Lawless et al. BMC Family Practice 2014, 15:99
http://www.biomedcentral.com/1471-2296/15/99
RESEARCH ARTICLE
Open Access
Developing a good practice model to evaluate
the effectiveness of comprehensive primary
health care in local communities
Angela Lawless*, Toby Freeman, Michael Bentley, Fran Baum and Gwyn Jolley
Abstract
Background: This paper describes the development of a model of Comprehensive Primary Health Care (CPHC)
applicable to the Australian context. CPHC holds promise as an effective model of health system organization able
to improve population health and increase health equity. However, there is little literature that describes and
evaluates CPHC as a whole, with most evaluation focusing on specific programs. The lack of a consensus on what
constitutes CPHC, and the complex and context-sensitive nature of CPHC are all barriers to evaluation.
Methods: The research was undertaken in partnership with six Australian primary health care services: four state
government funded and managed services, one sexual health non-government organization, and one Aboriginal
community controlled health service. A draft model was crafted combining program logic and theory-based
approaches, drawing on relevant literature, 68 interviews with primary health care service staff, and researcher
experience. The model was then refined through an iterative process involving two to three workshops at each
of the six participating primary health care services, engaging health service staff, regional health executives and
central health department staff.
Results: The resultant Southgate Model of CPHC in Australia model articulates the theory of change of how and
why CPHC service components and activities, based on the theory, evidence and values which underpin a CPHC
approach, are likely to lead to individual and population health outcomes and increased health equity. The
model captures the importance of context, the mechanisms of CPHC, and the space for action services have to
work within. The process of development engendered and supported collaborative relationships between
researchers and stakeholders and the product provided a description of CPHC as a whole and a framework for
evaluation. The model was endorsed at a research symposium involving investigators, service staff, and key
stakeholders.
Conclusions: The development of a theory-based program logic model provided a framework for evaluation that
allows the tracking of progress towards desired outcomes and exploration of the particular aspects of context
and mechanisms that produce outcomes. This is important because there are no existing models which enable
the evaluation of CPHC services in their entirety.
* Correspondence: angela.lawless@flinders.edu.au
Southgate Institute for Health, Society and Equity, Flinders University, GPO
Box 2100, Adelaide SA 5001, Australia
© 2014 Lawless et al.; licensee BioMed Central Ltd. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative
Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and
reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly credited. The Creative Commons Public Domain
Dedication waiver (http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/) applies to the data made available in this article,
unless otherwise stated.
Lawless et al. BMC Family Practice 2014, 15:99
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Background
Comprehensive primary health care (PHC) is a model of
health system organisation that has considerable promise
in addressing 21st century health issues including effective
management and prevention of chronic diseases, achieving
more equitable health outcomes and involving communities in planning and managing services [1]. Its focus on
equity means it is especially suited to developing population
health approaches that include special consideration of the
needs of population groups who have poorer health status.
We use the term Comprehensive PHC (CPHC) to differentiate from PHC which takes a selective approach
focusing on interventions targeted at specific diseases or
simply describing first line medical care [2-4].
CPHC was the major plank of the Health for All by
2000 strategy that was articulated by the World Health
Organization in the Alma Ata Declaration on Primary
Health Care in 1978 [5] (for an introduction to the Alma
Ata, see [6]). Some of the key elements of the Health for
All strategy were:
CPHC as the backbone of a nation's health strategy
with an emphasis on strategies to promote health
and prevent disease;
Recognition that CPHC should be adapted to the
particular circumstances of a country and
communities within it;
Achievement of equity in health status; and
Participation in the planning, organisation,
operation, and control of CPHC, supported by
appropriate education ([7], p. 515).
The history of CPHC approaches in Australia pre-dates
the Alma Ata Declaration through “particularly progressive
community health movements, which promoted health
centres that attempted to put comprehensive PHC in to
practice albeit against the tide of the mainstream health
system” ([6,] p. 38). Examples of services operating in
the CPHC tradition include multidisciplinary community
health centres in Australia which were distinguished from
the dominant fee-for-service practices by their focus on
local populations, their involvement of local people in their
management and programs, the comprehensiveness of the
strategies employed including treatment, disease prevention, health promotion and community development and a
focus on equity [8,9]. Many facilitated community groups
ranging from exercise groups to food cooperatives to
parenting support to coalitions against domestic violence
to environmental action to name just a few. Likewise
Canadian Community Health Centres employ strategies
across the continuum from services to individuals to community wellbeing and healthy public policy. Again community governance, teamwork and intersectoral collaboration
are features of these centres with attention to provision of
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services to those most in need and with difficulty accessing
services [10]. In the US community health centres employ
multi-disciplinary teams to deliver “affordable, comprehensive, coordinated, patient-centered care” with a focus on
community accountability and cultural competence [11].
Services include translation, interpretation, and transport.
These centres reflect the trend of CPHC implementation in
high income countries where the emphasis is on increasing
access to a range of health services and implementing programs addressing the social determinants of health [4].
Although CPHC has remained on the margins of health
care systems in most high income countries, the mixed
progress in improving health and especially in addressing
chronic disease has led to a re-examination of comprehensive primary health care approaches [1,12]. The World
Health Organization called for a revitalization of primary
health care in the 2008 World Health report [1] and the
Commission on the Social Determinants of Health [13] recommended it as the basis for health systems in order to
achieve health equity. The shortcomings of selective and
disease centred approaches have become apparent with the
development of a patchwork of health interventions lacking
coordination and sustainability [14,15]. There is a considerable literature regarding implementation and outcomes of
individual components of PHC (e.g., action to improve
equity of access) but a global literature review of CPHC
found little literature that evaluates CPHC as a service
model [4,16]. The review did document the accumulating
evidence of positive impacts on community and intersectoral processes and cost effectiveness. These effects increase
as the degree of comprehensiveness of PHC increases [4].
Evaluation approaches that have focused on individual
components of models independently, rather than examining their internal coherence and incorporating the effects of
context, contribute to the lack of consensus regarding
exactly what constitutes PHC [17].
The research reported in this paper is part of a five
year project funded by the National Health and Medical
Research Council of Australia that sought to contribute
to the understanding of CPHC by studying models of
CPHC services in the Australian context and trialing
evaluation methods to determine the effectiveness of
CPHC services. This paper focuses on the first stage of
the project, in which we developed a model of CPHC
(combining program logic and theory-based approaches)
applicable to the Australian context. We were seeking to
answer three inter-related questions:
1. What are the characteristics of Australian CPHC
that need to be captured in a model?
2. What processes are required to develop such a model?
3. Does use of a theory driven program logic model
provide a means of describing CPHC as a whole that
can be used as a basis of evaluation?
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Methods
This work was undertaken as part of a five year program of
work studying models of CPHC services in the Australian
context and developing evaluation methods to determine
the effectiveness of CPHC services. The study examines six
Australian case study sites providing differing models of
CPHC, some inclusive of primary medical care, with a mix
of funding and management models (see Table 1). The sites
ranged from longstanding examples of CPHC to newly
emerging models, and included an Aboriginal community controlled service (Congress), a sexual health nongovernment organisation (SHineSA), and four services
directly managed by the South Australian government.
The South Australian state government funded and managed services are anonymised as Services A, B, C, and D.
The researchers have long-standing relationships with the
study sites that facilitated our engagement with them.
Weiss [18] suggests that when developing a theorybased evaluation the underpinning theory can be drawn
from the literature, or where programs are the products
of history, experience, and intuition, the theory can be
drawn from those associated with the program such as
the staff and policy makers.
Members of our research team were principal investigators and researchers involved in a global systematic review
of published and ‘grey’ literature documenting, evaluating
or describing attempts to implement CPHC [4]. A critical
literature review and synthesis of description and effectiveness of CPHC in Australia had been conducted in 2007
[16] and the team was able to draw on this as well as
undertaking an ongoing scan of the Australian CPHC
literature and relevant national and state policies.
At each of our study sites, 7–15 semi-structured interviews (depending on the size of the service) were
conducted, totalling 68 in all. The mix of primary
health care workers interviewed reflected the spread of
disciplines employed across the sites and included
dietitians, occupational therapists, speech pathologists,
psychologists, social workers, Aboriginal Health Workers,
medical officers, lifestyle advisors, nurses, and counsellors.
In addition, six regional health executives and two central
health department bureaucrats with responsibility for primary health care services were interviewed.
The interview data, the CPHC literature and the
extensive experience of the research team in working
in, and with, primary health care services was used to
develop a rough draft model using widely employed
program logic model conventions (see for example
[19]) to provide a visual depiction of a CPHC service.
This model was devised as a starting point for discussion and further development of the CPHC model with
the services and the research reference group.
A series of workshops to inform the development of the
model were planned with our study sites. A workshop
process was developed and piloted with a primary health
care service that was not one of our six study sites and a
small cross-agency forum. The process was found to
encourage robust debate and provided useful feedback
regarding modification to the model. A workshop was
then held at each of the participating sites and attended by
managers, practitioners and administration staff. The sites
have vastly different staffing numbers (ranging from
approximately 320 at the largest site to 12 at the smallest).
At smaller sites, a high percentage of the total staff were
able to attend; for larger sites we aimed to ensure that key
positions and interests were represented, that is, participants were drawn from different teams and professions.
The workshops elicited much discussion and debate
on the draft model. Including a range of professions and
practitioners who used a range of strategies – from individual treatment to community development activities –
in the workshops proved a useful way of ensuring the
model captured the ‘complex and messy’ ([20], p. 721)
nature of CPHC. Much discussion centred on the exact
language to be used to describe the principles and activities of CPHC. In particular participants were keen for the
Table 1 Characteristics of the six case study sites, 2010
Approximate #
of staff (FTE)
Budget (p.a.)
Main source of
funding
Examples of disciplines employed
Service A
16 (13.5)
$1.2 m
SA Health
Social worker, nurse, speech pathologist, occupational therapist,
dietitian, cultural worker, lifestyle advisor
Service B
26 (20)
$1.1 m
SA Health
Medical officer, lifestyle advisor, PHC worker, podiatrist, nurse,
speech pathologist
Service C
36 (22)
$1.7 m
SA Health
Nurse, dietitian, speech pathologist, psychologist, occupational
therapist, cultural worker, social worker
Service D
12 (10.8)
$0.5 m
SA Health
Aboriginal health worker, PHC worker
Congress
320 (188)
$20 m
Dept. of Health & Ageing
Medical officer, psychologist, social worker, youth worker, midwife,
nurse, Aboriginal health worker, pharmacist
Shine SA
100 (55)
$6.1 m
SA Health + Dept. of
Health & Ageing
Medical officer, nurse, counsellor, workforce educator, community
health worker, disability worker, Aboriginal educator, multicultural
worker
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model to reflect a social rather than a biomedical view of
health. Thus the inclusion of language in the draft model
that was seen to derive from a medical rather than social
view of health was vigorously challenged. For example, the
first draft of the CPHC model used the word treatment
rather than care and this was seen as inappropriate when
applied to areas such as domestic violence interventions.
We were particularly tested in trying to portray the
interaction of model components graphically whilst maintaining the model’s readability and utility as an evaluation
framework. Various means of capturing this were trialled
and then discarded or modified (for example, key components were at one stage depicted as interlocking cogs but
later discarded as it drew criticisms of appearing too
mechanistic).
In between workshops, points raised and any resulting
modifications to the model were discussed and debated
in research team meetings. In these meetings researchers
also incorporated insights from the analysis of interview
data. Modifications made to the CPHC model were presented back to staff at a subsequent workshop where the
changes were endorsed or further discussed. In three
sites, a third workshop was held before the model was
approved by participants. In addition, models were
circulated by email and feedback invited. We provided
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feedback to participants on the issues raised at other
sites, which encouraged shared learning between services. This consensus-building approach to the model
development built a high level of engagement with managers and practitioners at the study services.
A generic model was developed to explain the overall
operation of CPHC and site–specific models with detailed
local program information were prepared for each site. The
models were endorsed at a research symposium involving
all investigators, members of the study’s Critical Reference
Group (which was established to provide input from a
range of experts in primary health care policy and service
provision), and key stakeholders. This paper presents the
generic model which can be adapted for CPHC services to
reflect their particular context and mode of operation.
Ethics approval was received from Flinders University’
Social and Behavioural Research Ethics Committee and
the Aboriginal Health Research Ethics Committee (South
Australia).
Results
The model of CPHC for the Australian context developed through our process of consultation is presented in
Figure 1. Drawing on a realist approach, the model
“explores the relationship … among “context” (the study’s
Figure 1 The Southgate model of comprehensive primary health care in Australia.
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organizational setting and external constraints, including
financial and human resources, prevailing policies, and
technologies), “mechanisms” (the stakeholders’ ideas about
how change will be achieved in an intervention), and “outcomes” (the intended and unintended consequences of the
change efforts)” ([21], p. 396). CPHC mechanisms and
context are theorised as interacting to create spaces for
action which may enable or constrain the service qualities
that should characterise a CPHC service and which, in
time, contribute to individual and community health and
equity outcomes.
Mechanisms
In attempting to capture the mechanisms of CPHC, our
starting point was that CPHC is based on a philosophical
framework incorporating key principles that underpin
service development. CPHC is based on the assumption
that outcomes such as empowerment of individuals and
communities occur because of the principles being embedded in practice. For example, any service providing primary care will deliver individual treatment sessions, but if
the service claims to use a CPHC approach then the incorporation of CPHC principles should be evident. We
could ask, for instance, ‘how does CPHC’s concern with
equity figure in individual treatment?’ For this example,
it might be through the presence of a priority of access
scheme, or outreach sessions for particular population
groups [22].
The outcomes of the service are not simply related to
events or behaviours but are the result of ‘complex transactions of many different kinds of structures at many
different levels’ ([23], p. 805). CPHC principles, when
operationalised, trigger generative mechanisms - ‘underlying entities, processes, or structures which operate
in particular contexts to generate outcomes of interest’
([3], p. 368). For example, it is not always clear why an apparently accessible health service is not used by some
groups in society despite their evident need. We may theorise that this is because marginalised groups are unlikely
to articulate their needs but paradoxically are unlikely to
participate in programs unless they are actively involved in
their design and implementation [24]. If strategies (such as
cultural respect strategies, making the health centres
welcoming of diversity, activities such as community
lunches or playgroups to engage and meet members of the
community, or having board of management representatives from the community) are put into place to address
barriers that act to exclude particular groups - operationalising a PHC principle - it may act to trigger a shift in
power relations. The result may be individual and community empowerment and an increased likelihood that the
group will participate in services and programs.
A high level of agreement on the principles of CPHC
as presented in the draft CPHC model was gained. This
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consensus may well be an artefact of the history and
structure of primary health care in Australia and the
particular histories of our study sites. Notions of equity,
community participation, multidisciplinary teamwork
and intersectoral collaboration featured in the early development of the Aboriginal community controlled and
South Australian community health sectors, and have
continued to shape ideas about CPHC. Practitioners
who choose to work in community controlled or state
funded sites rather than fee for service private practice
may well be those who are committed to CPHC values
in the Alma Ata tradition.
The agreed operating principles are that CPHC services should be: accessible, locally delivered; community
driven; comprise a mix of direct care, prevention, and
promotion; characterised by multi-disciplinary teamwork
and intersectoral and interagency collaboration; and are
culturally respectful. These principles are informed by a
concern with social justice and a social view of health.
Context
In the tradition of qualitative research, context is understood as integral to understanding the phenomenon
being studied and central to the analysis and interpretation of results [25]. As Pawson and Tilley [26] observe,
programs operate according to the conditions into which
they are placed. Context does not operate as a passive
backdrop to action but dynamically affects causation, as
favourable or unfavourable conditions may determine
whether or not a particular mechanism is triggered.
In Australia the health system is shaped by the division
of powers whereby responsibility for the system is split
between the Commonwealth Government and State and
Territorial Governments. In 2007, a new Australian
federal Labor Government was elected with a mandate for
health reform. In 2010, the Commonwealth Government
launched their plans for PHC reform describing them as
‘Australia’s First National Primary Health Care Strategy’
[27]. A national network of PHC organisations termed
‘Medicare Locals’ was phased in with the first tranche of
Medicare Locals beginning operation in mid 2011.
Changing health policy direction has resulted in shifting
priorities, and a realignment of state and Commonwealth arrangements. In South Australia at least, the
Commonwealth funded Medicare Locals are now seen
to be the health agency with major responsibility for
health promotion activity resulting in the state-funded
services withdrawing from that space.
At the state level, a number of changes and new initiatives have an impact on PHC including the 2007 GP Plus
Health Care Strategy [28] which has seen an increased
emphasis on community and home care, aiming to keep
people out of hospital and reduce hospital stays. Associated
with this strategy new centres have been built resulting in
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relocation and reconfiguration of some services. Three of
our research sites have relocated and a fourth in effect
merged with another. The South Australian health system
has been subject to repeated reorganization with changes
to health regions and governance structures. There has
been considerable turnover of staff at managerial and
regional levels. Individual service boards of management
were abolished in favour of regional boards which themselves were later dismantled. The SA Health Care Plan
2007–16 [29] focuses on lifestyles, information campaigns,
and behavioural health promotion. Services are required to
deliver more centrally prescribed programs aiming, for
example, at combating childhood obesity or addressing
chronic conditions.
The site located in the Northern Territory has also
been affected by waves of reform. Whilst recent changes
have increased funding to Aboriginal health, much of it
has been tied to prescribed programs rather than locally
determined services.
Participants argued strongly that the changing political
and bureaucratic imperatives created a dynamic context
which shaped who received what services and the way in
which services were delivered. The constraining impact
of decisions from the central health bureaucracy regarding funding, policies, structures and processes which
result from waves of reform was particularly stressed by
the state-funded sites. Participants in the workshops
often noted that the practice they were actually engaged
in differed from the ‘good practice’ they wanted depicted
in the model. Recent changes were seen to privilege a
risk factor and lifestyle approach to prevention and
health promotion and, at least in the eyes of many participants, services had retreated from the empowerment
agenda of earlier PHC efforts [30].
The “space for action”
Context and mechanisms interact to form the ‘space for
action’ in which services aspiring to CPHC have the
opportunity to foster service qualities consistent with
CPHC principles. In this space for action, it is the
dynamic relationship between mechanisms and context
that enables or constrains the extent to which mechanisms lead to success or disappointment and in which
desirable service qualities are manifested. Our study sites
provide examples of differences in this space for action.
For example, Congress staff have been involved in
addressing policy issues related to the supply of alcohol
in their communities. Community governance provides
a supportive context for staff to look beyond individual
alcohol issues and work in collaboration with a range of
other stakeholders to advocate for change to the systems
and structures that contribute to people’s behaviour. An
example of this is Congress’s membership of The People’s
Alcohol Action Coalition which has successfully advocated
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for constructive reforms to the sale of alcohol such as
the implementation of a voluntary ‘floor price’ reducing
the availability of cheap alcohol in Central Australia.
Their ‘space for action’ supports such initiatives. In
contrast, A B C and D site staff reported the operating
climate constrained their ability to address broader
social health issues. Their space for action is considerably cramped in comparison to Congress.
State managed services also noted that they were
sometimes required to deliver programs or services in a
way they felt ignored local conditions. A program aimed
at reducing childhood obesity through parental engagement was required to be delivered in a standard format
even when those delivering the program judged it not to
be appropriate (e.g., using written materials with lowliteracy participants). Drawing on Greenhalgh et al’s [21]
realist analysis of constraining or enabling factors interacting with mechanisms to lead to either disappointment
or success, The childhood obesity example demonstratesthat the mechanism “community driven” was highly
constrained by the imposition of a standard format
program..
Where CPHC mechanisms operate in a supportive
context, we postulate that they produce particular
service qualities: encouraging of individual and community empowerment; responsive to community needs
and priority populations; holistic; efficient and effective;
used by those most in need and culturally respectful.
Activities
In keeping with the Alma Ata vision [5] of CPHC, and
its re-endorsement by the World Health Organization in
2008 [1], the activities depicted in the model span a continuum from individual treatment and rehabilitation to
the salutogenic notion of promoting good health. Three
overarching strategies are identified: activities that provide care to people with a health-related concern or that
directly affect health and wellbeing; activities that act to
prevent illness and injury; and activities that promote
health and wellbeing. Action across the continuum is
important if population health is to be improved and
health inequities overcome [31]. Participants strongly
endorsed the need for activities across the continuum
to be included in a model of CPHC even though the
current operating context shifted practice to the treatment end of the continuum and constrained health promotion efforts.
Outcomes
A CPHC service characterised by the service qualities
listed above is theorised to contribute to improving the
health and wellbeing of the community and increasing
health equity. Using the logically causal pathway progress toward these ‘big picture’ outcomes can be tracked
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through achievement of more proximal outcomes such
as increased individual knowledge and skills; increased
health enhancing behaviour; improved quality of life for
individuals; slowed progression of conditions; decreased
rates of preventable conditions and issues; increased
supportive environments for health; increased social
capital; increased planned, managed care; and decreased
acute, episodic care.
Discussion
In developing a model of CPHC for the Australian
context, we were endeavouring not simply to describe
activities, products or outputs but to also provide an
explanation of how CPHC operates to bring about desired ends such as improved individual and population
health and increased health equity. Logic models can
elaborate program theory [32] revealing how programs are
thought to work through an examination of their underlying mechanisms. Although program logic and program
theory are sometimes used interchangeably, Leeuw [33]
draws a distinction between the two, noting that program
logic specifies linkages between inputs, components and
outcomes but rarely details the underlying mechanisms
assumed to be responsible for those linkages.
The model also depicts the dynamic relationship between particular conditions or circumstances and the
mechanisms. “(I)nnovations, programs, and interventions will work only in particular circumstances and …
the purpose of the evaluation is to find those conditions:
Which mechanisms work, in which contexts, and to produce which outcomes?” ([21], p. 396).
The construction of ‘plausible and defensible’ ([34],
p. 285) models of the theory underlying the CPHC services (i) allows us to understand and describe how
CPHC is thought to work, (ii) enables prioritisation of
research questions, choice of data collection and analysis methods [3] and (iii) helps determine the focus of
research [26].
We have used the model as the basis for evaluation in
two ways: firstly by seeking empirical evidence of change
along the causal pathway described by the model; and
secondly by providing a framework to examine the relationships between the components, asking how their
interaction is likely to lead to favourable or disappointing outcomes.
The achievement of short and long-term outcomes is
predicated on the achievement of other links in the chain.
This is well summarised by Dwyer, Silburn et al. [35]:
‘…desired outcomes such as improved health status
and wellbeing are premised on the generation of certain
impacts, such as changes in modifiable risk and protective factors operating in individuals and environments.
These impacts are premised on changes in processes
and/or structures such as improved capacity and higher
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quality or better coordination of services and programs.
In turn, the implementation of new processes and structures requires a range of inputs or activities such as supporting policy directions, workforce development and
funding. These chains of inputs and effects take place in
a wider social and political context that mediates the effectiveness of all elements. If empirical evidence of change can
be seen for each of the points along the continuum, then it
can be reasonably predicted that the outcomes are at least
in part attributable to the program’ (p. 12).
A range of indicators that act to identify change along
the continuum have been identified and these are being
used to assess the extent to which the case study sites
conform to or differ from the model of CPHC in the
scope and nature of their treatment, rehabilitation,
disease prevention and health promotion activities.
Provision of access to coordinated comprehensive primary health care services that also addresses population health remains difficult even in countries with
advanced health systems [36]. The implementation of
CPHC faces many challenges, including the globalisation of market-driven health systems and the privileging of selective approaches to primary health care
[4]. Globally, most implementation of PHC has, in fact,
been along a continuum from primary medical care to
selective PHC to partial implementation of CPHC with
few examples of full implementation of CPHC.
The model also allows us to examine the relationship
between the various components of the model. As noted
above, the ‘space for action’ results from the interaction
between mechanisms and context. Exploring the relationships between components allows us to ask what
factors relating to context and mechanism lead to
‘success’ or ‘disappointment’ in terms of the observed
outcomes [21]. By focusing on internal coherence, and
accounting for the effect of context, the program logic
model provides a robust framework to guide the evaluation of comprehensive primary health care services.
As well as production of the model, the process of model
development had a number of benefits. Although it was
time and resource intensive to gain input from stakeholders in a range of positions (i.e., practitioners, managers, policy makers), the process ensured we had
access to appropriate and adequate information to build
a model articulating a plausible program theory [37].
The iterative and participatory approach to model development provided a means of testing and retesting
ideas and linkages. As Befani and colleagues [38] found,
it was necessary to ‘climb up and down the ladder from
theory to empirical cases several times’ (p. 190) during
this process. Brazil et al. [39], arguing for the importance of theory in health services research, suggest that
collaborative research processes such as these are of
mutual benefit to researchers and decision-makers alike.
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They also note that such benefits are derived from
strong collaborative relationships that are developed
over time rather than as one-off events.
The experience gained in this study reinforces the
notion that stakeholder engagement in research, whilst
being resource intensive, can also be highly productive [40].
Our long-standing relationships with the services provided
the basis for a productive collaboration leading to ‘knowledge with tangible practical consequences’ ([41], p. S2:2).
The constant churning of the health system made engaging with ‘programmes that are entangled in complex,
inherently political processes’ ([42], p. 487) difficult.
The researchers were well aware they were working in a
politicised environment where programs are ‘proposed,
defined, debated, enacted, and funded through political
processes, and in implementation they remain subject
to pressures - both supportive and hostile’ ([43], p. 94).
In addition to stakeholder engagement shaping the model,
the collaborative relationships forged assisted the researchers to respond to frequent changes in the policy
and service context.
Limitations
As noted previously, our study took place in sites that had
implemented CPHC in the Alma Ata tradition over several
decades. The high degree of consensus gained in this study
may not be replicated in other sites. The structure of the
Australian health system meant that medical practitioners
were under-represented in the study participants as the majority of medical practice is undertaken in fee-for-service
medical practices rather than in state-funded centres.
Conclusion
The model articulates the theory of change embedded in
CPHC services in the Australian context, identifying outcomes, the strategies and activities undertaken and how
these strategies and activities were intended to bring about
desired changes. The process engaged a wide range of
health service staff, regional health executives and central
health department staff in the research process and ensured the model reflected current understandings of good
practice in CPHC as accurately as possible. The model
provides one means for services aspiring to achieve improved community health through the provision of CPHC
rooted in the principles of the Alma Ata Declaration to
evaluate their progress toward that objective.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no competing interests.
Authors’ contributions
AL contributed to research design, data collection, analysis, and led the
drafting of the manuscript. TF contributed to data collection, analysis, and
drafting of the manuscript. MB, FB, and GJ contributed to research design,
data collection, analysis, and drafting of the manuscript. All authors read and
approved the final manuscript.
Page 8 of 9
Acknowledgements
This research was funded by an NHMRC project grant (535041). FB is funded
by an ARC Federation Fellowship. We acknowledge the services and staff
who participated, and thank them for their time and trust in allowing us to
conduct research in partnership with them.
Received: 11 October 2013 Accepted: 8 May 2014
Published: 15 May 2014
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