Research
Dying to serve: the mass burials
at Kerma
Margaret Judd1 & Joel Irish2
High ranking burial mounds in Bronze Age Sudan featured burials in a corridor leading to the
central burial – supposedly of a king. Were the ‘corridor people’ prisoners captured during periodic
raids on Egypt, or local retainers who followed their king in death? The authors use the skeletal
material to argue the second hypothesis – coincidentally that advanced by George Reisner, the
original excavator.
Keywords: Sudan, Nubia, Kerma, sacrifice, ethnicity
Introduction
Kerma, the Bronze Age capital of the Kushite Kingdom in Upper Nubia (Sudan), was
the site of the earliest African complex society outside of Egypt, and Egypt’s adversary for
control of the Nile trade. Kerma (the modern name of the site) was equally renowned for its
distinctive funerary landscape: 80-90ha of tumuli presided over by two imposing mud-brick
temples. Mass interments of hundreds of individuals occurred within the corridors of the
largest of these tumuli that also held the corporeal remains of the king (Figure 1). There has
been much speculation about the identity of these ‘corridor people’ based on the implicit
assumption that they were contemporaries of the king and not, for example, interred
later – either within the existing structure or an addition to the central chamber. The
traditional view is that they were loyal subjects. Specifically, it was speculated that they
were mostly female members of the king’s entourage and other persons, such as servants,
family, trusted friends and administrators, who voluntarily accompanied their king to his
grave (Adams 1977; Bonnet 1990b; O’Connor 1993; Kendall 1997; Edwards 2004). This
interpretation rests solely on Reisner’s (1923a) authoritative opinion following his excavation
of the site nearly 100 years ago, from 1913-16. It is the purpose of the present report to test
the likelihood of his view.
Egyptian texts are unusually silent about the culture of ‘wretched’ Kush as they preferred
to call this territory (Adams 1977; Smith 2003; Edwards 2004) – most likely to not empower
their enemy. However, a recently discovered inscription in Governor Sobeknakht’s tomb at
Elkab, Egypt, dated to the end of the Classic Kerma period (1550 BC), provides evidence of
the northerly extent of Kerma’s military activities (Davies 2003). This inscription recounts
the Kushite penetration of Egypt to Elkab, and their plunder-laden return to Kerma. It was
1
2
Department of Anthropology, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, PA 15260, USA (Email: mjudd@pitt.edu)
University of Alaska-Fairbanks, Department of Anthropology, 310 Eielson Building, PO Box 757720, Fairbanks,
AK 99775-7720, USA (Email: ffjdi@uaf.edu)
Received: 14 May 2008; Accepted: 1 September 2008; Revised; 15 October 2008
ANTIQUITY
83 (2009): 709–722
709
Dying to serve: the mass burials at Kerma
Figure 1. Central corridor B west of Tumulus K X, with king’s chamber (after Reisner 1923a: Plate 20).
proposed that the monumental Egyptian statuary and stelae in the Kerma funerary corridors
were trophies of this and other incursions, and were interred with the Kerma kings as a
symbol of infinite Kushite supremacy (Davies 2003). Furthermore, this explanation may
extend to the dead interred within these corridors, who may in fact have been the human
victims of Kushite pillage.
Here we revisit Reisner’s interpretation by testing three hypotheses involving the skeletal
remains of people within their funerary contexts. If Reisner was correct, there should be no
difference in the frequencies of skeletal trauma due to antemortem interpersonal violence
and perimortem injuries among people in the corridors, versus those interred elsewhere,
in what have been termed subsidiary burials. If the people interred in the corridor were
indeed prisoners of war, they would have more likely been physically abused while alive
and later forcibly interred or slaughtered. There should also be no significant difference
genetically between individuals comprising the corridor and subsidiary burials, since both
groups would have been drawn from the same local Kerman population. Assuming that
phenetic similarity provides an estimate of genetic relatedness both groups should, based
on comparisons of cranial measurements in the present study, share a close affinity. The
Kushite burial configuration was distinct, so if burials within the corridor adhere to the
Kushite orientation, posture and ritually placed indigenous grave goods they would be more
probably Kerman, rather than captives from outside the region.
If the captive hypothesis is supported, Kerma may indeed prove to have been more
powerful than previously thought, having been capable of herding captive Egyptians over an
710
expanse of inhospitable territory during two centuries of growing Kushite military power.
If it is rejected, then Reisner’s speculations may be supported, i.e. the people interred
within the corridor were Kermans who accompanied their king to the afterlife, willingly
or unwillingly. In either case, the social identity of these individuals and circumstances
of their death have broader implications for our interpretation of Kushite ideology
and the magnitude of the king’s authority
within the local and international political
arena. Even if other interpretations prove
to be valid (e.g. the subsidiary and corridor
people are not contemporary) based on
future archaeological evidence, the present
hypothesis testing will still be useful in
assessing the degree of biocultural affinity
of individuals in the two burial contexts.
Archaeological context
Kerma (c . 3000 to the mid-fifteenth
century BC) was strategically located
just south of the Nile’s third cataract
(Figure 2); this locale facilitated a trade
relationship with Egypt that, by 2200
BC, led to substantial prosperity (Breasted
1962). Kerma provided luxuries such as
exotic animals, gold and ebony to the
Egyptians, while Kushite mercenaries were
recruited to safeguard trade (Fischer 1961,
1962; Adams 1977; Bonnet 1990a). Egypt
Figure 2. Map showing the location of Kerma.
reciprocated by providing Kerma with endproducts crafted by skilled Egyptians. Over the next 500 years Kerma experienced
considerable economic and political expansion, and periodically attacked Egypt during
episodes of political upheaval that plagued the pharaohs of the early second millennium BC.
During the Classic Kerma period (c . 1750 until its conquest by Thutmose I of Thebes
in the Eighteenth Dynasty) ten monumental tumuli were constructed in what Reisner
(1923a) termed the Egyptian Cemetery (Cemetery B, Figure 3). The largest tumulus,
Tumulus X, measured 90m in diameter and concealed a honeycombed network of mudbrick walls (Figure 4). Central corridors containing as many as 300 individuals bisected
three of these structures, while the remaining seven contained chambers rather than
corridors to hold multiple interments. Reisner (1923a) designated the central burial that
led off the corridor as that of a king, who was laid out between two ox-hides on an
intricately carved and mica-inlaid bed. The accompanying bodies in the king’s chamber
and corridors were placed on the floor, often in clusters, and covered with hide. Reisner
(1923a) observed that the bodies were positioned in the indigenous Kushite manner: the
individual was flexed on their right side and oriented so that the head was to the east
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Margaret Judd & Joel Irish
Dying to serve: the mass burials at Kerma
Figure 3. Cemetery B, the Egyptian Cemetery (adapted from Reisner 1923a: Plan II).
and the individual faced north. He recorded that some individuals were in a pose of
‘fear,’ with their hands positioned over their heads or having apparently attempted to hide
under the central beds. Whether or not there was a time lapse between some interments is
unknown.
Rows of cattle skulls flanked the south side of each tumulus, which were paved with
mud-brick and covered with a pebble mosaic crowned by a central marble cone (Reisner
1923a; Bonnet 2000). The surrounding smaller tumuli emulated the royal tombs. The
most important individual, believed by Reisner to be male, was placed on an ivory or
mica-inlaid bed on the south side of the tomb and surrounded by an array of other humans
and animals; the latter often included sheep or goats and an occasional dog. These animals
were systematically placed on the west side of the pit, attired with a lead or ostrich feather
headdress, dabbed with red ochre and appeared to be in a peaceful slumber. Simple subsidiary
pit-burials were also cut into the royal tumuli and surrounding alluvium.
Materials
The skeletal sample from Kerma is curated in the Duckworth Laboratory at the University
of Cambridge’s bioanthropology department. To test our hypotheses it was essential to sort
through Reisner’s (1923a & b) extensive site catalogue to determine the context of each
skeleton available for analysis. The resulting two groups each contained the skeletal remains
of males and females:
1. The corridor people: individuals who were buried en masse within the corridors or
chambers of Tumuli III, IV, X, XVI and XVIII; and
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Margaret Judd & Joel Irish
Figure 4. Plan of Tumulus K X and funerary chapel K XI (adapted from Kendall 1997: Figure 28).
2. The subsidiary people: individuals buried in graves cut into the above tumuli or in the
smaller tumuli surrounding Tumuli III, IV and XVI. These burials frequently included
more than one individual and may represent a secondary phase of sacrifice that followed
the sealing of the royal tomb. However, the focus of this analysis is the differentiation in
social structure between people interred within the corridors, and those buried outside
the corridors.
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Dying to serve: the mass burials at Kerma
Table 1. Context of Kerma individuals used for each analysis.
Corridor
Analysis
Postcranial trauma
Skull trauma
Craniometric
Subsidiary
Males
Females
Males
Females
37
43
30
38
62
50
57
61
50
91
150
123
It is estimated from Reisner’s (1923a) report that at least 850 individuals were excavated;
of these, skeletal remains of approximately 341 individuals are curated in the Duckworth
Laboratory, although some are fragmentary. Only individuals over 18 years of age for
whom a context and biological sex could be determined were included in this analysis.
The biological sex of each individual was established using the protocol summarised by
Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994). Prior research revealed that standard biological age cohorts
(youth: 18-25 years, young adult: 25-35 years, middle adult: 35-50 years and mature adult:
50+ years) were distributed similarly in both corridor and subsidiary contexts (Buzon &
Judd 2008). Though Reisner noted the presence of younger individuals, only the remains
of approximately nine children were recovered. Because of this small sample size and the
potential for differential burial treatment, children were excluded from analyses. Due to
the nature of our hypotheses the methods, distribution of individuals by sex, and results of
each section are presented separately (Table 1).
Trauma analysis
Trauma was considered first to determine if there were any perimortem injuries or
antemortem evidence of torture and/or long-term abuse to suggest the corridor people were
prisoners of war or vulnerable lower classes. To infer behaviour, it is necessary to determine
whether the injury was due to violence or accident. The ambiguous nature of injuries caused
by accidental and intentional incidents observed on skeletal remains has been deliberated by
many bioarchaeologists (Lovell 1997; Alvrus 1999; Jurmain 1999; Judd 2002, 2004, 2008;
Novak 2006); the array of injuries linked to intentional actions include: cranial blunt force
trauma, direct force forearm (parry) fractures, sharp force trauma, projectile trauma and
multiple injuries. Traumatised small bones such as the ribs, vertebrae and extremities were
included with multiple traumas for this study. The injuries summarised here derive from a
detailed trauma analysis published elsewhere (Judd 2004). A chi-square analysis was used to
assess differences in trauma frequencies, while independent samples t-tests compared metric
variations in lesions when possible.
The demographic profile and injury patterns observed for each sex between burial contexts
and between the sexes within each context yielded few significant differences (Tables 2 and
3). There was no evidence of unambiguous perimortem trauma in either group. Subsidiary
males bore more injuries and had the highest incidence of multiple and long bone traumas.
All male ulna injuries exhibited the parry fracture signature, while approximately a third
of female ulna injuries were attributed to direct force in both contexts. Antemortem skull
trauma was more frequent among those within the corridors, although this relationship is
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Margaret Judd & Joel Irish
Table 2. Trauma analysis results showing individuals affected, observed and frequency.
Trauma analysis
Long bones
Ulna
Skull
Multiple trauma
Individuals with trauma
Subsidiary
Males
Females
Males
Females
6/292 (2.1)
5/39 (12.8)
8/38 (21.1)
6/17 (35.3)
16/42 (37.1)
6/328 (1.8)
2/46 (4.3)
11/55 (20.0)
9/22 (40.9)
22/62 (35.5)
24/511 (4.7)
7/70 (10.0)
7/48 (14.6)
18/27 (66.7)
27/61 (44.3)
12/898 (1.3)
2/121 (1.7)
8/130 (6.2)
12/38 (31.6)
38/150 (25.3)
Table 3. The p-values for each sex and between the sexes within each context.
Trauma analysis
Males
Females
Corridor
Subsidiary
Long bones
Ulna
Skull
Multiple trauma
All trauma
.058
.831
.432
.024
.472
.525
.518
.005
.465
.136
.839
.322
.902
.542
.856
.000
.012
.072
.005
.007
significant only among females; there was no significant difference in skull trauma frequency
between the sexes for each context. A total of 52 discrete skull injuries were observed, with
45 located on the vault. Blunt force trauma accounted for about 66 per cent of all male,
and 77 per cent of all female skull injuries. There was no significant difference between the
distribution of vault injuries according to side. However, the right side was slightly favoured
regarding blunt force trauma and the left was predisposed to sharp force trauma.
When all cranial lesions were considered, the areas of injuries ranged in size from
22.72 to 1232.24mm2 among the corridor people, and 6.60 to 2053.26mm2 among
the subsidiary people. An independent samples t-test revealed no significant difference
in lesion areas between individuals of different burial contexts when the areas of all lesions
were compared (t = −0.23, p = 0.82); moreover, there was no significant difference in
injury areas when only vaults were compared (t = −0.53, p = 0.60). Similar weapons,
likely including the hands and feet, were used to inflict injuries among individuals in both
contexts.
Males buried outside the corridor experienced a higher frequency of multiple injuries
than their contemporaries. When the total number of injured individuals was considered,
there was no significant difference in trauma frequency between contexts. Males suffered
more than their female counterparts in all injury categories, which is a cross-cultural
phenomenon in modern societies (Judd 2004). The corridor people did not exhibit
significantly greater frequencies of trauma, more severe injuries or distinct injury patterns
when compared to the subsidiary people. Individuals interred within the corridor were at
no greater injury risk of interpersonal violence during daily life than those in the subsidiary
graves.
The trauma analysis results do not reject the hypothesis concerning frequencies of skeletal
trauma. There was no evidence that the corridor people had been abused, tortured or
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Corridor
Dying to serve: the mass burials at Kerma
Table 4. The 13 standard cranial measurements used in the study.
Cranial measurements
Cranial landmarks
Maximum length
Maximum breadth
Maximum height
Cranial base length
Basion-prosthion length
Upper facial height
Nasal height
Nasal breadth
Bizygomatic breadth
Minimum frontal breadth
Interorbital at dacryon
Orbital breadth
Orbital height
Glabella-opisthocranion
Euryon-euryon
Basion-bregma
Basion-nasion
Basion-prosthion
Nasion-prosthion
Nasion-nasospinale
Alare-alare
Zygion-zygion
Frontotemporale-frontotemporale
Dacryon-dacryon
Dacryon-ectoconchion
Perpendicular to above
were frequent participants in interpersonal violence. In fact, the subsidiary males exhibited
higher frequencies of trauma in many instances, although this was not always significant.
No evidence of perimortem trauma or funerary treatment, such as defleshing, was observed
for either group. If the corridor people were sacrificed or unwilling to go to their deaths, the
method of death did not leave any skeletal evidence.
Craniometric analysis
To determine if the subsidiary and corridor people were derived from the same or different
populations, i.e. whether the latter were Kerman or perhaps foreign slaves or prisoners,
a craniometric comparison was undertaken between groups. Nonmetric dental traits are
also useful for assessing inter-group affinity; such data were collected by the second author.
Unfortunately, whereas a sufficient number of teeth remain in the Kerma crania to estimate
relatedness of the combined sample to others in Nubia (see Irish 2005) and elsewhere,
there are too many missing post-mortem (presumably from >80 years of handling after
excavation) to assess intra-sample variation. Nevertheless, following many researchers (e.g.
Martin & Saller 1959; Howells 1966, 1989; Froment 1992; Hanihara 1992, 1996, 2000;
Brace et al. 2001; Roseman & Weaver 2003; Pietrusewsky 2004), it is assumed that cranial
form corresponds with population affinity (i.e. reflects genetic relatedness). As such, up
to 13 standard measurements of 253 crania recorded by Collett (1933) were compared to
identify differences. Because of sexual dimorphism, male and female crania were analysed
separately. These measurements are listed in Table 4 and described in Martin and Saller
(1959) and Froment (1992). To quantify the comparisons, means, standard deviations, and
coefficients of variation (COV) were computed by group. Independent samples t-tests were
then performed. Lastly, discriminant analysis (Howells 1966; Froment 1992; Pietrusewsky
2004), using the direct entry method on 12 measurements, was employed; the interorbital at
dacryon measurement was dropped from analysis because of numerous missing data. Mean
substitution was used to replace other missing measurements.
716
Results from the COV for the 13 subsidiary and corridor context measurements
indicate that neither group was more variable than the other. If the sacrificial corridor
victims were a mix of foreign slaves and prisoners, or a combination of foreigners
and some Kerma inhabitants, one would expect greater craniometric variation relative
to the subsidiary group. This is not the
case. Moreover, there were no significant
pairwise differences (i.e. 0.05) between
any measurements based on t-tests. Lastly,
for males, discriminant analysis yielded
a correct classification rate of 62.5 per
cent between subsidiary and corridor crania
based on the 12 measurements. This
rate is just 12.5 per cent better than
random assignment (i.e. 50-50 guessing),
which also indicates little difference
between groups. The corresponding Wilk’s
Lambda, which gauges robustness of the
discriminant model, is large (λ = 0.69) and
insignificant ( p = 0.35) based on the chisquare test. In females the corresponding
Figure 5. Stacked histogram of canonical discriminant
classification rate was reduced to 58.4
function scores for the 30 corridor (black) and 50 subsidiary
per cent – just 8.4 per cent better
(grey) male crania, illustrating correct classification rate of
than random assignment (λ = 0.90, p =
62.5 per cent. Asterisks denote corresponding group centroids
of −0.38 and 0.2, respectively.
0.93). This lack of differentiation is
illustrated by the close proximity of group
centroids, and the overlap of individuals
in a stacked histogram of discriminant
values (Figures 5 and 6). If the two
groups were markedly different, there
would be little or no overlap of these
distributions.
The statistical analyses do not indicate
any significant differences between the
subsidiary and corridor people for either
males or females. These findings suggest
that the individuals in the corridors
were not phenetically different from those
comprising the subsidiary interments.
There is nothing in the craniometric
findings to suggest that the former came
Figure 6. Stacked histogram of canonical discriminant
from a different population than the latter.
function scores for the 50 corridor (black) and 123 subsidiary
Both sets of male and female subsamples
(white) female crania, illustrating correct classification rate of
were likely of the same, presumably
58.4 per cent. Asterisks denote corresponding group centroids
Kerman, origin.
of 0.41 and −0.01, respectively.
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Margaret Judd & Joel Irish
Dying to serve: the mass burials at Kerma
Table 5. Ethnic comparisons showing number of Kushite objects and individuals
interred (frequency).
Kushite feature (Tumulus)
Daggers (III, IV, X)
Throw sticks (X, XVI)
Headrests (X, XVI)
Kushite orientation (III, IV, X, XVI)
Corridor
Subsidiary
p-value
38/462 (8.2)
5/364 (1.4)
20/364 (5.5)
255/373 (68.4)
75/494 (15.2)
9/283 (3.2)
25/283 (8.8)
226/322 (70.2)
.009
.117
.270
.604
Burial rite
Indigenous Kushite artefacts as well as Egyptian scarabs, gold military awards, high quality
alabaster vessels, bronze toiletries and jewellery were found in both contexts (Reisner
1923b). The attribution of artefacts to a specific individual is problematic owing to burial
disturbances by looters and the en masse excavation of closely overlapping individuals.
A second problem concerns the significance of the Egyptian artefacts. Were they the
property of the deceased owing to the centuries old trade network with Egypt, or the more
recently plundered items deposited in tandem with the Egyptian statuary to demonstrate
Kushite domination? To further assess if the corridor people were ethnically Kushite, a
simple analysis of body orientation and grave goods, as recorded by Reisner (1923a), was
performed. He noted the burial position in relation to the traditional Kushite position,
which was firmly entrenched in the Kerma culture by the Classic period (Geus 1991);
any substantial deviation from the norm would be suspect and perhaps foreign, although
differential circumstances surrounding death cannot be ruled out (Ucko 1969). Burial
positions of articulated individuals and the total number of indigenous Kushite artefacts
from four of the largest tumuli (Tumuli III, IV, X and XVI) were tallied from the report
(Table 5).
Among undisturbed bodies, the Kushite position and orientation occurred with similar
frequencies for both contexts: 68.4 per cent of the corridor and 70.2 per cent of the
subsidiary individuals were interred in a flexed position, oriented east to west and faced
north. Both contexts were distinctly Kushite. Minor deviations from this pattern may
be attributed to grave robbing in antiquity; more pronounced divergences, such as the
extended Egyptian-style position of some KIII corridor individuals, may be expected as
Kerma maintained relationships with some regions of Egypt (Edwards 2004). Fluctuating
expressions of ethnic affiliation may have been conferred in the burial orientation, but the
majority of individuals conformed to the mainstream Kushite burial practices and ritual.
Two notable demonstrations of personal identity included a pot-burial from Corridor B
in Tumulus IV (Reisner 1923a) and a poorly constructed Egyptian style coffin from a
subsidiary grave (Dunham 1982: ix).
The popularity of funerary artefacts varied temporally, but the Kushite ceremonial
dagger was consistently present throughout the Classic Kerma period. Other traditional
Kushite items, such as throw sticks and headrests, were underestimated due to their organic
composition and destruction during looting. When the distribution of these three artefacts
was compared, a significant difference existed only among the Kushite daggers. It is unlikely
718
that such prestige would have been privileged upon a prisoner of war, particularly as the
daggers were bound to the individual’s waist or thigh as part of their funerary attire. Daggers
were associated with four people in the corridors, and of these individuals one was a female;
a throw stick was found with a second female. None of these individuals suffered skeletal
trauma. Among those in subsidiary graves, five females and twelve males possessed daggers
and none displayed injuries characteristic of violence. The association of these daggers does
not necessarily mean that the artefact served as a weapon for the deceased, but may in fact
have been symbolically empowered and unrestricted by the binary nature of biological sex.
What we perceive as a weapon may have been linked to social status, power, occupation,
kin group or serve another function. For example, the ambiguity of an artefact is illustrated
by the simple wooden staff, which among the ancient Egyptians served as a walking aid,
shepherd’s ‘tool’, symbol of manhood, or a fighting stick (Loebl & Nunn 1997). Similarly,
the dark hardwood throw stick was highly prized among ancient dwellers of the Nile Valley;
although they may have been brandished as a menacing weapon or hurled during warfare,
throw sticks were frequently depicted in hunting or tribute scenes (Arkell 1939; Kendall
1988). The presence of daggers, throw-sticks and headrests in both burial contexts and with
both sexes, supports a heterogeneous mixture of people.
Discussion
These findings suggest that large numbers of Kermans did accompany their king in death,
but whether this was done willingly or not is unknown. There was no skeletal evidence
of physical force to subdue reluctant participants, although soft tissue trauma resulting in
death remains a possibility. A sedative may also have been involved, particularly when the
arrangement of the interred animals is considered. The goats and dogs were placed in a
position of slumber, rather than a position indicating a conscious reaction to being buried
alive; no evidence of perimortem trauma was noted, either at Kerma or at any other Classic
Kerma site (Chaix 1993; Grant 2001). But again, soft tissue trauma is possible; for example,
a main artery could have been skillfully severed without nicking a bone. Suffocation as a
form of sacrifice was not unknown, as Bonnet (1990b) recovered lambs stuffed into leather
sacks. Still, no chemical or physical evidence of sedation was recovered within either context,
such as the small cups associated with individuals from sacrificial pits at Ur (Woolley 1934:
35-6).
Ethnohistoric accounts and material culture exist to help elucidate ritual and dedicatory
sacrifice among some ancient cultures, such as the Inca and Moche (Ceruti 2004; Sutter
& Verano 2007), but this is not the case at Kerma. The lack of documentation by the
Kushites, Egyptians or any other historical chroniclers does not permit the isolation of a
single motive for the Classic Kerma mass interments. However, the results discussed here
further advance the social significance of these burials. While the sacrifice of prisoners-ofwar over a period of 200 years would have substantiated Kerma’s prominence in Nile Valley
politics, the fact that the corridor people formed a diverse socio-demographic profile of
Kerman society has broader implications for this early African complex society. During the
Classic Kerma period, Kushite ideology was clearly linked with the state, as the environs
of the royal tumulus bore a metaphorical resemblance to that of the city of Kerma. Each
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Margaret Judd & Joel Irish
Dying to serve: the mass burials at Kerma
royal tumulus was in fact a small city of the dead. The ruler in his discrete chamber was
surrounded by a community of his subjects and households; the thousands of cattle skulls
bordering the southern perimeter of the tumuli were the embodiment of Kerma’s wealth and
local economy, and a funerary temple presided over each sacred landscape. Correspondingly,
4.8km away, the central temple (Western Defuffa) overlooked the king’s palace, domestic
structures, foundries, bakeries, storage pits and surrounding cattle pens (Bonnet 1990a &
b). The duality of the Kerman kings’ supremacy in both life and death demonstrates that
they were empowered with sufficient authority that even after death compelled masses of
people, perhaps altruistically more so than willingly, to accompany them to their graves.
Conclusions
There were neither signs of violent perimortem skeletal trauma, such as cutmarks, multiple
bludgeoning or stab wounds, nor obvious patterns of antemortem trauma or postmortem
treatment within the corridor and subsidiary burial contexts. Craniometric analyses
established the phenetic similarity of these groups. Similarly, the burial configuration was
predominantly Kushite, and artefacts indigenous to Kush were found in both contexts,
with many artefacts indicative of international trade or the debris of Egyptian plunder. The
corridor people were selected or volunteered to accompany their king to his afterlife, and
they reflected the composition of Kerma society and the magnitude of the king’s authority.
The likelihood is that Reisner was, in fact, correct.
Acknowledgements
We thank Vivian Davies (The British Museum) for suggesting a bioarchaeological investigation in response to
his discovery at Elkab and Dr Alain Froment (Musée de l’Homme) for providing us with an initial database of
Collett’s (1933) cranial measurements. Marta Lahr and Robert Foley at the University of Cambridge generously
provided access to the Kerma sample in the Duckworth Collections. Maggie Bellati is thanked for her helpfulness
during the data collection. We are especially grateful for the assistance provided by Karen Excell (The Manchester
Museum) and Rosalie David (The University of Manchester).
– 2000. Edifices et rites funéraires à Kerma. Paris:
Éditions Errance.
BRACE, C.L., A.R. NELSON, N. SEGUCHI, H. OE, L.
SERING, P. QIFENG, L. YONGYI & D. TUMEN. 2001.
Old World sources of the first New World human
inhabitants: a comparative craniofacial view.
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 98:
10017-22.
BREASTED, J.H. 1962. Ancient records of Egypt. Volume
1. The First to the Seventeenth Dynasties. New York
(NY): Russell and Russell.
BUIKSTRA, J.E. & D.H. UBELAKER (ed.). 1994.
Standards for data collection from human skeletal
remains (Arkansas Archaeological Survey Research
Series 44). Fayetteville (AR): Arkansas
Archaeological Survey.
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