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Chronology Revisited
Steven ColeRelated papers
Solving the Problems of the Assyrian King List Toward a Precise Reconstruction of Middle Assyrian Chronology
Journal of Ancient Civilizations, 2010
The Assyrian King List, Chronology and the Dark Ages in the Ancient Near East
In this paper we investigate the consequences for the Assyrian Chronology of dating the end of the Middle Kingdom in Egypt from around 1800 BC to 1530 BC. Dating the New Kingdom in Egypt a minimum of 243 years later than generally accepted implies the existence of contemporaneous kings in Assyria. In the Assyrian King List Enlil-kudur-usur appears as the last king of the lineage of Ashur-uballit I, then is mentioned Ninurta-apil-Ekur son of Ili-pada descendant of Eriba-Adad. We assume that Ili-pada is the grandson of Eriba-Adad I and Ninurta-apil-Ekur started a second royal branch. The consequence is that Ashur-dan II is the son of Tiglath-pileser I. The rearrangement of the Assyrian Kings results in a reduction of about 250 years. A reduction of 250 years brings an end to the Dark Ages in the Ancient Near East.
Valk, Jonathan. The Origins of the Assyrian King List. JANEH 6.1 (2019): 1-17.
The Assyrian King List (AKL) is central to the reconstruction of Assyrian and broader Near Eastern history and chronology. Because of AKL's significance, locating its original moment of composition has far-reaching his-toriographical implications. There is no scholarly consensus on the dating of AKL, but a closer look at the internal evidence of AKL indicates a firm, fifteenth century terminus post quem for the creation of AKL, while the bilingual tablet fragment BM 98,496 establishes the thirteenth century reign of Tukulti-Ninurta I as a secure terminus ante quem. Within this temporal range, it is possible to trace the genesis of AKL to the reign of Aššur-uballiṭ I. This period witnessed great change in Assyria, and the nature of this change provides an ideal historical, political, and ideological context for the production of AKL. No other moment in Assyrian history offers so compelling a conjunction of political motives and historical circumstances for AKL's composition.
The Assyrian Kings list
The Assyrian Kings list , 2024
This document presents a model of the Assyrian Kings list based on Anchor points from the Walling Biblical Timeline (WBT) that is inclusive of all Creation Science, Biblical History, Archeology, Egyptology, Astrology, and more. We must start with the Egyptian timeline as it is grounded in the C14 2-Step dating method. Once we re-establish the Egyptian timeline based on the C-14 3-Step dating method we can then use certain interfaces between the Biblical, Egyptian, and Assyrian timelines for anchor points.
Forlanini M. 2009 Upper Mesopotamia in the Middle of the 17th Century KASKAL 6 49-
The history of upper Mesopotamia, 1 the land encompassing the basins of the Bali~ and the @abur, is floodlighted for almost half a century by the archives of Mari starting from the reign of Ya~dun-Līm, and reaching, through the era of &am^ī-Adad, the end of Zimrī-Līm's reign; then history suddenly plunges into darkness, to be only poorly illuminated now and then by the archives of Tell er-Rimah and Tell Leilan, but with the year 23 of Samsuiluna (1728 B.C.) 2 local evidence available to us totally stops and we must wait till the Amarna period and the Middle Assyrian administrative archives. In particular, if we want to know more about the "dark" 17th century, apart from the marginal contribution of the documents from Terqa and the Kingdom of @ana, we are restricted to the information coming from @attuša. Needless to underline the importance of this period, ending with the Hittite raid against Babylon, when the seeds of the later Mittanian and Kassite kingdoms were sown. The Hittite interest in northern Mesopotamia was aroused at first by the decline of the Assyrian trade organisation, whose caravans had crossed the area for 250 years 3 with substantial advantages 1. For the political history of the four centuries of Amorrite supremacy in Syria and Mesopotamia, the Old Babylonian period, we have now of a complete and detailed reference work, see Charpin 2004. 2. All the dates in the present article, if not differently specified, are based on the so-called Middle Chronology, used as a conventional reference. Absolute dating is quite a different thing. The three traditional Chronologies were based on the Venus observations, whose value is presently questioned, cf. Sassmannshausen 2002, 65: "Therefore the question of high, middle or low chronology should not be asked any more, at least not in the way it has been done since the early 1940's when these chronologies were first established"; textual evidence, archaeological observations, dendrochronological measures, Assyrian "Distanzangaben" have so far been used to reach absolute datings, but the results diverge, from a reappraisal of the High to an Ultra-low Chronology. Hittite generations count and dendrochronological dates seem however to favour a dating not too far from the Middle Chronology (see below). 3. I have recently tried to update the outline of their itineraries with the help of the evidence from Mari and from Hittite sources (Forlanini 2004; 2006).
Toward a Chronology of Early Dynastic Rulers in Mesopotamia
in W. Sallaberger and I. Schrakamp (eds.), History & Philology (ARCANE 3; Turnhout), pp. 139-156, 2015
G. Marchesi's contribution provides a revised relative chronology of the Early Dynastic periods, including the most important Mesopotamian cities of Adab, Kish, Lagash, Mari, Nippur, Umma, Ur, and Uruk. Marchesi’s chronology is based on a combination of genealogical information and synchronism[s], a palaeographic and linguistic analysis of royal inscriptions, legal and administrative texts, and also considers the archaeological context and the art-historical placement of inscribed artifacts. Marchesi does not use the figures provided by the Sumerian King List (SKL), whose historical value is disputed, but bases his chronology strictly on monumental and administrative texts. New sources lead to a signifcantly refined sequence of rulers, especially for Umma and Adab. The most important results of Marchesi’s contribution are almost complete sequences of the rulers of Uruk, Ur, Umma, and Adab, in addition to various proposals for the chronology and history at the end of the Presargonic period, such as the insertion of Urni of Uruk as a contemporary of Urukagina and predecessor of Enshakushana and a considerable shortening of the latter’s reign. Since the final stage of the Presargonic period in Mesopotamia saw the rise of mightier rulers who extended their dominion far beyond the confines of the traditional city-states, Marchesi introduces a “ProtoImperial” period between the Presargonic/ED IIIb and the Sargonic periods; it encompasses the reigns of Enshakushana and Lugalzagesi of Uruk, Urukagina of Lagash, Meskigala of Adab, Sargon of Akkad, and their contemporaries. [Sallaberger and Schrakamp, ARCANE 3, p. 297.]
Assyrian Chronology and Ideology of Kingship: The Impact on Biblical Historiography and Religion
Religions 2024, 15(7), 804, 2024
Studies since 2005 have raised doubts about the Assyrian King List’s (AKL) intention and ability to measure absolute time. If telescoping of time occurred, it would be difficult to detect during periods when royal annals were scant. The best way to detect discontinuity in the AKL is by comparison with contemporary king lists, such as one constructed from 1–2 Kings regnal formulas. If the AKL conflates time, an assessment of the plausibility of historical scenarios re-sulting from different timeframes allows for discrimination between one timeline or another. Is-rael and Judah’s interlocking chronological systems make a comparison with the Neo-Assyrian timeline possible but contain 44 more years than the timeline implied by the AKL and Assyrian Eponym Canon. By narrowing the window of time within which a deficit in the Neo-Assyrian canons may have occurred, possible reasons for missing years in the consensus chronology present themselves. This investigation concludes that Assyria sought to maintain the legitimacy of the institution of kingship during a protracted period of unacceptable or anomalous authority. Concerns surrounding the continuity of kingship would have dictated the final form of the As-syrian King List/Assyrian Eponym Canon. Using Divided Kingdom regnal data, a revision of the historical timeline is proposed that aligns archaeological, radiocarbon, biblical, and Assyrian data.
Mesopotamia: Old Assyrian Period
A History of Ancient Near Eastern Law (2 vols), 2000
MESOPOTAMIAN HISTORY AND ENVIRONMENT
SERIES II
MEMOIRS VI
MESOPOTAMIAN POTTERY
A GUIDE TO THE BABYLONIAN TRADITION
IN THE SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.
by
James A. ARMSTRONG and Hermann GASCHE
With contributions by
Steven W. COLE, Abraham VAN AS and Loe JACOBS
A JOINT PUBLICATION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF GHENT
AND THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO
2014
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
BIBLIOGRAPHY
…………………………………………….………….
IX
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
…………………………………………….………….
XIX
INTRODUCTION
EARLIER EFFORTS BY THE WORKING GROUP
IN RELATION TO THE PRESENT STUDY
…………………………………………….………….
1
…………………………………………….………….
1
…………………………………………….………….
1
CHRONOLOGY REVISITED (S.W. COLE )
…………………………………………….………….
3
KEY STRATIGRAPHIC SEQUENCES
NORTHERN ALLUVIAL PLAIN
Tell ed-D r (Sippar-Amn num …)
Tell ed-Deylam (Dilbat)
…………………………………………….………….
7
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7
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7
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8
SOUTHERN ALLUVIAL PLAIN
Umm al-Hafriyat
Nippur
I n Ba r y t (Isin)
Sinkara (Larsa)
Al-Hiba (Laga )
…………………………………………….………….
8
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8
THE MATERIALS USED IN THIS STUDY
…………………………………………….………….
8
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10
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11
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11
MIDDLE EUPHRATES
Khirbet ed-Diniye (Harrâdum)
…………………………………………….………….
11
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11
DIYALA BASIN
Tell Yelkhi
Tell Kesaran
…………………………………………….………….
11
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11
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12
SUSIANA
Susa
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12
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12
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13
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14
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14
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15
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17
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21
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24
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30
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31
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31
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31
DESCRIPTION OF POTTERY GROUPS
INTRODUCTION
The Arrangement of the Shapes
The Layout of the Groups on the Plates
Whole Profiles and Sherds
Diameters
Manufacturing Techniques
Maps
Synoptic Tables
DESCRIPTION OF THE SHAPES
Family 5 (Pls. 1-9)
Family 10 (Pls. 10-21)
Family 15 (Pls. 22-30)
Family 20 (Pls. 31-40)
Family 25 (Pls. 41-42)
Family 30 (Pls. 43-44)
Family 35 (Pls. 45-47)
Family 40 (Pl. 48)
V
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CONTENTS
Family 45 (Pl. 49)
Family 50 (Pl. 49)
Family 55 (Pls. 49-50)
Family 60 (Pl. 51)
Family 65 (Pls. 52-54)
Family 70 (Pl. 55)
Family 75 (Pl. 55)
Family 80 (Pl. 56)
Family 85 (Pl. 57)
Family 90 (Pls. 57-59)
Family 95 (Pls. 59-62)
Family 100 (Pls. 63-67)
Family 105 (Pls. 67-68)
Family 110 (Pls. 69-70)
Family 115 (Pl. 71)
Family 120 (Pl. 72)
Family 125 (Pls. 72-73)
Family 130 (Pl. 73)
Family 135 (Pls. 73-75)
Family 140 (Pl. 76)
Family 145 (Pl. 77)
Family 150 (Pls. 77-78)
Family 155 (Pl. 79)
Family 160 (Pls. 79-80)
Family 165 (Pls. 80-84)
Family 170 (Pls. 85-86)
Family 175 (Pl. 87)
Family 180 (Pl. 87)
Family 185 (Pl. 88)
Family 190 (Pl. 89)
Family 195 (Pl. 90)
Family 200 (Pls. 91-93)
Family 205 (Pls. 94-95)
Family 210 (Pls. 96-98)
Family 215 (Pls. 99-103)
Family 220 (Pl. 104)
Family 225 (Pl. 104)
Family 230 (Pls. 105-106)
Family 235 (Pl. 107)
Family 240 (Pls. 108-109)
Family 245 (Pl. 110)
Family 250 (Pls. 110-112)
Family 255 (Pls. 113-115)
Family 260 (Pls. 116-119)
Family 265 (Pls. 120-124)
Family 270 (Pls. 125-133)
Family 275 (Pls. 134-135)
Family 280 (Pl. 136)
…………………………………………….………….
THE BABYLONIAN POTTER : ENVIRONMENT, CLAY
AND TECHNIQUES (A. VAN AS AND L. JACOBS)
INTRODUCTION
32
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32
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32
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33
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34
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36
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36
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36
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36
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37
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39
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41
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42
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43
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44
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44
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45
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45
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46
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48
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49
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50
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51
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51
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51
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53
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55
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55
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55
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55
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56
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57
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58
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59
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61
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63
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64
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64
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64
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65
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66
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66
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66
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68
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69
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69
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73
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73
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75
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75
VI
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CONTENTS
1. MATERIAL AND METHODS
2. THE RAW MATERIALS
3. THE PRODUCTION SEQUENCE
3.1. Clay Sourcing and Preparation of the Clay Body
3.2. Shaping Techniques
Introduction
Open Forms
Closed Forms
Decoration
3.3. Drying
3.4. Firing Technique
…………………………………………….………….
75
…………………………………………….………….
76
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77
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77
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78
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78
79
80
82
82
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83
……………………
4. EVIDENCE OF THE RAW MATERIALS USED AND POTTERY TECHNOLOGY
4.1. The Raw Materials used
…………………………………………….………….
Traces
…………………………………………….………….
Low-Tech Fabric Analysis
…………………………………………….………….
High-Tech Analysis
…………………………………………….………….
Sherds
…………………………………………….………….
Clay Samples
…………………………………………….………….
4.2. Pottery Technology
…………………………………………….………….
Hand-Forming
…………………………………………….………….
Wheel-Throwing
…………………………………………….………….
Finishing
…………………………………………….………….
Decoration
…………………………………………….………….
Drying
…………………………………………….………….
Firing
…………………………………………….………….
84
5. AN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTE
6. THE FORM, FUNCTION, USE AND MANUFACTURING
TECHNIQUE OF A CERAMIC VESSEL
7. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
…………………………………………….………….
89
…………………………………………….………….
…………………………………………….………….
92
93
FINAL REMARKS
NEW DATES FOR PREVIOUSLY PUBLISHED MATERIAL
A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE BABYLONIAN CERAMIC
TRADITION IN THE 2ND MILLENNIUM
The 20th Century (Ur III Period)
The 19th and 18th Centuries (Isin-Larsa Period)
The 17th Century (Era of Hammurabi and
Samsuiluna or Early Old Babylonian Period)
The 16th Century (Late Old Babylonian Period)
The 15th and 14th Centuries (Early Kassite Period)
The 13th through 11th Centuries (Late Kassite
and Isin II Periods)
Conclusion
…………………………………………….………….
95
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95
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95
95
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96
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97
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98
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99
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101
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102
PLATES, SYNOPTIC & STRATIGRAPHIC TABLES
…………………………………………….………….
in fine
…………………………………………….………….
…………………………………………….………….
…………………………………………….………….
VII
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84
84
85
86
86
86
87
87
87
88
88
89
89
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CHRONOLOGY REVISITED7
by
Steven W. Cole
Dagan I.12 In addition, the year-eponymies connected with the
am -Adad’s conquest of Ekall tum and Assur recorded in the
AKL are missing from the Kültepe Eponym List (KEL) ;13 the
various AKL manuscripts display numerous discrepancies in
reign lengths ; the reign lengths for kings 65-66 are completely
missing ; and half of the genealogical attributions for kings 48-71
are probably erroneous.14 Given these issues, one cannot be
certain if the AKL aggregates the reigns of a single sequence of
kings or presents two parallel lines as a single line. The linear
structure of the AKL may well mask an underlying reality of
occasional competing dynasties and overlapping reigns.15 Also,
we do not know the real purpose behind the composition of the
AKL,16 except perhaps to reassure an ancient audience that there
had been an unbroken line of succession from the earliest times
to the current king.17
The existence of such uncertainties in extant manuscripts of
the AKL means that one cannot simply add up regnal periods
starting from, say, the reign of A ur-n r r V (754-745 BC – the
end point of the Khorsabad King List manuscript) to determine
7The
publication of MHEM 4 precipitated a flood of
commentary that has continued unabated to the present day. The
bulk of this commentary has focused on reinterpretations of the
documentary data, much of it based on acceptance of the
dendrochronological analysis of Old Assyrian materials which
would place the reign of am -Adad I between ca. 1840 and
1775 BC (close to the Middle Chronology).8 These proposals
however ignore the archaeological and ceramic evidence which
Gasche and Armstrong set forth in MHEM 4. We regard this
neglect as a fundamental deficiency in the arguments that have
been made for the Middle Chronology and its slightly lower
alternatives, and of course for all alternatives higher than the
Middle Chronology.
Before we turn to a summary and critique of the principal
alternative proposals, it would be helpful first to review the
important bodies of textual evidence that have been used in
recent reconstructions of 2nd-millennium Mesopotamian
chronology, highlighting the various uncertainties that are
inherent in their use.
The most important documentary source is the Assyrian King
List tradition (hereafter AKL),9 which survives in three principal
manuscripts – the Nassouhi, Khorsabad, and SDAS King Lists10
– the former of which ends with the reign of Tiglath-pileser II
(966-935 BC) and the latter two of which end with kings of the
8th century BC : A ur-n r r V (754-745 BC) and Shalmaneser V
(726-722 BC), respectively.11
The AKL, although a fundamental source, is an imperfect
body of evidence, with missing, uncertain, and questionable
regnal data from the end of the reign of am -Adad I down into
the 12th century BC. We do not know, for example, the degree of
overlap between the reigns of am -Adad I and his son I me-
12
13
14
7
The author wishes to thank Klaas Veenhof and Yigal Bloch, who kindly
provided unpublished papers and notes but have not thereby endorsed the
author’s stance on 2nd-millennium BC chronology. The author also wishes
to thank Regine Pruzsinszky, whose collection and summary of the evidence
in her 2009 monograph made this work easier than it otherwise would have
been.
8
MANNING, KROMER, K UNIHOLM and NEWTON 2001, 2535 n. 26 ; see the
discussion in PRUZSINSZKY 2009, 127-128.
9
On which see BRINKMAN 1973, 310 and PRUZSINSZKY 2009, 48.
10 Five texts are regarded as embodying a canonical Assyrian King List
tradition : AsKL =VAT 11554 (published as KAV 15) ; KhKL = Khorsabad
King List ; NaKL = Nassouhi King List ; NiKL = king list fragment from
Nineveh (BM 128009, published by MILLARD, Iraq 32 [1970] 174-176) ;
SDAS = Seventh Day Adventist Seminary King List (see BRINKMAN 1973,
306 n. 1 ; also PRUZSINSZKY 2009, 45). Two additional king list texts –
VAT 12058 (published as KAV 18) and VAT 9812 (published as KAV 14) –
are not regarded as belonging to the same tradition (PRUZSINSZKY 2009, 45).
11 The reigns of these kings belong to a continuous block of reigns covering the
period 910-722 BC that can be verified by the reign lengths cited in the AKL
and checked against continuous lists of Assyrian yearly eponyms (BLOCH
2010b, 21-22). To this block we can add another continuous block covering
the period 1114-911 BC for which reign lengths are consistent across AKL
manuscripts but which cannot yet be verified by eponym data, apart from the
eponym periods of three kings in the 11th century and one king in the 10th
(MHEM 4, 47-48). This entire sequence can be anchored in absolute time by
the mention, in the later Assyrian eponym chronicle, of a solar eclipse in the
eponymy of Bur-Sagalê (reign of A ur-d n III) that can be dated exactly to
15 June 763 BC (MHEM 4, 5).
15
16
17
The canonical AKL assigns a 40-year reign to I me-Dagan I, but this figure
may include his years as vice-king of Ekall tum under his father. If I meDagan lost his throne when Hammurabi conquered Ekall tum, he would have
reigned independently for only ca. 15 years (VEENHOF 2008, 30 and n. 61).
On this question, see PRUZSINSZKY 2009, 56-57.
According to BARJAMOVIC , HERTEL and LARSEN (2012, 25-26) this suggests
that the tradition behind the AKL is corrupt.
See BRINKMAN 1973, 311-313 for some of the more obvious discrepancies
for the entries from B lu-b ni (no. 42) on. Of the genealogical attributions
he states : “Because of the relatively high number of variations, the
genealogical tradition of the Assyrian Kinglist is quite faulty. This
conclusion is bolstered by Landsberger’s analysis of generations for kings
48-71, which shows that half the genealogical attributions of this section of
the Assyrian Kinglist are likely to be erroneous” (BRINKMAN 1973, 313 ;
compare LANDSBERGER 1954, 42-44). BAKER (2010) appears to have
answered the question of the meaning of uppi (= 1 year), a term which is
used to describe the reign lengths of a number kings in the AKL.
One of the non-canonical king-list manuscripts, KAV 14 (= VAT 9812)
preserves a short sequence of kings from the dynasty of am -Adad I not
found in the canonical AKL and greatly telescopes the period between I meDagan I and (Kidin)-Ninu’a (= nos. 40 and 54 in the canonical AKL ;
compare inter alia READE 2001, 5-6 ; SASSMANNSHAUSEN 2006, 164-165 ;
PRUZSINSZKY 2009, 53-54, 56-57). VEENHOF (2008, 31 n. 66) characterizes
KAV 14 as “the deviating, perhaps older version of AKL” and observes that it
has only two lines with four (possibly six) names available for the successors
of I me-Dagan I, before moving to (Kidin)-Ninu’a (no. 54) of the
canonical version. The chronological implications of this deviating sequence
may be critical. Note also that the only royal building inscription from Assur
during this obscure period is attributed to one Puzur-Sîn (GRAYSON 1987,
77-78), who is not named in any king-list manuscript, either canonical or
non-canonical. On a fascinating but speculative suggestion to identify this
Puzur-Sîn with IB.TAR-Sîn (no. 51) of the canonical AKL, see READE 2001,
6-7.
It is interesting that the SDAS tablet, according to its colophon, belonged to
one B l- ma-iddin, an exorcist (mamau) of Assur (BRINKMAN 1973,
316). The amuletic shape of the Khorsabad and SDAS texts is also curious
(see the photos in GELB 1954, Pls. XIV-XVII). According to BRINKMAN
(1973, 316 n. 57) : “Oppenheim has pointed out privately the similarity in the
distinctive shape of KhKL/SDAS and the ruled-off inscriptional sections of
some lmu steles found at Assur (WVDOG 24 nos. 15, 28, etc.) and has
suggested that certain copies of the Assyrian Kinglist may have been
intended for funerary or ceremonial purposes (rather than for strictly
chronological ends).” REINER (1960, 155) suggested that the AKL texts with
this shape were used as house amulets (see PRUZSINSZKY 2009, 46).
See the remarks of RÖLLIG (1969) 276 and PRUZSINSZKY 2009, 49.
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the dates of am-Adad I, which are critical to establishing the
chronology of 2nd-millennium BC Mesopotamia because of a
well-known, critical synchronism between am-Adad and
Hammurabi, king of Babylon.18 Establishing exact dates for
am-Adad would then make it possible to anchor the ±516-year
unbroken Babylonian sequence from the beginning of Ur III to
the fall of Babylon.19
Eponyms are helpful in verifying reign lengths cited in the
AKL but one must keep in mind that large gaps presently exist in
our knowledge of the 2nd-millennium eponym sequence from the
end of the reign of am-Adad I to the accession of AdadRecent investigations of Middle
nrr II (911-891 BC).20
Assyrian texts from Assur and Tell amad have led to
considerable progress in the reconstruction of the MA sequence,
especially for the 13th century BC.21 The discovery at Kültepe of
numerous exemplars of an Old Assyrian eponym list (KEL) and
the painstaking work of scholars afterwards to reconstruct it,22
along with similar work done on the Mari Eponym Chronicle
(MEC),23 have resulted in a more-or-less complete 197-year24
sequence of eponyms stretching from the reign of am-Adad I
back through the reign of rium I.25 Uncertainties remain in the
reconstruction of the OA sequence,26 but these appear to be
minor. It must be stressed, however, that from approximately
three decades after the death of am-Adad I until the accession
of Aur-nrr II in the late fifteen century BC, no eponyms and
only two dozen short building inscriptions and labels27 are
known. The paucity of documentary evidence from this long
period – more than three centuries if one reckons by the Middle
Chronology – contrasts sharply with the preceding and
succeeding eras.
Because of such gaps and uncertainties in both the AKL and
the eponym sequences, scholars interested in 2nd-millennium
chronology have turned for help to the time-spans between
contemporary and earlier temple rebuildings recorded in the
inscriptions of Tukult-Ninurta I, Shalmaneser I, Tiglathpileser I, and Esarhaddon, because the inscriptions of these kings
cite the precise number of years intervening between their
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
respective reconstructions of the main temples in Assur and the
work done by previous rulers, going back to the Old Assyrian
rulers am-Adad I, rium I, and Iluma.28 However, the
results at which one arrives when using these Distanzangaben in
chronological reconstructions depend on the assumptions one
makes at the outset. The numerous studies of Distanzangaben
that have appeared since 1998 demonstrate the wide range of
dates which are achievable by reasonable people.29
Another related point of uncertainty concerns the calendar
system that was used in Assyria between the period
corresponding to krum Kane level II, when a luni-solar
calendar was used, and the reign of Tiglath-pileser I (1114-1076
BC), when the Babylonian calendar with intercalation was
introduced. In 1998 we posited that a lunar calendar without
intercalation may have been in use in Assyria during this time. 30
The question is important for chronology because the lunar year
is shorter than the solar year by ca. 11 days (amounting to
approximately three years per century). Yigal Bloch has recently
published a formidable argument for the use of a lunar calendar
without intercalation in Assyria in the 13th-12th centuries BC.31
Bloch has demonstrated that both the sequence of Middle
Assyrian months and the stages of flax processing – which can
be tied to specific seasons – moved throughout the solar year.32
He also presented critical evidence refuting the existence of the
intercalation mechanisms proposed by Koch33 and Weidner.34
Unfortunately, because very few Assyrian documents are known
for the long period between am-Adad I and Erba-Adad I in
the early 14th century, the date of the transition from the lunisolar Old Assyrian calendar of krum Kane level II to the purely
lunar Middle Assyrian calendar of the 13th-12th centuries BC
will remain unclear until such texts appear.35
Several studies have appeared since 1998 that have attempted
to bridge the mid-2nd-millennium gap, at least in part, based on
texts that mention or purport to mention early Kassite rulers.36
The principal texts that have been used in these reconstructions
are Babylonian King List A, Babylonian King List B, the
28
am-Adad I is known to have died in Hammurabi year 17 or 18 ; see
PRUZSINSZKY 2009, 40 and nn. 107-108.
MHEM 4, 49.
For the eponyms from the reign of Adad-nrr II to 648 BC, see MILLARD
1994.
FREYDANK (1991) attempted a reconstruction of the entire MA sequence
based on some 300 known eponyms from the period between Aur-nrr II
(no. 68) and Aur-bl-kala (no. 89). More recently, due to the work of
FREYDANK (2005), RÖLLIG (2004, 2008), and BLOCH (2008, 2010a) the
eponym sequences for the reigns of Shalmaneser I and Tukult-Ninurta I are
reasonably well known. BLOCH (2010b) has also done significant work on
reconstructing the eponyms belonging to the period from the death of
Tukult-Ninurta I to the death of Ninurta-apil-Ekur, as well as the order of
the eponyms during the reign of Ninurta-tukulti-Assur. It should be noted,
however, that important gaps remain for the 12th century BC (see
PRUZSKINSZKY 2009, 164). Also, the eponym list KAV 21-22, which
concerns reigns from Tiglath-Pileser I (1114-1076 BC) to Aur-dn II (934912 BC) is in very fragmentary condition (BLOCH 2008, 144 n. 5).
Especially VEENHOF (2003, 2007), GÜNBATTI (2008), and BARJAMOVIC,
HERTEL and LARSEN (2012).
The extant fragments of the MEC were edited by BIROT (1985). VEENHOF is
preparing a new edition (personal communication).
BARJAMOVIC , H ERTEL and LARSEN 2012, 27.
The MEC overlaps with the KEL. Together they provide a continuous
sequence of eponyms covering 255 years from the beginning of rium’s
reign (KEL A) to the death of am-Adad I (KEL G) and beyond
(BARJAMOVIC , HERTEL and LARSEN 2012, 3). KEL G continues for some 60
years beyond am-Adad’s death (PRUZSINSZKY 2009, 154).
The uncertainties arise from the existence of discrepancies in the KEL
manuscripts involving a small number of eponyms, as well as the breaks in
manuscript KEL G, which raise questions about the number of eponyms to
be placed in the lacunae (BARJAMOVIC, HERTEL and LARSEN 2012, 3-4).
See GRAYSON 1987, 77-98, and PEDERSÉN 1985, 29, 89-90 (M9).
Significant numbers of texts began to appear only during the reigns of ErbaAdad I and Aur-uballi I in the 14th century (according to SAPORETTI 1979,
29-55). See also PRUZSINSZKY 2009, 53.
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
For a review of the literature on Distanzangaben, see PRUZSINSZKY 2009,
133-146. The time span from Tukult-Ninurta I’s rebuilding of the temple of
Itar Aurtu to Iluma’s initial building of this same temple is less
important to chronological reconstructions because Iluma’s reign cannot be
securely dated. This ruler is situated in the AKL immediately before
rium I but in one of its most questionable sections, and the only other
possible chronological indicator is a possible synchronism with Sumu-abum
of Babylon attested in the Chronicle of Early Kings (Su-a-bu, line 37) which
the evidence of KEL now renders an impossibility by almost any scheme of
chronological reckoning (see VEENHOF 2008, 31 n. 67).
Compare, for example, EDER 2004 ; PRUZSINSZKY 2006a, 2006c ;
SASSMANNSHAUSEN 2006 ; JANSSEN 2006, 2009, 2011 and 2012 ; and
READE 2001.
MHEM 4, 50.
BLOCH 2012.
The phenomenon of Assyrian months moving through the solar year has
been known since at least the 1920s (BLOCH 2012, 21). The phenomenon of
seasonal agricultural activities moving through the solar year is based on
BLOCH’s convincing analysis of DeZ 3320, a Middle Assyrian letter from
Tell amad (BLOCH 2012, 27-30).
KOCH (1989), 132-141. Concerning Koch’s proposed mechanism, BLOCH
(2012, 23 and 25) asserts: “… there is absolutely no evidence that Middle
Assyrian months were associated with the heliacal rising of specific groups
of stars” …. “double-date formulae in Assyrian documents from the reign of
Tiglath-pileser I indicate that the Assyrian calendar months moved all the
way through the Babylonian year. This suggests that the Assyrian months
also moved all the way through the solar year cycle, which would contradict
Koch’s proposal.” Bloch’s argument against the existence of Koch’s
proposed mechanism (2012, 21-27) effectively undermines the position taken
by VEENHOF (2000, 141-147 ; compare READE 2001, 2) who has opposed
the notion that a lunar calendar without intercalation may have been used
from the end of krum Kane level II into the reign of Tiglath-pileser I.
WEIDNER (1928-29) ; WEIDNER (1935-36), 28-29. For the arguments against
the existence of Weidner’s proposed mechanism, see BLOCH 2012, 30-37.
See BLOCH 2012, 40 and 42.
Notably SASSMANNSHAUSEN 2004, EDER 2004, BOESE 2008, and VAN
KOPPEN 2010.
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Synchronistic King List, the Synchronistic History, the Chronicle
of Early Kings, several late inscriptions attributed to early
Kassite rulers,37 the newly published texts from the First Dynasty
of the Sealand,38 and the texts from Tell Mu ammad.39 All of
these studies offer interesting perspectives and ideas.40 It must
be emphasized, however, that Assyrian chronology provides the
only relatively fixed scheme to which Babylonian chronology
can be related,41 and therefore until the remaining important
questions about Assyrian chronology are settled, we cannot hope
for much help from Babylonian sources from and about the early
Kassite period. The material known for this time is still simply
too inconclusive.
Turning to recent challenges to the NLC, most of the
responses have either argued for continued use of the Middle
Chronology42 or for schemes which would place the reign of
am -Adad I some 8 to 15 years lower than the traditional
Middle Chronology dates for his reign.43 The arguments for
these alternatives rest ultimately on interpretations of evidence
from the Old Assyrian period, including the newly reconstructed
sequence of OA eponyms based on KEL manuscripts A-G and
the MEC,44 dendrochronological analysis of timbers found in the
Old and War ama palaces in Kültepe and the SarQkaya Palace in
Açemhöyük (in the ruins of which were found bullae impressed
with seals of am -Adad I and Apla anda of Karkemish),45 and
a solar eclipse reported in the MEC that is associated with the
year following the birth of am -Adad I.46 Proponents of the
Middle Chronology and its slightly lower alternatives, we would
argue, appear to regard these bodies of evidence as certain (or
very nearly so), and this stance then informs their interpretations
of the evidence of the AKL and Distanzangaben and the
chronological calculations which they derive therefrom.
We acknowledge that much progress has been made both in
reconstructing the Old Assyrian eponym sequence and in
establishing a tree-ring sequence now spanning nearly two
millennia. Yet fundamental uncertainties undermine the use of
the latter as an absolute chronological anchor for the former. We
do not know, for example, if the analyzed timbers were actually
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
part of the structure of the Açemhöyük building at the time that
the am -Adad sealings arrived there, and if they were part of
the structure, we do not know how long after the building was
constructed that the timbers fell to the palace floor where the
am -Adad sealings presumably were found. We do not in fact
know the archaeological context of the timbers and epigraphic
finds because the relevant stratigraphy has never been published.
Moreover, large timbers such as those found in palaces and
public buildings were valuable and therefore liable to be used
more than once. The dates such timbers were cut can serve only
as termini post quem, the earliest possible dates for the buildings
in which they have been found. In short, dendrochronology can
tell us only the year a tree was cut down, while wood
components found in excavated buildings may have been used
and reused for centuries after the tree was felled.47
The unquestioned acceptance of the dendrochronological
dating of the timbers from Açemhöyük and Kültepe has
influenced proposed identifications of the solar eclipse
mentioned in the Mari Eponym Chronicle said to have occurred
in the year after am -Adad was born. By accepting as fact the
premise that the dendrochronological analysis is correct – and
with it the premise that the range of dates for am -Adad’s reign
has been narrowed to ca. 1840-1775 BC – a number of
researchers have then restricted the range of their searches for
possible candidates, settling finally on eclipses occurring either
on 24 June 1833 BC48 or on 24 March 1838 BC,49 while giving
less credence to other worthy candidates,50 especially those that
Several recent
might be compatible with the NLC.51
investigations of the Venus data in EAE tablet 63 have shown a
similar tendency to accept the dendrochronological analysis as a
given.52
The same is true, we would argue, of recent analyses of
Distanzangaben which use new evidence from the KEL but
operate on the premise, often unstated, that both the
dendrochronological analysis and Michel’s dating of the MEC
47
For the difficulty of using these texts to reconstruct the chronology of the
early Kassite period, see BRINKMAN 1976, 6-34, who observes (p. 6) : “In
dealing with Babylonian chronology, one feels more than usually at the
mercy of one’s sources, which are often composed at a date much later than
the period covered and are occasionally in conflict with less informative
contemporary material.”
DALLEY 2009.
IMAN J AMIL AL-UBAID, 1983.
SASSMANNSHAUSEN (2004) employed most of these sources, along with
others including the AKL, to argue in favor of an end of the First Dynasty of
Babylon shortly after the middle of the 16th century. EDER (2004) proposed
a very high chronology based on his analysis of, inter alia, the inscriptions of
Agum-kakrime and Ganda , Babylonian King List A, the Synchronistic King
List, and Distanzangaben in Assyrian royal building inscriptions. BOESE
(2008) proposed a date around 1545 BC for the fall of Babylon on the basis of
his analysis of evidence from early Kassite texts, the Synchronistic History,
and synchronisms with Egyptian history. VAN KOPPEN (2010) employed an
array of Babylonian historical evidence to argue in support of a chronology
possibly as low as the NLC.
BRINKMAN 1976, 6.
For example, BARJAMOVIC, HERTEL and LARSEN 2012, 1-35, and ROAF
2012.
For example, DE JONG 2012-13, NAHM 2013, PRUZSINSZKY 2006c, and
MICHEL 2002.
BARJAMOVIC , HERTEL and LARSEN 2012, with important earlier work by
GÜNBATTI (2008) and VEENHOF (2003, 2007).
KUNIHOLM, KROMER , MANNING, NEWTON, LATINI and BRUCE 1996 ;
MANNING, KROMER, K UNIHOLM and NEWTON 2001 ; MANNING, KROMER,
KUNIHOLM and NEWTON 2003 ; NEWTON and KUNIHOLM 2004 ; MANNING,
KROMER , RAMSEY, PEARSON, TALAMO, TRANO and WATKINS , 2010.
The “darkening of the sun” (na’dur dUTU) referred to in the MEC is
undoubtedly a solar eclipse and is connected with the eponymy of PuzurI tar. ROAF (2012, 160) suggested that the eclipse may have occurred in
am -Adad’s birth year, but this is very unlikely (see DE JONG 2012-13, 156
n. 13).
48
49
50
51
52
Such uncertainties are implicitly acknowledged by BARJAMOVIC, H ERTEL
and LARSEN (2012, 32), who, after reviewing the evidence write: “If the
dendrochronological analysis is correct, if the sequence of the eponyms listed
in the various Assyrian manuscripts is correct, and if the archaeological
results obtained at Kültepe are generally to be trusted, then the evidence for
the chronology of the Old Assyrian Colony Period invalidates the ULC.”
[emphasis added]
See ROAF 2012, 160-169 and NAHM 2013, 367 ; following MICHEL 2002.
See DE JONG 2012-13, 159-161 ; note especially his concluding statement:
“Combining the radiocarbon dating of tree-ring sequences in beams used in
the construction of the War ama palace in Kanesh with the chronological
constraints provided by the Venus observations during the reign of the
Babylonian king Amm -aduqa and by the solar eclipse around the birth of
the Assyrian king am -Adad I have shown that most probably the Low
Middle Chronology (Amm -aduqa 1 = 1638 BC) is the correct one for the
Old Assyrian and Old Babylonian period.” De Jong therefore restricted his
search between 1856 and 1835 BC. BARJAMOVIC, HERTEL and LARSEN
(2012, 25) suggested that the eclipse took place in ca. 1847 BC on the basis of
dendrochronological dates and their reconstruction of the Kültepe Eponym
List.
See WARBURTON (2002, 109-110) who identified the problem as “excluding
certain eclipses or preferring a certain time range because of a preferred
chronology” (see also WARBURTON 2004). To his credit, ROAF (2012)
included in his analysis a broader range of possible candidates than did, for
example, DE JONG (2012-13) and NAHM (2013), but Roaf’s statistical
analysis does not include partial solar eclipses that might have been visible at
Assur with a magnitude less than 0.95, although eclipses with a magnitude
greater than 0.50 might also have been visible if close to the horizon (see DE
JONG 2012-13, 158).
One such eclipse candidate that deserves serious consideration is found in
ROAF 2012, 162, fig. 3 :
18 Sept. 1754 BC [-1753] [0.825 Assur] [0.800 Mari] [after sunrise in Assur,
at sunrise in Mari]
(see http://eclipse.gsfc.nasa.gov/SEcat5/SE-1799--1700.html)
See especially NAHM 2013, DE J ONG 2012-13, and DE JONG and
FOERTMEYER 2010 ; compare however the result arrived at in MEBERT 2010
(fall of Babylon = 1522 BC). Mebert’s analysis has been criticized both by
DE J ONG (2013) an advocate of the so-called Low Middle Chronology, and
by HUBER (2011), long an advocate of the High Chronology.
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solar eclipse are correct and therefore arrive at dates for the reign
of rium I (and by extension am -Adad I) that are close to the
Middle Chronology.53 We would point out, however, that one
can use the evidence of Distanzangaben (Shalmaneser I, Tiglathpileser I, and Esarhaddon 54) to arrive straightforwardly at a set of
dates that fall squarely within the reign of am -Adad I as
reckoned by the NLC – 1710-1679 BC55 – regardless of whether
or not one calculates from the first year of reign or the year in
which the building account was inscribed.56
In the end, only one scheme of chronological reckoning can
be correct. Arguments for ultra-high, high, middle, low-middle,
and low chronologies have been made on the basis of varying
analyses of differing combinations of historical, archaeological,
and natural-science data, including but not limited to king lists,
eponym lists and chronicles, Distanzangaben, synchronisms, the
Anatolian tree-ring sequence, Venus phenomena, month-length
data, and solar eclipses. The New Low Chronology, however, is
the only scheme of reckoning which takes into account the
evolution of the various pottery forms across Mesopotamia
throughout the 2nd millennium BC. This evidence demonstrates
that there could not have been a two-century gap between the
latest Old Babylonian forms and the earliest Kassite forms –
which the use of the Middle Chronology would demand – and
certainly not the even longer gap called for by use of the high 57
or ultra-high alternatives.58 The evidence is found on the plates
which follow, and it can no longer be ignored. The time has
arrived for it to take center stage in the 2nd-millennium BC
chronological debate.
53
54
55
56
57
58
See, for example, PRUZSINSZKY 2006a, 73-79, PRUZSINSZKY 2006c, 11-12,
VEENHOF 2003, 51-56, VEENHOF 2007, 60-61, and especially PRUZSINSZKY
2009, 66 and 135-136. VEENHOF (2008, 31) to his credit acknowledges that
“It is difficult to choose between these [various chronological] proposals, all
of which, moreover, have to work with assumptions and hypotheses and as
such are liable to criticism.”
Shalmaneser I = GRAYSON 1987, 185 [A.0.77.1, lines 112-148] ; GRAYSON
1987, 189 [A.0.77.2, lines 5-21] ; Tiglath-pileser I = G RAYSON 1991, 28
[A.0.87.1 vii 60-78] (note that the inscription attributes the building of the
Anu-Adad temple to am -Adad, who is mistakenly identified in the text as
the son of Ime-Dagan) ; Esarhaddon = BORGER 1956, 3-5, col. iii 16-vi 27
(Ass. A) ; BORGER 1956, 6-7 lines 19-47 (Ass. B).
GASCHE et al. 1998b, 4.
The only assumption made is that, in the relevant accounts of Shalmaneser I
and Tiglath-pileser I, the longer time-span that is cited refers back to the
initial construction of the temple in question and therefore subsumes the
shorter time-span that is cited (following HACHMANN 1977, 124-125,
NA’AMAN 1984, 118-119, and PRUZSINSZKY 2006a, 2006d and 2009, 139,
143). The relevant accounts of Esarhaddon can be taken at face value,
without emending the figure 434 to 494 (as most have done since
LANDSBERGER 1954). The results speak for themselves :
Shalmaneser I : 1694 = 273 + 421(=580-159)
1684 = 1263 + 421(=580-159) [1263= year 1 acc. to BOESE
and WILHELM 1979, 23-24]
Tiglath-pileser I : 1695 = 1114 + 581(=641-60)
1690 = 1109 + 581(=641-60)
Esarhaddon :
1694 = 680 + 580 + 434 [580=var. in Ass. A]
1700 = 680 + 586 + 434 [586=var. in Ass. B]
1693 = 679 + 580 + 434
1699 = 679 + 586 + 434
HUBER 1982, 1999-2000a, 1999-2000b, 2000, and 2011.
EDER 2004.
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Comparative metallobiochemical studies on present environmental levels of arsenic in mammals
Journal of Radioanalytical Chemistry, 1981
Simultaneous combined laparoscopic-endoscopic removal of a large gastric trichobezoar and gastric polypectomy
Srpski arhiv za celokupno lekarstvo, 2017
Characterization of isomerism between the μ−η2: η2-Peroxo and bis(μ-oxo)dicopper cores by density functional theory
Journal of Inorganic Biochemistry, 2003
Influence of Soil Matrix on Soil-Water Retention Curve and Hydraulic Characteristics
Environmental Engineering and Management Journal, 2017
The Economic Price of Liquid Petroleum Gas, Poverty and Subsidy Removal Compensation Scenario in Indonesia
International Journal of Energy Economics and Policy
Comparative aspects of the care of familial hypercholesterolemia in the “Ten Countries Study”
Journal of Clinical Lipidology, 2019
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