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2019, New Perspectives in the Studies on Matteo Ricci (a cura di Filippo Mignini)
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Matteo Ricci confessed to suffering from melancholy in various instances. On 12th May 1605, he wrote a letter rather unusual and melancholic to his brother Orazio. Ricci went off in an unexpected outburst, complaining about the Chinese and the hardships of missionary life. Ricci was not incline to complain about China, the Chinese and the sacrifices the missionaries had to endure. The actual reason for his outburst might have been a feeling of frustration toward his family, from which Matteo expected more letters and attention. Matteo lived a rather cold relationship with his family, with the exception of his beloved grandmother Laria. In this instance, Matteo showed a soft, a "carnal" (more on this adjective) aspect of his personality. The term “melancholy” appears in the writings of Ricci in few instances. In 1588 Wang Pan, the Guangdong-Guangxi Governor who had welcomed the missionaries Ricci and Michele Ruggieri in China (1583), was “very melancholic” for lack of advancement in his career. He suspected that his poor luck might have be caused by the support he had given to the foreign missionaries. As Ricci put it, the Lord took away this "false imagination", and finally the much-coveted promotion came. The terms “melancholy” and “image” or “imagination” are of greatly significance in the Aristotelian, Renaissance and Jesuitical thoughts. These terms and concepts associated also in the first lines of the letter that Matteo wrote to his classmate Ludovico Maselli on November 29, 1580, from Cochin (India). It is Ricci’s most eloquent melancholic text. Humanist Ricci associated melancholy to imagining as imagining is a fundamental trait of Jesuit training and spirituality, centered on the use of images for the contemplative exercise of ‘composition of place’. The latter is the technique of putting oneself within an imaginative space by the use of sacred images narrating the Gospel stories. The images have the power of conducting the person out of his own world, creating new mental images and, subsequently, a displacement of the self. This exit from the self creates a new space, and allows for contemplation, i.e. for an encounter with the divine.
This essay explores the role of melancholy within the consolatory literature of Renaissance humanism. It begins (sections I-II) with a summary of the themes and methods of humanist consolationes and their classical models, with particular attention to their moral psychology, and addresses their relationship with scripture and Christian spiritual literature. It then turns to the position of melancholy within humanist consolations (sections III-VI). It is shown that whilst in many cases moralists and spiritual writers were reluctant invade the territory of the physicians by analysing or treating a fundamentally somatic condition, discussions of the accidentia animi in Galenic medicine provided the conceptual environment within which a moral-consolatory therapy for melancholy could be formulated and applied. Here the role of the imagination was crucial: as the primarily affected part in the disease, it was the faculty of the soul that was primarily responsible for melancholic passions, but also the faculty that presented the physician and moralist with the opportunity to dispel or alleviate those passions. Hence, the imagination was at the centre of a moral psychology of melancholy. The final sections of the essay (V-VI) show that the fullest implementation of this approach to the treatment of melancholy was in Robert Burton's 'Consolatory Digression' in The Anatomy of Melancholy (1621), which both synthesises the various moral, spiritual and psychological elements of the humanist consolatory tradition, and contains a number of idiosyncratic and paradoxical features.
Although, in the early Antiquity, melancholy (or ethimologicaly black bile) was seen as a bad madness, the Aristotelian position led to a dramatic change of perspective. Later, the Renaissance trend of associating melancholy and Saturn influence to creativity, lead easily to the idea that melancholic humor was a feature e of the artistic temperament and also part of the genius’s character. Francisco de Holanda, a Portuguese artist and humanist from the XVI Century, vehemently contributed to the emergence of the saturnine artist's model: melancholic and eccentric, essentially personified in his theory of the painter as someone eccentric and above the average. Whereas Holanda is a man from the artist world, his theory of an artistic personality is not only influenced by humanistic theories (from which Ficino is the main representative), but essentially by the knowledge and the friendship he had with Michelangelo.
MELANCHOLY AS A THEME IN GIORGIO DE CHIRICO’S EARLY METAPHYSICAL PAINTINGS (1910-1915), 2022
In this thesis, I will examine how melancholia, which has been characterized in different ways throughout the ages, was handled as a theme in the pre-1915 metaphysical paintings of Greek-born Italian painter Giorgio de Chirico, in particular, the origins of the iconographic elements he used in the works of this period. I will discuss them within the framework of his personal life history, chronic illnesses, and the effect of two important names who had influenced his art both visually and intellectually, Arnold Böcklin and Friedrich Nietzsche. De Chirico described himself as a melancholic, and we see the huge impact of melancholy on his art. The visual grammar of the artist's metaphysical paintings is quite unique. Thanks to this visual metaphysical language, we can see that he created both melancholic and enigmatic atmosphere in his works. In order to create this atmosphere, he used many iconographic elements. As a result of the examinations, we see that the source of these iconographic elements is sometimes his own personal history, sometimes the influence of Böcklin but mostly Nietzsche. In addition to his admiration and passion for Nietzsche, de Chirico also saw himself as the substitute for him and his bond with Nietzsche accompanied him throughout his life. So we can say that de Chirico's depictions of melancholy have a peerless place in the history of art. However, we should add that it is very difficult to interpret the works of the painter without knowing the factors that constitute the personal history, artistic and philosophical background of the artist. Keywords: Giorgio de Chirico, Melancholy, Metaphysical Painting, Enigma, Ariadne
The focus or underlying emphasis of this paper is to delve into the formative and initial understanding of melancholy as a phenomenon vis-à-vis philosophical speculations and analytical debates around this terminology, in the medieval period to 18th century. Melancholy as a phenomenon has long been analysed and researched upon to be categorically understood and defined. With advancement in medical sciences, this field further opened up a plethora of case studies, debates and discussions by psychiatrists and medical experts to comprehend it thoroughly. When psychology evolved as an empirical discipline it became distinctly diversified from philosophy over the centuries. Their approach and methodology towards understanding this phenomenon differs a lot and has also altered rapidly and consequently. This paper focuses on philosophical understanding of melancholy during medieval period. While defining aesthetics of sublime Kant also discusses about melancholy. This paper seeks to discuss speculative and initial understanding around melancholy, and also posits it as a distinct aesthetic category. Keywords –Etymological Origin, Ancient& Medieval Understanding, Kant
Renaissance Studies, 2017
Incontri. Rivista europea di studi italiani
Ora et labora Devotion and scholarship in the Italian drawings of the Madonna by Juan Ricci de Guevara Martijn van Beek This contribution addresses how the art of drawing enabled the expression of personal and singular views, centralizing drawings made in the context of the Order of Saint Benedict in Italy at the end of the seventeenth century. At that moment, the Order of Saint Benedict was an international religious network connecting people, places, and scholarship. The Benedictine order is a scholarly monastic order, because reading is a fundamental principle in its constituting Rule, written by Saint Benedict in Montecassino towards the middle of the sixth century. It describes how many times per day and in what way monks have to pray together publicly (ora), and how much time per day has to be spent on reading Scripture (Lectio Divina) and manual labor (labora). The Rule thus states that intellectual work goes hand in hand with the religious task. Since monks were expected to study and disseminate their knowledge, the monasteries had libraries and scriptoria to produce manuscripts. These scriptoria remained functioning far into the age of printing and enabled the spread of knowledge both inside and outside the Benedictine network. The combination of intellectual and religious work is present in the art and writings by Juan Andrés Ricci de Guevara (1600-1681). Born in Madrid, Ricci became a member of the Benedictine congregation of Valladolid in 1627. He spent the final 19 years (November 1662-1681) of his life in Rome and the Kingdom of Naples, in those years part of the Spanish Empire, where he continued his life as a visual artist, eminent scholar and a fanatic traveller. 1 In this period Ricci visited several Benedictine monasteries, and paid special attention to the devotion to Mary, one of his dearest religious themes. Ricci passed away in the abbey of Montecassino, which belonged to the Cassinese congregation of the Order of Saint Benedict. Early biographies of Ricci appeared in Benedictine chronicles in both Spain and the Kingdom of Naples and showed how the differences between Benedictine congregations reflected on his reputation and inheritance. For instance, a Spanish biography published in 1677 stated that since his departure from the geographical area of the congregation of Valladolid
Journal of Jesuit Studies, 2017
Matteo Ricci (1552-1610), known in China as Li Madou (利瑪竇), is one of the few foreigners who have gained a place in Chinese history, and whose name many educated Chinese recognize. After four years in India, in 1582 Ricci joined his confrère Michele Ruggieri (1543-1607) in Macao, at the order of the famous visitor of the Asian missions, Alessandro Valignano (1539-1606). Valignano implemented a program of cultural accommodation and linguistic immersion for missionaries in East Asia, and found allies in Ruggieri and Ricci. To stay permanently in China, the two befriended officials in Guangdong province, and at their suggestion, introduced themselves as Buddhist monks from the West, shaving their heads and wearing the monk's robes from 1583 to 1594. Ruggieri's first exposition of Catholic doctrine, The True Record of the Lord of Heaven (Tianzhu shilu 天主實錄, 1585), even used some Buddhist vocabulary. By the late 1580s, Ricci assumed the cultural leadership of the mission, and started to shift towards the new identity of the Confucian literatus. He spent much of his time reading and translating the texts of the Confucian tradition. Following the advice of friendly literati, he also adopted in 1594 the silken robes and hat of Confucian scholars. Ricci's The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven (Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義, 1603) emerged out of this shift in identity, but also out of a peculiarly favorable environment for new ideas in the late Ming period. Once Ricci had sufficient linguistic command, and felt comfortable in the Confucian curriculum, he set out to impress the literati with a mix of moral, religious, and scientific teachings, eventually dubbed Tianxue 天學 or Celestial Teachings. Confucian scholars in the late Ming prized the study of ethical questions, a staple of Chinese philosophy for two millennia. Some of them, moreover, were open to religious experimentation. Ricci was able to rely on his knowledge of natural and mathematical sciences, Greek and Roman philosophy, Christian theology, and the Confucian classical tradition, to engage important intellectuals, often in public fashion. By the mid-1590s, he had left the deep south, moving to central China, and he tried in 1598 to establish himself in the imperial capital of Beijing. After a setback there, he moved to the secondary capital of Nanjing, in the great cultural hub of the Jiangnan region. By 1601, however, he left again Nanjing for the north, this time succeeding
The purpose of this article is to investigate the mental and spiritual process of interiorization of the Passion imagery, the mechanism that permitted the transition from a material representation, experienced with the senses, to a mental image, impressed into the memory, then evoked and relived in a purely spiritual form. To do this, it will adopt a combined methodology, putting together the art-historical approach with investigative tools and theories developed in other fields of knowledge and recently integrated into the humanities following the cognitive, sensorial and material turns. The starting point of the investigation will be an illuminated manuscript, a picture-book produced by Pacino di Bonaguida around 1320 and currently preserved in New York (Pierpont Morgan Libray & Museum, M.643). The codex contains a sequence of illustrations serving as meditation on the sacred event, and thus allows us to examine the practi es and experiences of the faithful of the time from the material data.
This paper aims to present the meanings and actions connected to tears and crying within a specifically religious setting: the seventeenth-century penitential missions in Italy. It will do this based on manuscript and printed sources, and by drawing on the specific features of Jesuit spirituality. The first section, using examples from several types of prose works on piety, outlines the views that Jesuits held on tears. The second section deals with the relationships that the Jesuits identified as having existed between interior and exterior human experience, and by extension between emotions and their physical and behavioural manifestations. The third section analyses those aspects of the missions in which observers reported profuse crying; it considers the meanings it carried for those engaged in reconciliation in the social-political-familial setting in which the missions took place, shedding light thereby on the crucial role that religious life played in these spheres. The fourth section continues with an examination of the textual representation of crying, and identifies crying and penitence with established models that were used as valuable points of comparison and emulation, both by those following the missions and by the authors who later wrote reports of these missions.
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