesus, probably as a result of pious pilgrims seeking to capture the sacred manna to bring it home with them.xl Clay samples taken from ampullae found at Ephesus matched with clay samples from Ephesian lamps. Also, in conjuncton with the aforementoned material evidence, iconographical similarites with lamps helped to identfy the fasks as products made in Ephesus between the 5th and 7th centuries.xli Despite numerous excavatons conducted around the basilica, there is insufcient evidence to prove that a producton center ever existed at the pilgrimage site. However, pilgrims’ souvenirs could, perhaps, have been produced elsewhere in Ephesus. Similarly, at the cult site of St. Thecla in Seleucia, Aya Tekla, there is no evidence, both literary and archaeological, to prove there ever was an on-site producton center. xlii Instead of being produced at cult sites, it may be the case that ampullae, lamps, tokens, and other pilgrims’ 13 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 souvenirs could have been produced in proximity to pilgrimage centers, but not in conjuncton with them, in a way similar to how modern tourist destnatons develop economies around local atractons. Rather than forcing cult sites to conform to a universal model of pilgrimage, a more nuanced approach should be taken so as to best understand the producton of eulogiai throughout the Mediterranean. Accordingly, we should be wary of deducing that the absence of archaeological evidence for a producton center at Ephesus means that of-site producton occurred universally.xliii In Egypt, at Abu Mina, and in Syria, at Qal'at Si'mān, evidence for the existence of producton centers have been found via material-analysis and archaeological fndings. Excavatons at Abu Mina, the cult site of St. Menas, lead to the discovery of a kiln and fasks within the pilgrimage center.xliv It appears as if the producton of St. Menas fasks at Abu Mina was a large-scale operaton, which reinforces the noton of pilgrimage sites as environments conducive to both economic and spiritual proftability. Clay analysis from tokens atributed to St. Symeon the Stylite’s cult site at Qal'at Si'mān revealed “…that the mineral content of the clay is compatble with that of the local area.” xlv However, at both Abu Mina and Qal'at Si'mān, archaeologists unearthed tokens bearing images of fgures other than St. Menas and St. Symeon.xlvi In ancient Scythopolis, a similar phenomenon was recorded where tokens were produced at one locaton to eventually be sold elsewhere. xlvii These parallel phenomena suggests that the administrators of cult sites, and their respectve producton centers, recognized that they could economically beneft from creatng pilgrims’ souvenirs that exploited or appealed to the religious diversity of late antquity. xlviii For these reasons, it is clear 14 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 that ampullae were not necessarily manufactured at a cult site they could then be linked backed to. By confning the producton of ampullae to cult sites we risk losing the highly nuanced operatons of late antque pilgrimage centers to aggregaton. The Distributon of Ampullae In late antquity, the existence of a codifed plan for the distributon of pilgrims’ souvenirs does not seem to have existed. As previously stated, scholars working in the second half of the 20th century believed that both the producton and distributon of ampullae occurred at pilgrimage centers. However, more recent archaeological and literary evidence suggests that the distributon of pilgrims’ souvenirs could occur at but was not limited to these sites. Instead, distributon could take place in a number of diferent venues. The next porton of this paper atempts to string together evidence from a variety of sources, in order to weave a more complete and nuanced narratve for the distributon of pilgrims’ souvenirs. xlix Ampullae in Shops The foundaton and consecraton of cult sites catalyzed the development of tourist economies in the places near pilgrimage centers. Traders, who sold food and other basic necessites, potentally alongside sacred objects, were present in numbers comparable to those of pilgrims themselves, as pilgrimage was a “religio-commercial event,” as coined by the Byzantne scholar, Speros Vyronis.l Elsewhere in the Mediterranean, the sale of fasks as a marketplace commodity is a fairly well-documented practce. At some sites, archaeologists have even unearthed the remains of shops and stalls. At Ephesus, several small, excavated 15 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 buildings, near the Basilica of St. John, have been identfed as shops. li Literary sources corroborate these fndings, referring to the buildings as “John’s Market”. lii What has yet to be determined is when objects of popular piety were available for purchase. At Mamre, the sale of tokens and fasks took place in part with the pomp and festvites of the annual festval for Aphrodite of Aphaca. liii Comparatvely, in a Christan context, peddlers may have occupied shop stalls only on certain days, perhaps on a saint’s feast day or on canonical holy days.liv An Anglo-Saxon pilgrim, Willibald (who later became a bishop and was canonized), wrote in c. 724 afer visitng Ephesus, that on May 8th, manna, or holy dust, was distributed annually.lv Additonally, at Amastris, at the cult site of St. Hyacinth (also in Asia Minor), every year, the bishop distributed “…a miraculous health-giving dust” on July 18 th.lvi Whether at Mamre, Ephesus, or Amastris, the queston of how pilgrims received and stored manna remains unanswered. Given the entrepreneurial spirit of cult sites and cites, it would not be inconceivable for pilgrims to have purchased an ampulla at a shop in the town a cult site was located in or near, as both a souvenir and receptacle for receiving manna on a saint’s annual feast day. In the distributve context of shops, the non-specifc imagery adorning Asia Minor-type fasks, partcularly in those in the Princeton group, may best be understood as an artstc decision that enabled mold-made designs to appeal to a wide range of people, thereby increasing the object’s proftability and popularity among early Christans.. Gifs: An ampulla too, may have come into one’s possession by way of gif-giving. The most commonly cited example of this practce are the pilgrimage fasks at Monza Cathedral, gifed to 16 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 the basilica by Queen Theodolinda prior to her death in 627 CE. However, during the pontfcate of Pope Gregory, a certain John brought to the Lombard court in Rome fourteen glass ampullae flled with oils from various martyria outside the city walls.lvii Atached to each vial was a pitacium, or a small tag, containing the name(s) of the saint(s) from which the oil inside originated.lviii Since Queen Theodolinda did not visit the cult sites herself to retrieve these highly prized objects, “John” partcipated in a system of distributon by way of gif-giving. However, what exactly “John’s” intentons were in doing so is debatable. On the one hand, the collecton of ampullae for Queen Theodolinda may have been a genuinely altruistc endeavor in the greater context of Christan gif-giving in late antquity. On the other hand, bestowing upon the Queen an assortment of vials flled with holy oils may have been a gesture made by “John” to curry favor with the Lombard court, perhaps in exchange for politcal or fnancial support. There too is the possibility of an unrecorded request between “John” and Queen Theodolinda. In this case, an individual who was not able or willing to make a pilgrimage themselves, may have sent someone in their stead to obtain ampullae or tokens.lix In the West, a new type of pilgrim emerged in the late Middle Ages. By the beginning of the 14th century, the Basilica of San Francesco in Assisi had already become a major pilgrimage center, with the high altar of the Lower Church being the focus of a pilgrim’s visit.lx Testamentary evidence has been used to identfy a patern among testators who set aside money for a “good foot” to make a pilgrimage in place of the deceased. lxi In 1292, according to the last testament of Donna Margherita, three lire were set aside for “a person to go for her and her soul to San Francesco in Assisi…”.lxii It appears “vicarious pilgrimages” could be made 17 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 elsewhere as well, even if they inevitably terminated at San Francesco in Assisi. In 1289, Donna Rolandina lef provisions in her will for pilgrims to travel to Compostela, Rome, and fnally to Assisi “for the good of her soul.”lxiii What these 13th and 14th-century western pilgrims were interested in were indulgences, or pardons, rather than eulogiai though. Seeing as western artsts and hagiographers in this epoch were looking rather intently at Byzantne models of saints and icons, it may be that western pilgrimage traditons emerged out of eastern precepts. That individuals took on patronal roles and commissioned others to collect ampullae, and more importantly, the holy dust or oil they contained in the east can be substantated by pilgrims’ travelogues. The travel diaries of Egeria and Poemenia have proven to be a promising start to begin expounding on the theory above, of which has yet to be proposed in the context of Byzantum. The Spanish noblewoman, Egeria, embarked on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land with her entourage in 380 CE.lxiv Egeria was a widow who lived in a chaste community made up of other widows, unmarried women, and virgins.lxv Based on Egeria’s travel plan, she and the circle of women she lived with seem to have spent a considerable amount of tme studying the Bible, for Egeria knew specifcally what it was she wanted to see and visit, especially sites or books related to baptsm.lxvi Classicist, Dr. Hagith Sivan, has proposed that the women in Egeria’s circle expressed their piety through pilgrimage and close-reading subsequent pilgrimage accounts.lxvii Since the women in Egeria’s community were heavily involved in planning her pilgrimage, I propose that they too may have helped to fnance her holy expediton, with the hope of acquiring any eulogiai and books she returned with, in additon to 18 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 reading her travel diary. This is precisely what Egeria did: aside from keeping a metculous itnerary, she also exhibited great interest in ataining eulogiai and books.lxviii Similarly, when the pilgrim Poemenia began her journey to Thebaid, Egypt to visit the holy man, John of Lycopolis, in hope of being cured of her ailment, she received her eulogia by way of gif-giving.lxix Upon arriving at the holy man’s cult site and enquiring about visitng John, Poemenia soon learned that he did not confer with women. Instead, she sent to him the bishops who accompanied her. Afer revealing to the holy man Poemenia’s request, they returned “with a vial flled with oil that relieved her ailment.” lxx In this case Poemenia dispatched the bishops on a “vicarious pilgrimage,” albeit on a miniature scale. Distributng pilgrims’ souvenirs, partcularly ampullae, via gif-giving enabled a greater number of people to beneft from the healing abilites of sanctfed, holy earth and oil, even if they could not venture to a cult site or visit a holy man themselves. Travelling Peddlers: Distributon may also have taken place outside the context of cult sites. Due largely to the pioneering research of Sheila Campbell, Byzantnists are just now beginning to fesh out this underdeveloped theory. In her artcle, Campbell toils with a small group of fasks from Aphrodisias in Caria, quite similar to the fasks in the Princeton group, lacking in both iconographical and archaeological evidence for their producton and distributon. lxxi What Campbell proposes is that travelling peddlers, who may have sold both secular and sacred objects alongside one another, distributed ampullae to customers who may never have lef their hometowns.lxxii Furthermore, Campbell argues that generic images frequently adorning 19 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 ampullae from Asia Minor would have been benefcial, even preferable, for travelling peddlers and their consumer base, as they could be understood by a wider audience and “[allow] for a multplicity of interpretatons.”lxxiii If we imagine this to be true, the iconography, or lack thereof, of the fasks in the Princeton group can therefore be seen less as ambiguous and incomprehensible and more so as accessible and multvalent. While this claim diverges from the generally accepted theory on distributon, the work of later authors, i.e. Vikan, and more importantly, hagiography, can be employed as a preliminary efort to corroborate Campbell’s “armchair pilgrim” theory. lxxiv In The Life of Martha, an early 7th-century text, a monk leaving the Wondrous Mountain, the cult site of St. Symeon the Stylite the Younger, claims that he had “‘wandered around carrying [Symeon’s] clay tokens which have been stamped with his image.’”lxxv Despite not being perfect equivalents, crossexamining tokens with ampullae is stll a useful exercise for trying to answer unresolved questons in a data set. Therefore, if tokens were being distributed elsewhere, it is likely this practce was applicable for ampullae too.lxxvi Rather than viewing objects and the images that adorn them as indexical, historians, namely Byzantnists, have begun to recognize the importance of nuance, and that inscriptons and provenance are not necessarily the culminatng factors of an object’s perceived worth or identty. For ampullae distributed by traveling peddlers, a fgure’s identty and value was purely in the eye of the beholder. Conclusion The biography of a pilgrims’ souvenir is far from universal. However, previous scholars have consistently limited the scope of the producton and distributon for ampullae and tokens 20 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 to pilgrimage centers and the hands of the faithful. This one-dimensional approach has had a signifcant impact on how later scholars have incorporated ampullae into their discussions and arguments about pilgrimage in Byzantum. In this light, the producton and distributon of ampullae are seen only in the context of cult sites despite there being a paucity of evidence that actually proves this practce occurred at pilgrimage centers other than Qal'at Si'mān and Abu Mina. This artcle has argued that pilgrimage centers are just one of a handful of locales that ampullae were produced at and distributed from. Ampullae could be produced at producton centers specifc to a cult site or in of-site facilites that may have utlized non-specifc images to cater to the diversity of the late antque world. Apart from shop stalls in or near pilgrimage centers, ampullae too could be distributed by way of gif-giving and travelling peddlers. Instead of creatng categorical boxes whose etymologies are crafed out of modern historical motvatons, Byzantnists should become acquainted with thinking just as creatvely and fuidly as the societes and cultures they have set out to study. By presentng a range of conceivable methods for the producton and distributon of ampullae, I hope to have both enlarged the scope of previous studies and to have shown the importance of conversing with our evidence and recognizing nuance in art and history. Figures: 21 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 Figs. 1.1-1.4: Ampullae with Evangelist(s), Faces A and B, Asia Minor, 6 th century. Terracota. Princeton University Art Museum. Antoch. 6.9 x 5.1 cm (fgs. 1.1-1.2) and 6.9 x 5.1 cm (fgs 1.31.4). Figs. 2.1-2.2: Ampulla with St. Andrew, Faces A and B, Asia Minor, 6 th century. Terracota. Princeton University Art Museum. 6.7 x 4.8 cm. 22 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 Figs. 3.1-3.2: Ampulla with Figures in a Boat, Faces A and B, Asia Minor, 6th century. Terracota. Princeton University Art Museum. 6.7 x 5.0 cm Figs. 4.1-4.2: Ampulla with Unidentfed Figures, Faces A and B, Asia Minor, 6th century. Terracota. Princeton University Art Museum. 7.0 x 5.0 cm. 23 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 Figs. 5.1-5.2: Ampulla with Cross, Faces A and B, Asia Minor, 6 th century. Terracota. Princeton University Art Museum. 8.4 x 2.7 cm. 24 Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 Notes: iSarah Blick, “Bringing Pilgrimage Home: The Production, Iconography, and Domestic Use of Late-Medieval Devotional Objects by Ordinary People,” Religions 392, no. 10 (2019): 4; Andreas Pülz, “Archaeological Evidence of Christian Pilgrimage in Ephesus,” Herom 1, no. 1 (2012): 238, https://doi.org/10.11116/herom.1.9.; Susanne Bangert, “The Archaeology of Pilgrimage: Abu Mina and Beyond,” in Religious Diversity in Late Antiquity, ed. Susanne Bangert and David M. Gwynn (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 306. iiJ Elsner, “Replicating Palestine and Reversing the Reformation: Pilgrimage and Collecting at Bobbio, Monza and Walsingham,” Journal of the History of Collections 9, no. 1 (1997): 119, https://doi.org/10.1093/jhc/9.1.117. iiiWilliam Anderson, “An Archaeology of Late Antique Pilgrim Flasks,” Anatolian Studies 54 (2004): 82–84; Sheila Campbell, “Armchair Pilgrims: Ampullae from Aphrodisias in Caria,” Mediaeval Studies 50 (1988): 540–44, https://doi.org/10.1484/j.ms.2.30366. ivProxy evidence, in this context is evidence from other forms of mobile objects that are closely related to ampullae, such as lamps, tokens, and coins. v I have chosen to employ “Face A” and “Face B” instead of “obverse” and “reverse” because, at this point in time, it is not possible to identify which side was considered to be which of the latter set of terms, or, if the sides of a token, ampullae, or amulet, were at all, understood by that terminology.; In the label, it is unclear whether this fask and the following were found and excavated in Antioch or purchased in Antioch in more recent times. vi Vikan, “Byzantine Pilgrims’ Art,” 240–41. viiSlobodan Ćurčić and Archer St. Clair, eds., “Terracotta,” in Byzantium at Princeton: Byzantine Art and Archaeology at Princeton University: Catalogue of an Exhibition at Firestone Library, Princeton University, August 1 Through October 26, 1986 (Princeton: Department of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University, 1986), 120. viii Slobodan Ćurčić and Archer St. Clair, eds., “Terracotta,” in Byzantium at Princeton: Byzantine Art and Archaeology at Princeton University: Catalogue of an Exhibition at Firestone Library, Princeton University, August 1 Through October 26, 1986 (Princeton: Department of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University, 1986), 120–21. ix Ćurčić and St. Clair, 121. x Ćurčić and St. Clair, 121. xi Ćurčić and St. Clair, 122. xii Ćurčić and St. Clair, “Byzantium at Princeton,” 1986, 122. xiiiRichard Camber, “A Hoard of Terracotta Amulets from the Holy Land,” Actes Du XVe Congrès International d’études Byzantines, Athèns, Septembre 1976 2a (1981): 101.; Matthew 8:23-27. xivL.Y. Rahmani, “Eulogia Tokens from Byzantine Bet She’an,” Atiqot 22 (1993): 110. ʿ xv Rahmani, 111.; Luke 5:3-11. xvi Ćurčić and St. Clair, “Byzantium at Princeton,” 1986, 122. xvii Ćurčić and St. Clair, “Byzantium at Princeton,” 1986, 122. xviii Ćurčić and St. Clair, 122. xix Blick, “Bringing Pilgrimage Home,” 22. xx Ćurčić and St. Clair, “Byzantium at Princeton,” 1986, 120. xxi Pülz, “Archaeological Evidence of Christian Pilgrimage in Ephesus,” 234; Blick, “Bringing Pilgrimage Home,” 2. xxii Ćurčić and St. Clair, “Byzantium at Princeton,” 1986, 120.;Personal Conversation with Dr. Michael Padgett, Curator of Ancient Art, Princeton University Art Museum, May 14, 2019, Princeton University Art Museum. xxiii Camber, “A Hoard of Terracotta Amulets from the Holy Land,” 100. xxiv Anderson, “An Archaeology of Late Antique Pilgrim Flasks,” 89. xxv Personal Conversation with Dr. Michael Padgett, Curator of Ancient Art, Princeton University Art Museum, May 14, 2019. xxvi Ćurčić and St. Clair, “Byzantium at Princeton,” 1986, 121.; Inscriptions are frequently incorporated into molds for Egyptian ampullae. xxvii Ćurčić and St. Clair, 121. xxviii Campbell, “Armchair Pilgrims,” 539; Pülz, “Archaeological Evidence of Christian Pilgrimage in Ephesus,” 234. xxix Campbell, “Armchair Pilgrims,” 545; Pülz, “Archaeological Evidence of Christian Pilgrimage in Ephesus,” 235. xxx Pülz, “Archaeological Evidence of Christian Pilgrimage in Ephesus,” 246. xxxi Rahmani, “Eulogia Tokens from Byzantine Bet She’an,” 109. xxxii Ćurčić and St. Clair, “Byzantium at Princeton,” 1986, 121. xxxiii Ćurčić and St. Clair, 122; Camber, “A Hoard of Terracotta Amulets from the Holy Land,” 101; Rahmani, “Eulogia Tokens from Byzantine Bet She’an,” 111. xxxiv Anderson, “An Archaeology of Late Antique Pilgrim Flasks,” 80; Bangert, “The Archaeology of Pilgrimage,” 293. xxxv Elsner, “Replicating Palestine and Reversing the Reformation,” 121. Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 xxxvi Boero, “The Cultural Biography of a Pilgrimage Token,” 6. Anderson, “An Archaeology of Late Antique Pilgrim Flasks,” 85. xxxviii Anderson, 84–85. xxxixPülz, “Archaeological Evidence of Christian Pilgrimage in Ephesus,” 230–31. As stated in the Acta Ioannis, when John died, he did not actually die, but instead was asleep in his grave, causing the dust around his burial site to gently rise and fall when he breathed. xlTwo ampullae found at Ephesus are quite similar to the Ampulla with St. Andrew and Ampulla with Unidentifed Figures at Princeton. This may suggest that there was a common or standardized set of iconographies in use across Asia Minor. However, there is not enough evidence to determine if some of the fasks at Princeton were produced in or near Ephesus though. xli Pülz, “Archaeological Evidence of Christian Pilgrimage in Ephesus,” 233. xlii Bangert, “The Archaeology of Pilgrimage,” 314. xliii Bangert, 299. xliv Boero, “The Cultural Biography of a Pilgrimage Token,” 6. xlv Bangert, “The Archaeology of Pilgrimage,” 318. xlvi Bangert, 319. xlvii Boero, “The Cultural Biography of a Pilgrimage Token,” 5. xlviiiBangert, “The Archaeology of Pilgrimage,” 311; Rangar H. Cline, “A Two-Sided Mold and the Entrepreneurial Spirit of Pilgrimage Souvenir Production in Late Antique Syria-Palestine,” Journal of Late Antiquity 7, no. 1 (Spring 2014): 29, https://doi.org/10.1353/jla.2014.0017. xlix The following methods of distribution have been partitioned into three sections for accessibility and organizational reasons. In no way should any section be perceived as vying for supremacy over another. Instead, we should understand these sections as approaches that occurred parallel and not in contradiction of one another. lBangert, “The Archaeology of Pilgrimage,” 295; William Anderson, “Menas Flasks in the West: Pilgrimage and Trade at the End of Antiquity,” AWE 6 (2007): 222, https://doi.org/10.2143/AWE.6.0.2022800; Blick, “Bringing Pilgrimage Home,” 7. Rebecca Stephens Falcasantos, “Wandering Wombs, Inspired Intellects: Christian Religious Travel in Late Antiquity,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 25, no. 1 (Spring 2017): 113, https://doi.org/10.1353/earl.2017.0003. li Pülz, “Archaeological Evidence of Christian Pilgrimage in Ephesus,” 243. lii Pülz, 243. liii Cline, “A Two-Sided Mold,” 44. livClive Foss, “Pilgrimage in Medieval Asia Minor,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 56 (2002): 141. lv Foss, 141. lvi Foss, 141. lviiDennis Trout, “Theodelinda’s Rome: ‘Ampullae’, Pittacia", and the Image of the City,” Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 50 (2005): 131. lviii Trout, 131. lix Sweeney, “Holy Images and Holy Matter,” 121. lxDonal Cooper and Janet Robson, “Imagery and the Economy of Penance at the Tomb of St. Francis,” in Architecture and Pilgrimage, 1000-1050: Southern Europe and Beyond, ed. Paul Davies, Deborah Howard, and Wendy Pullan (Farnham, Surrey: Great Britain: Ashgate, 2013), 178. lxi Cooper and Robson, 178. lxii Cooper and Robson, 178. lxiii Cooper and Robson, 178. lxiv Vikan, “Byzantine Pilgrims’ Art,” 324. lxvHagith Sivan, “Holy Land Pilgrimage and Western Audiences: Some Refections on Egeria and Her Circle,” Classical Quarterly 38, no. ii (1988): 534; Hagith Sivan, “Who Was Egeria? Piety and Pilgrimage in the Age of Gratian,” The Harvard Theological Review 81, no. 1 (January 1988): 68. lxvi Sivan, “Holy Land Pilgrimage and Western Audiences,” 529–30. lxvii Sivan, 533. lxviii Falcasantos, “Wandering Wombs, Inspired Intellects,” 112. lxixBernadette Mc Nary-Zak, “Problematizing Women and Holy Land Pilgrimage in Late Antiquity,” Magistra 8, no. 1 (Winter 2002): 1. lxx Mc Nary-Zak, 1. lxxi Campbell, “Armchair Pilgrims.” lxxii Campbell, 544; Anderson, “Menas Flasks in the West,” 222. lxxiii Campbell, “Armchair Pilgrims,” 545. lxxivGary Vikan, “Guided by Land and Sea: Pilgrim Art and Pilgrim Travel in Early Byzantium,” Jahrbuch Für Antike Und Christentum Ergänzungsband/ 18 (1991): 92. xxxvii Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 lxxvCharles Kuper, Life of Martha, Mother of Symeon the Stylite the Younger (Yonkers: New York: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, forthcoming, n.d.), chaps. 54–55; Vikan, “Guided by Land and Sea,” 92. Kuper, Life of Martha, Mother of Symeon the Stylite the Younger, chaps. 54–55. lxxvi Elsner, “Replicating Palestine and Reversing the Reformation,” 119–20; Vikan, “Guided by Land and Sea,” 78; Boero, “The Cultural Biography of a Pilgrimage Token,” 4; Sweeney, “Holy Images and Holy Matter,” 121. Published by JHU Macksey Journal, 2021 Works Cited Anderson, William. “An Archaeology of Late Antique Pilgrim Flasks.” Anatolian Studies 54 (2004): 79–93. ———. “Blessing the Fields? A Study of Late-Medieval Ampullae from England and Wales.” Medieval Archaeology 54, no. 1 (2010): 182–203. ———. “Menas Flasks in the West: Pilgrimage and Trade at the End of Antiquity.” AWE 6 (2007): 221–43. https://doi.org/10.2143/AWE.6.0.2022800. Bangert, Susanne. “The Archaeology of Pilgrimage: Abu Mina and Beyond.” In Religious Diversity in Late Antiquity, edited by Susanne Bangert and David M. Gwynn, 293–329. Leiden: Brill, 2010. 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