Yigal Bloch
Independent Scholar, Curatorial, Department Member
- History of the Ancient Near East, History of the Hebrew Language, Social History, Economic History, Ancient Near East, Ancient Religion, Assyriology, and 29 moreArchives, Ancient Near Eastern History, Assyrian Empire, Achaemenid History, Historical Demography, Neo Babylonian Empire, Achaemenid and Hellenistic Babylonia, Confrontation Greek and Mesopotamian Civilizations, Xerxes, Mesopotamian Economic History, Quantitative History, Achaemenid Empire, Ancient Near Eastern Economy, Assyria, Neo-Assyrian studies, Babylonian revolts, History, Cultural History, Ancient History, Neo-Babylonian period, Middle Assyrian period, Achaemenid Persia, Ancient Near Eastern Languages, Akkadian, Cuneiform, Chronology, Mesopotamia History, Comparative Semitic Linguistics, and Sumerian & Akkadian literatureedit
- Yigal Bloch is a curator at the Bible Lands Museum Jerusalemedit
- Jonathan Ben-Dovedit
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In this paper we point at strong literary affinities between a passage in the Epic of Zimrī-līm – Ašmaṭ's speech describing the land of Subartu – and the biblical story of the spies describing the land of Canaan before conquering it.... more
In this paper we point at strong literary affinities between a passage in the Epic of Zimrī-līm – Ašmaṭ's speech describing the land of Subartu – and the biblical story of the spies describing the land of Canaan before conquering it. Further thematic parallels are adduced from Islamic literature.
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Following the recent reconstruction of the order of eponyms in the Dūr-Katlimmu archive by Nahm, this study considers the eponyms of the period in which Tukultī-Ninurta I waged war for domination of Babylonia, from his 13th regnal year... more
Following the recent reconstruction of the order of eponyms in the Dūr-Katlimmu archive by Nahm, this study considers the eponyms of the period in which Tukultī-Ninurta I waged war for domination of Babylonia,
from his 13th regnal year onward. It is argued that recently published evidence supports the identification of the eponymy of Etel-pī-Aššur as the year in which Kaštiliaš IV of Babylonia was captured, and that the eponymy of Ellil-nādin-apli is to be placed three years later. The campaign to the lands between the Tigris and the Zagros, undertaken by Tukultī-Ninurta I in the eponymy of Ellil-nādin-apli, was probably directed against the power base of Kadašman-Ḫarbe II, including the city of Lubdu which then passed under Assyrian control. Following the dethronement of Kadašman-Ḫarbe II, Tukultī-Ninurta I maintained closer control over Babylonia, which did not prevent the king of Elam from putting an end to the reign of the Assyrian vassal Adad-šuma-iddina in the 22nd regnal year of Tukultī-Ninurta I.
from his 13th regnal year onward. It is argued that recently published evidence supports the identification of the eponymy of Etel-pī-Aššur as the year in which Kaštiliaš IV of Babylonia was captured, and that the eponymy of Ellil-nādin-apli is to be placed three years later. The campaign to the lands between the Tigris and the Zagros, undertaken by Tukultī-Ninurta I in the eponymy of Ellil-nādin-apli, was probably directed against the power base of Kadašman-Ḫarbe II, including the city of Lubdu which then passed under Assyrian control. Following the dethronement of Kadašman-Ḫarbe II, Tukultī-Ninurta I maintained closer control over Babylonia, which did not prevent the king of Elam from putting an end to the reign of the Assyrian vassal Adad-šuma-iddina in the 22nd regnal year of Tukultī-Ninurta I.
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Historical chronology is made of names and numbers. In ancient Assyria, throughout its historical development from a city-state to a major regional empire, the time-reckoning system was based on naming each year after a specific official... more
Historical chronology is made of names and numbers. In ancient Assyria, throughout its historical development from a city-state to a major regional empire, the time-reckoning system was based on naming each year after a specific official selected for that purpose, called līmu (or limmu) and commonly rendered in modern usage as “eponym.” The use of this system means that for the purpose of establishing the temporal order of events recorded in Assyrian documents, one must know the sequence of eponyms for the years in which those documents were written. But what if eponym names mentioned in some Assyrian sources do not appear in other sources, where they should be present judging by the chronological context? This question forms the focus of the present study, with regard to Assyrian chronographic sources dealing with the reign of Šamšī-Adad I. Basically, Assyrian chronographic sources can be divided in two categories: eponym lists and chronicles, on the one hand, and the Assyrian King List (AKL), on the other hand.1 The reason for the exis-
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The present study discusses the attestations of persons of Judean origin in Neo-Babylonian cuneiform tablets (of the period between 550 and 490 BCE) as possible evidence of some aspects of the social history of the community of Judeans... more
The present study discusses the attestations of persons of Judean
origin in Neo-Babylonian cuneiform tablets (of the period between 550 and
490 BCE) as possible evidence of some aspects of the social history of the
community of Judeans exiled to Babylonia by Nebuchadnezzar II. Although
the number of such attestations is very small, it is nonetheless possible to single
out two groups which display different patterns of personal name giving across
generations. In one instance, a group of merchants in the city of Sippar (belonging
mostly to a single family) uses, in part, distinctly Judean personal names in
the first generation of the exile, but abandons them completely in favor of
Babylonian theophoric names in the next generation. In another instance, a
group of individuals active mostly in Susa and probably belonging to the
families of royal officials (as suggested by names and patronymics of the type
of Beamtennamen – names expressing a pious wish for the well-being of the
king) displays the use of Yahwistic personal names even though the fathers of
those individuals bore Babylonian theophoric names. It is suggested that the
persistence of Yahwistic – hence distinctly Judean – names among royal officials
or their direct offspring, even after the previous generation bore Babylonian
names, reflects a considerable measure of tolerance toward ethnically foreign
elements in the royal administration (the relevant examples date from the period
after the establishment of the Achaemenid empire). In contrast, the progressing
adoption of Babylonian names among the Judean merchants in Sippar in the
first half of the sixth century BCE seems likely to reflect assimilation into the
native Babylonian society, fostered by the necessity to pursue commercial dealings
with the Ebabbar temple of Šamaš and the social circles centered around
the temple, which consisted of conservatively minded upper strata of the native
Babylonian society. Editions of the cuneiform tablets discussed in the present
study are provided in the Appendix.
origin in Neo-Babylonian cuneiform tablets (of the period between 550 and
490 BCE) as possible evidence of some aspects of the social history of the
community of Judeans exiled to Babylonia by Nebuchadnezzar II. Although
the number of such attestations is very small, it is nonetheless possible to single
out two groups which display different patterns of personal name giving across
generations. In one instance, a group of merchants in the city of Sippar (belonging
mostly to a single family) uses, in part, distinctly Judean personal names in
the first generation of the exile, but abandons them completely in favor of
Babylonian theophoric names in the next generation. In another instance, a
group of individuals active mostly in Susa and probably belonging to the
families of royal officials (as suggested by names and patronymics of the type
of Beamtennamen – names expressing a pious wish for the well-being of the
king) displays the use of Yahwistic personal names even though the fathers of
those individuals bore Babylonian theophoric names. It is suggested that the
persistence of Yahwistic – hence distinctly Judean – names among royal officials
or their direct offspring, even after the previous generation bore Babylonian
names, reflects a considerable measure of tolerance toward ethnically foreign
elements in the royal administration (the relevant examples date from the period
after the establishment of the Achaemenid empire). In contrast, the progressing
adoption of Babylonian names among the Judean merchants in Sippar in the
first half of the sixth century BCE seems likely to reflect assimilation into the
native Babylonian society, fostered by the necessity to pursue commercial dealings
with the Ebabbar temple of Šamaš and the social circles centered around
the temple, which consisted of conservatively minded upper strata of the native
Babylonian society. Editions of the cuneiform tablets discussed in the present
study are provided in the Appendix.
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The present note relates to a study by Oded Tammuz on concluding transactions on a Sabbath in Elephantine, Āl-Yāḫūdu and Bīt-Našar. The note points out that ignoring the Egyptian dates of the Elephantine papyri impairs Tammuz’s... more
The present note relates to a study by Oded Tammuz on concluding transactions on a Sabbath in Elephantine, Āl-Yāḫūdu and Bīt-Našar. The note points out that ignoring the Egyptian dates of the Elephantine papyri impairs Tammuz’s discussion, and calls into question his distinction between the alleged Judean-majority population of Āl-Yāḫūdu and Judean-minority population of Bīt-Našar. Also, the Julian dates of some tablets were miscalculated by Tammuz; the correct date of one Āl-Yāḫūdu tablet from Nabonidus’ reign falls on a Sabbath.
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This article takes issue with two proposals made in recent scholarship concerning the development of the Proto-Semitic phoneme // in Iron Age Canaanite dialects: 1) retention of this phoneme in the dia-lects of Transjordan, and 2) its... more
This article takes issue with two proposals made in recent scholarship concerning the development of the Proto-Semitic phoneme // in Iron Age Canaanite dialects: 1) retention of this phoneme in the dia-lects of Transjordan, and 2) its merger with the phoneme /t/ in the Hebrew of ...
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The present note relates to a study by Oded Tammuz on concluding transactions on a Sabbath in Elephantine, Āl-Yāḫūdu and Bīt-Našar. The note points out that ignoring the Egyptian dates of the Elephantine papyri impairs Tammuz’s... more
The present note relates to a study by Oded Tammuz on concluding transactions on a Sabbath in Elephantine, Āl-Yāḫūdu and Bīt-Našar. The note points out that ignoring the Egyptian dates of the Elephantine papyri impairs Tammuz’s discussion, and calls into question his
distinction between the alleged Judean-majority population of Āl-Yāḫūdu and Judean-minority population of Bīt-Našar. Also, the Julian dates of some tablets were miscalculated by Tammuz; the correct date of one Āl-Yāḫūdu tablet from Nabonidus’ reign falls on a Sabbath.
distinction between the alleged Judean-majority population of Āl-Yāḫūdu and Judean-minority population of Bīt-Našar. Also, the Julian dates of some tablets were miscalculated by Tammuz; the correct date of one Āl-Yāḫūdu tablet from Nabonidus’ reign falls on a Sabbath.
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In: S. Z. Aster and A. Faust (eds.), The Southern Levant under Assyrian Domination (Philadelphia: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2018), 216-235
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In: A. Baruchi-Unna et al. (eds.), “Now It Happened in Those Days”: Studies in Biblical, Assyrian, and Other Ancient Near Eastern Historiography Presented to Mordechai Cogan on His 75th Birthday (Winona Lake, In.: Eisenbrauns, 2017), pp.... more
In: A. Baruchi-Unna et al. (eds.), “Now It Happened in Those Days”: Studies in Biblical, Assyrian, and Other Ancient Near Eastern Historiography Presented to Mordechai Cogan on His 75th Birthday (Winona Lake, In.: Eisenbrauns, 2017), pp. 493-523
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Advances in Biblical Hebrew Linguistics: Data, Methods, and Analyses (ed. A. Moshavi and T. Notarius), Winona Lake, In.: Eisenbrauns, 2017, pp. 83-112
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This article offers an attempt at reconstructing the original meaning of the Hebrew noun sĕgullâ, often used in Modern Hebrew in the collocation ˁam sĕgullâ, as a characteristic of the Jewish people. The article tackles the original... more
This article offers an attempt at reconstructing the original meaning of the Hebrew noun sĕgullâ, often used in Modern Hebrew in the collocation ˁam sĕgullâ, as a characteristic of the Jewish people. The article tackles the original meaning of the term sĕgullâ and the collocation ˁam sĕgullâ, in their appearances in the Hebrew Bible, by correlating them with the attestations of the noun sĕgullâ in the early Rabbinic literature and with cognate nouns in other Semitic languages – Akkadian sikiltu and Ugaritic sglt. After reviewing the interpretations of the semantics of sĕgullâ and the cognate nouns, suggested by different scholars, the article turns to two recently published administrative documents from the reign of Tukultī-Ninurta I of Assyria: MARV IV 40 and 123. The article argues that the use of the term sikiltu in these documents supports Moshe Weinfeld’s interpretation of sikiltu and sĕgullâ as referring originally to “property set aside,” be it inanimate property or groups of humans. Finally, the article shows that on the one hand, the original meaning of sĕgullâ was preserved in the Second Temple period book of Malachi and in the midrash Pesikta Rabbati, but on the other hand, the perception of the Jewish people’s status as sĕgullâ of God in Pesikta Rabbati departs from the perception manifest in the Bible, insofar as the midrashic interpretation renders the Jewish people’s status as sĕgullâ independent of the people’s actual religious conduct. Transliteration, translation and discussion of the documents MARV IV 40 and 123 is presented in the appendix to the article.
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This book discusses the alphabetic scribes (sēpiru) mentioned in Mesopotamian documents of the Neo-Babylonian and Achaemenid periods – specifically, of the 6th-5th centuries BCE. The period in question saw a wide diffusion of writing in... more
This book discusses the alphabetic scribes (sēpiru) mentioned in Mesopotamian documents of the Neo-Babylonian and Achaemenid periods – specifically, of the 6th-5th centuries BCE. The period in question saw a wide diffusion of writing in the Northwest Semitic alphabetic script – mostly in Aramaic – in Mesopotamia; yet, alphabetic texts were normally written in ink on perishable materials and did not survive to be discovered by modern archaeologists. In contrast, cuneiform tablets written on clay have been found in large numbers, and they document different aspects of the alphabetic scribes’ activities. This book presents evidence for understanding the Akkadian term sēpiru as a designation for an alphabetic scribe and discusses the functions of these professionals in different administrative and economic spheres. It further considers the question of the ethnic origins of the alphabetic scribes in Mesopotamia, with special attention to the participation of Judeans in Babylonia in this profession. Bloch also provides translations of over 100 cuneiform documents of economic, legal and administrative content.