CUNEIFORM STUDIES

The paper presents a new corpus of an ancient language—Hittite, a dead cuneiform language of Anatolian family attested on clay tablets of 18–12 cc. BC. Hittite syntax proves to be more and more interesting for the researchers, so the need of an online annotated corpus for this language is more and more compelling. There are several major problems of building an annotated corpus for a dead cuneiform language. All texts have lacunae in almost every sentence, therefore, it is rather difficult to apply standard methods of parsing and syntactic annotation. The main problem concerns marking up syntax in broken parts. Most treebanks are based on morpho- syntactic annotation performed at the level of a word form. But having half of a sentence lost, we can hardly build a tree out of broken fragments. Instead, we suggest annotation of a whole clause. The paper discusses the principles of syntactic annotation of broken parts and the basic structure of a new syntactically annotated Hittite corpus (available at http://hittitecorpus.ru), the on-going project of the Department of Anatolian and Celtic Studies at the Institute of linguistics, Russian Academy of Sciences.

Goddeeris, A. 2020: The Fiscal Regime of Babylonia during the Old Babylonian Period, in: J. Mynářová – S. Alivernini (eds.), Economic Complexity in the Ancient Near East: Management of Resources and Taxation (Third - Second Millennium BC), Prague, 127–51.

While the terms prison and prisoner are frequently used in translations and studies based on the texts from early Mesopotamia (ca. 3200–1595 B.C., according to Middle Chronology), 1 the contextual evidence relating to these terms has not been assembled and organized to determine the nature of the so-called prisons of the period, together with any points of continuity and discontinuity with the modern terminology. When done, it may be concluded that prisons in early Mesopotamia do not share a one-to-one correspondence with the various manifestations of prisons in the modern Western world. Although prisons in early Mesopotamia functioned in broader ways than modern examples, I argue that significant functional overlap also exists. These similarities directly relate to theoretical and definitional criteria employed in historical discussions about prisons, demonstrating that the Mesopotamian evidence belongs in a world history of prisons.

In the introduction to the Loeb translation of Plato's Timaeus, R.G. Bury notes: 'The primary operation of the Demiurge is to construct the World Soul. In his description of this process, Plato mixes myth with mathematics in a peculiarly baffling way'.
This article will argue that if Plato's mathematics is interpreted in accordance with the Pythagorean tradition and the ancient science of harmonics, the arithmetic quickly ceases to be 'baffling'. The article will also identify a possible Mesopotamian origin for Plato'e mathematical construct.

This article is about the presence of Alexander the Great in Babylon in 331 and 323 BC. Five Babylonian texts are edited and discussed (among which fragments of astronomical diaries and the "Dynastic Prophecy", a precursor of prophecies as in Daniel 11). The impact of Babylonian wisdom (astronomy, astrology and divination) on Alexander's decisions is explored.

Obstacles in translating the cuneiform texts into Kurdish Language

Assist. Prof. Dr.DLshad A. Marf Zamua
Archaeology Department, University of Sulaimani dlshadazamua@gmail.com
Abstract:
This paper deals with the obstacles that faced Assyriologists in translating the ancient records from the dead languages to modern languages, in particular to Kurdish language. What are the main issues in translating, and reading ancient texts? The issue of determinatives, the logograms, the fake texts. How does archaeological and artistic evidence help us in translating enigmatic expressions in these ancient records? The paper supported several examples of issues in translating words, names, expressions, determinatives and logograms. Also, the paper is supported with charts and data collected from the Kurdish Assyriologists and how they decode the enigmatic expressions, and what are the main obstacles in reading the cuneiform texts.
Keywords: Cuneiform texts, dead languages, translation, Kurdish language.

A reanalysis of the early 4th C. BCE cuneiform texts BM 53282 and BM 47494 and the evidence they provide for early, personal zodiacal divination. It is suggested that the 2½° "ki" rising or setting at the moment of birth served to identify each child with a particular zodiacal
sign, thereby best accounting for the zodiacal signs found on the personal seals recovered from Hellenistic
Uruk, for example, and closely pre-figuring the classical horoscopus.

Publication and critical edition of 521 Sumerian and Akkadian cuneiform tablets, archival records of palace and temple households, legal documents, and a number of school tablets.
The book contains the photographs, transliterations, translations, and commentary of these texts thus making these fascinating 3rd mill BC documents available to the broader public.
These cuneiform documents offer new data on the topics such as history of the early Sumerian states and the Akkadian Empire, management of irrigated land, management of personnel, textile and metal industries, slavery, hired labor, finanacial activities, agriculture and animal husbandry, food production, priesthood and cult, the role of women, and almost any aspect of the life how it was almost 5000 years ago.

This is the third, revised edition of the Altbabylonisches Lehrbuch. It contains a concise but full and up-to-date grammar of Old Babylonian, exercises, and a glossary of the most frequent Old Babylonian words. Cuneiform is introduced with both Old Babylonian cursive and Neo-Assyrian monumental ductus.

This article offers new material and a new edition of a unique ritual text from the first millennium BC in Mesopotamia, which describes a ritual for increasing the profit of the innkeeper. One of the text-representatives is written on a tablet with a handle, which was displayed in a Mesopotamian pub, which had the character of a bordello. The new score text presented here is based on collations of all known duplicates and on new copies by M.J. Geller. The primary aim is to publish comprehensive copies, a reliable transliteration, and a translation. Additionally, a publication history and a description of the sources are presented. Furthermore, text and context commentaries will be offered, focussing on one of the representative objects, a so-called 'amulet-shaped' tablet, or tablet with handle.

Old Zagros scripts and their influence on the Kurdish language script in modern times
Dlshad A. Marf Zamua
Abstract
We all know that the first invented writing rose in southern Mesopotamia in Sumer, but the earliest attitudes before the invention of writing began in the Upper Mesopotamia and the Zagros mountains in Kurdistan.
Cuneiform script as the most ancient used script had been used as the main script for around three millennia (third, second, and first millennium B.C.E.) in Kurdistan. Then the Aramaic script, Greek & Latin, Parthian
and Pahlavi scripts, Hebrew, Arabic, and the Old Kurdish Alphabet that survived to the late Abbasid Period (13th century A.D.) all these scripts been used for writing different ancient languages in Kurdistan. Except the last one, the Old Kurdish Alphabet, the only known attestation record about this Kurdish alphabet made by the Abbasid author Ibn Wahshiyya al-Nabati in his book about the ancient records and scripts, this Kurdish script was the only known script that used for recording Kurdish language. In this paper in addition of giving a detailed overview about all the known ancient scripts and languages in Kurdistan, and their history, we deal with different research questions, we try to.
Keywords: Ancient Scripts, Cuneiform, Alphabets, Kurdistan.
http://www.journal.yaresan.com/images/Pdf/Shinrwe_Volume%201_No%201-Paper%206_Pages%2097-112.pdf

Contents

Acknowledgements iii
Contents iv
Abbreviations vi
Format of Presentation xi

Introduction 1

I. Sources 23
1. Babylonian (Astronomical) Diaries 24
2. Babylonian Chronicles after Alexander the Great 71
Summary 94

II. Royal Officials 99
3. “The General above the Four Generals” and “the Grand Marshal” 100
4. “The Satrap of the Land of Akkad” 129
5. “The General (of the Land of Akkad)” 145
6. Supervisors of Temples 157
Summary 172

III. The City of Babylon and the King’s Authorities 177
7. “The Governor of Babylon” and “the Citizens (in Babylon)” 178
8. “The šatammu of Esagil,” “the kiništu of Esagil,” “Babylonians,” and “the Sons of Babylon” 194
9. Communications in Writing 211
10. Offering Presentations for the “Ritual” and “Well-being” 227
Summary 243

Synthesis 245

Bibliography 257
_____________________________________________________

List of Tables and Maps

Table (unnumbered) Kings of Babylon

Table 1 Outline of the published (Astronomical) Diaries, Part I
Table 2 Outline of the published (Astronomical) Diaries, Part II

The Attestations in the Diaries and the Chronicles
Table A “The General above the Four Generals” and “the Grand Marshal”
Table B “The Satrap of the Land of Akkad”
Table C “The General (of the Land of Akkad)”
Table D “The Governor of Babylon” and “the Citizens (in Babylon)”
Table E “The šatammu of Esagil,” “the kiništu of Esagil,” “Babylonians,” and “the Sons of Babylon”
Table Fa Communications in Writing, etc. Part I
Table Fb Communications in Writing, etc. Part II (Summary)
Table G Offering Presentations for the “Ritual” and “Well-being,” Including Anomalous Cases

Map 1 Western Asia in the Seleucid and Arsacid Periods
Map 2 Central Babylon in the Sixth Century BC

In un saggio di Giovanni Ieropoli la rassegna delle nuove conferme alla rivoluzionaria tesi delle origini semitiche delle lingue indoeuropee, elaborata da Giovanni Semerano, il glottologo scomparso nel 2005 che tanto scandalo ha provocato nella linguistica ufficiale.

This chapter discusses the terms by which the scribes of central urban households (temples and palaces) recorded human resources in the Late Uruk–Early Dynastic IIIa (3350–2500 BC) southern Mesopotamia, modern Iraq. The author's main argument is that this terminology centered on age and gender,–those biological aspects of workers that were directly related to their labor value.

The publication of some important cuneiform corpora from the Late Bronze Age Levant over the past decade has drastically changed the perspective taken towards issues pertaining to the acquisition and adaptation of cuneiform writing in the so-called peripheral areas. This development can especially be observed following the current research in cuneiform palaeography. The meetings in Leiden (2009) and Warsaw (2014) already demonstrated the potential of cuneiform palaeography for our understanding of the process of writing, the composition of the respective texts, and many other aspects. It is striking that the most complete tool for the study of one of the principal “peripheral” cuneiform corpora of the second millennium B.C., the Amarna corpus, remains to this day the sign list of O. Schroeder, published already in 1915. In 2012 a new project dedicated to the digital epigraphy and palaeography of the Amarna tablets started at the Charles University in Prague. In this presentation, I will present some results of the paleographic research conducted in this project. The paper investigates possible common sources for a cuneiform palaeography of the Northern Levant with special attention given to the corpus of documents from Qatna (mod. Tell Mishrifeh, EA 52–56, EA 57?). The results are set into a more general frame of cuneiform writing in peripheral areas of the Late Bronze Age.

In this paper I suggest that the mutilation of the woman's palm in Deuteronomy 25:11-12 is intended as a form of "instrumental talion," or punishment of the offending organ, based on related traditions in Middle Assyrian law. Moreover, the various scholarly claims that this law prescribed the genital shaving of the guilty woman , or that  female circumcision was symbolised, appear  less plausible in view of the evidence examined.

This article argues in favor of (re-)reading the Semitic name of Mitanni as Hani-Rabbat against the presently consensual Hanigalbat. In connection to this a so far lacking etymology for this geographical name is proposed. It is argued that Hani-Rabbat is a West-Semitic (Amorite) compound meaning ‘Great Hani’, in contrast with the Middle-Euphratean country of Hana. Hence, Rabbat marks the opposition between two Hanaean lands set off by the Euphrates. Hani / Hana ought also to be linked with Akkadian hanû and Hurrianizing haniahhe, all being designations of probable West-Semitic origin used for certain human groups that followed a (semi-)nomadic lifestyle in both sides of the river. The scenario is one of linguistic contact between Amorite, Akkadian and Hurrian. Finally, the toponym Hanu AN.TA ‘Upper Hanu’, attested in a Middle-Assyrian letter, is examined as a possible Sumerographic spelling of Hani-Rabbat.

Umma was one of the most prominent Sumerian city-states. 3rd mill. BCE cuneiform documents record several names for what the previous scholarship believed to be a single city of Umma. Recent discussions and archaeological investigations strongly suggest that these writings refer to two neighboring cities Gesha and Umma. Due to the abandonment of the former at the end of the Early Dynastic period its writing has been passed to the latter. The article concentrates on the earliest writing for the city of Umma (UB-me), reevaluates the existing evidence and amplifies the “Umma debate” with the earliest textual attestation of the city UBme dating to the Early Dynastic IIIa period.

This volume contains the edition of 155 texts from the bīt asīrī belonging to the British Museum: 154 dated to the reign of Rīm-Anum, and one text (BM 16379) dated to the 8th year of Samsu-iluna of Babylon (1749-1712 B.C.). New data deriving from these texts sheds some light on a very intricate and difficult time in early Babylonian history, that of the revolt against Babylonian domination, occurring during the years 8th and 10th of Samsu-iluna (1742-1740 B.C.).

Gudea di Lagash
Gudea appartiene alla seconda dinastia di Lagash, sviluppatasi durante l’interregno guteo, poco prima che UrNammu fondasse la celebre terza dinastia di Ur (Ur III: circa 2100 – 2000 a.C.). Fondatore della dinastia di Lagash fu il principe Ur-Baba, ma essa trovò in Gudea, suo successore, il suo massimo esponente; egli fu il governatore (ensi) della città di Lagash per circa 20 anni (ca. 2144-2124 a.C.). Suo successore fu Ur-Ninjirsu; poco o nulla sappiamo invece degli ultimi tre personaggi che si sono succeduti sul trono, fino alla sconfitta di Nammakhani, l’ultimo ensi, il quale sarebbe perito nell’attacco di Ur-Nammu di Ur alla città-stato. Sorprendentemente Gudea, che dopo la sua morte è stato divinizzato, non è menzionato nelle liste dei re sumeri1 ma è conosciuto da altri elenchi di re di questo periodo ed inoltre numerose iscrizioni mostrano l’indipendenza della sua città-stato. Gudea controllò una parte importante della Mesopotamia meridionale (con le città di Ur, Uruk, e Nippur), che così riconquistò la sua indipendenza, perduta sotto il regno semitico di Akkad. Durante il suo regno esercitò una notevole attività edilizia, in particolar modo religiosa, e fu promotore di un’intensa creatività letteraria. La prosperità dipese dal corso dell'agricoltura, ma anche dal commercio coi paesi circostanti.
Non meno di 2444 oggetti portano iscrizioni che commemorano la (ri)costruzione da parte di Gudea di un tempio o la sua dedica di un oggetto a una divinità. La stragrande maggioranza - 2075 di questi oggetti - sono chiodi di argilla, usati per scopi decorativi sulle pareti; 203 sono invece mattoni di argilla; ci sono inoltre 20 soglie di porta, un gradino in pietra, tre placche di pietra scolpita; 41 tra tavolette di fondazione in pietra e figurine bronzee di fondazione, tutte, come indica il nome, sepolte sotto le fondazioni di un tempio. Ci sono poi 21 sue statue, per lo più in diorite, 13 vasi, 12 teste di ascia e 5 supporti.

Paragraph 14 of Darius inscription at Bisotun is devoted to the measures taken by Darius in order to restore the legitimate kingship usurped by Gaumāta and to re-establish the social order thrown into confusion by the revolt leaded by the magus. The central core of the paragraph is (A) Darius' re-establishment of the kingship; (B) the realisation of some royal action (specified in all three languages by the general verb 'to make, to do') regarding the ā ̆ yadanā/ AN zí-ia-an AN na-ap-pan-na/É.˹MEŠ˺ šá DINGIR.MEŠ destroyed by Gaumāta. Analysing the syntactic structure of the three versions, studying the structure of the word ā ̆ yadanā – considered as problematic already by the early editors of the Bisotun inscription – the author discusses LECOQ's (1995) interpretation, stating some details which allow a better interpretation of § 14 as a whole.
Résumé: Le §14 de l'inscription de Darius à Bisotun est consacré aux mesures prises par Darius pour restaurer la royauté usurpée par Gaumāta et pour rétablir l'ordre social qui avait été mis à mal par la révolte du mage. L'objet central du paragraphe est (A) le rétablissement par Darius de la royauté soustraite, comme elle l'était auparavant ; (B) la réalisation d'une action royale (indiquée dans les trois langues par le verbe général 'faire') concernant les ā ̆ yadanā/ AN zí-ia-an AN na-ap-pan-na/É.˹MEŠ˺ šá DINGIR.MEŠ que Gaumāta avait détruits. En analysant la syntaxe des trois versions, en étudiant la structure du mot ā ̆ yadanā qui a été considéré problématique déjà à l'époque de la première publication des textes de Bisotun, l'auteur discute l'interprétation du passage donnée par LECOQ (1995), en précisant des détails qui permettent une meilleure interprétation du § 14 dans son ensemble.

Archaeologists lamented that they could not find the treasure archives of cuneiform texts in Palestine. Nearly 63 cuneiform texts are mentioned in this Corpus and recent publications listed even over 90. This is an unedited version of a manuscript that needs more time. The beginner can get at least a sense of what is available so far. Louishester Publication Vol 60 2019 Vol 60 [Not published yet since editing is necessary as well as updating the latest ones, sorry]