Nadav Na'aman
Tel Aviv University, Jewish History, Emeritus
A possible scribal error in an Amarna letter (EA 335)-‛Abdi-Ashtarti, Shuwardata's heir to the throne of Gath (Tell eṣ-Ṣafi), sent four letters to the Pharaoh. The following discussion deals only with letter EA 335 (and not with the other... more
A possible scribal error in an Amarna letter (EA 335)-‛Abdi-Ashtarti, Shuwardata's heir to the throne of Gath (Tell eṣ-Ṣafi), sent four letters to the Pharaoh. The following discussion deals only with letter EA 335 (and not with the other three, EA 63-65). Notably, the name of the author is not preserved in this partly damaged tablet (see the facsimile in Schroeder 2015: pl. 186). Knudtzon (1915: 948-949) did not identify its author, but authorship was later attributed to ‛Abdi-Ashtarti, the author of letters EA 63-65 (Na'aman 1979: 677-678). Considering the numerous published text editions and translations of this letter (Moran 1992: 357-358; Liverani 1998: 87-88; Rainey, 1624; Yoder and Lauinger 2022), it is not necessary to discuss it in detail. In what follows, I present a translation of lines 11-19 only and add a few comments where deemed necessary.
The article discusses the chronological sequence of the eleven letters of the kings of Tyre (EA 146–155, 295) and the history of Tyre in the Amarna period, as emerged from the redating of the letters. It first suggests that Abimilki was a... more
The article discusses the chronological sequence of the eleven letters of the kings of Tyre (EA 146–155, 295) and the history of Tyre in the Amarna period, as emerged from the redating of the letters. It first suggests that Abimilki was a Tyrian prince who was sent as a hostage to Egypt, and following the crisis of succession was selected by Amenhotep III and sat on the throne of Tyre. The education and cultural background to which the king was exposed in his youth in the Egyptian court well explain the unique characteristic of the Tyrian letters within the Amarna correspondence. The article then proceeds to describe in great detail the history of Tyre from the late years of Amenhotep III until the late years of Akhenaten and the contribution of the Tyrian letters to the history of the Coast of Lebanon in the Amarna period.
A proposed dentification of the Tyrian princess mentioned in El-Amarna 120
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Van der Toorn's 2018 edition of Papyrus Amherst 63 paved the way for a fresh examination of this difficult Demotic-Aramaic text. This article first examines the literary structure of the text and suggests a revised internal arrangement of... more
Van der Toorn's 2018 edition of Papyrus Amherst 63 paved the way for a fresh examination of this difficult Demotic-Aramaic text. This article first examines the literary structure of the text and suggests a revised internal arrangement of its constituents, in particular those of Section IV. The revised arrangement serves as the basis for the ensuing discussion. The article discusses the designation 'Rash', a term that is key for an understanding of the many episodes related in the papyrus, and suggests that it designated the heavenly abode of the gods, from where they operated in heaven and earth. It then examines the few references to the earthly seats of the gods, and in particular passage viii 1-7a, which relates the heavenly or earthly realms of the gods and their seats in the sanctuaries. The final part of the article examines the way the author of Section II tried to resolve the theological problem of the impotence of god in the face of defeats, destructions and deportations. The author explains god's silence by his slumber in his heavenly abode. Surprisingly, the theological solution of sin and punishment is absent from the papyrus, in contrast to its frequent appearance in many ancient Near Eastern texts and, above all, in the biblical literature.
The article examines the territorial scope and cultural connotation of the Land of Djahy in the Egyptian Inscriptions in comparison to those of Yarimuta in the Amarna Letters of Byblos. It suggests that they are parallel references to the... more
The article examines the territorial scope and cultural connotation of the Land of Djahy in the Egyptian Inscriptions in comparison to those of Yarimuta in the Amarna Letters of Byblos. It suggests that they are parallel references to the ‘Hilly Land’ and similarly refer to the Egyptian province in Asia. As the name Yarimuta is known only from the letters of Byblos, it might be the case that it was coined in imitation of the Egyptian designation of the land, in particular since like Yarimuta, Djahy is frequently used in the context of the transport of agricultural products and other goods along the Mediterranean Coast.
The factual background of the Exodus story is the most perplexing issue in biblical historical studies. On the one hand, the Exodus tradition is very old, and its status as the central Israelite foundation story finds remarkable... more
The factual background of the Exodus story is the most perplexing issue in biblical historical studies. On the one hand, the Exodus tradition is very old, and its status as the central Israelite foundation story finds remarkable expression in every genre of biblical literature. On the other hand, most scholars doubt the historicity of the story, and generally consider it to be the vague memory of a small group, which was gradually adopted by all other Israelite tribal groups. The contrast between the central place of the Exodus in Israelite memory and its questionable historical status requires explanation. The chapter suggests that the bondage, the suffering, and the miraculous delivery from slavery actually took place in Canaan and that the locus of these memories was later transferred from Canaan to Egypt. The bondage and liberation were experienced by the pastoral groups that later settled in the highlands of the Northern Kingdom. Hence its central place in the cultural memory of Israel's inhabitants. Since the process of settlement in the Judean highlands took place later and on a limited scale, the memory of the Exodus played only a minor role among Judah's inhabitants.
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The article investigates the history of the Beqa’ Valley along the lines of the longue durée in order to establish the location of the city of Ṣîbat/Ṣubat/Ṣupitu mentioned in second and first millennium BCE documents. It first presents... more
The article investigates the history of the Beqa’ Valley along the lines of the longue durée in order to establish the location of the city of Ṣîbat/Ṣubat/Ṣupitu mentioned in second and first millennium BCE documents. It first presents the evidence of a Mari letter ((M.5423) that mentions the city of Ṣîbat. It then systematically analyses all the available texts dated to the Late Bronze, Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian periods in which Ṣubat/Ṣupitu are mentioned. This is followed with an examination of the biblical evidence of the Aramean kingdoms of Zobah and Beth-rehob. In light of this survey it suggests that for many hundred years, the hilly region between the sources of the Liṭani and Orontes rivers was a border zone that separated polities or districts located to its north and south. It further establishes that throughout this long period, the city of Ṣubat was located north of this border zone, not far away from the city of Riblah and south of the city of Qidšu. It then concludes that the campaign of the troops of Qaṭna and Mari was directed to this region and did not reach southern part of the Beqa‛
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The article systematically examines the historicity of the biblical claim that the Israelites renamed several Canaanite cities in the course of the conquest and settlement of the land. Among the renamed places are Kiriath-arba,... more
The article systematically examines the historicity of the biblical claim that the Israelites renamed several Canaanite cities in the course of the conquest and settlement of the land. Among the renamed places are Kiriath-arba, Kiriath-sepher/ sannah, Kerioth-hezron, Zephath, Jebus/the Jebusite, Luz, Laish, Kenath, and Argob. Examination of the renaming claim of these towns only confirms the Late Bronze date of Laish and possibly Zephath. All other ostensibly Canaanite city names must have emerged only during the Iron Age. The article further examines the antiquity of the name Baʿal(ah)/Kiriath-baʿal of Kiriath-jearim and suggests that it emerged in the first millennium BCE. Evidently, the renaming claim in biblical literature is entirely literary and ideological; only few interchanges of names reflect authentic memories of the toponymy of Canaan in the Late Bronze Age.
In this article I discuss the episode of the Israelite-Benjaminite battle at Gibeah (Judges 20:29-48). The battle account suffers from many inconsistencies, and to date no satisfactory solution was suggested for its composition. I posit... more
In this article I discuss the episode of the Israelite-Benjaminite battle at Gibeah (Judges 20:29-48). The battle account suffers from many inconsistencies, and to date no satisfactory solution was suggested for its composition. I posit that the battle story has a unified framework (vv. 29-31a and 47-48), and this framework embraces two complete alternative accounts of the battle, each describing a different version of the event (vv. 31b-36a and 36b-46). Following a translation of the two accounts, I analyze each account seeking to show how it describes the related event. I then examine the dia-chronic and synchronic solutions offered for the way the text has emerged, seeking to clarify how it might have reached its garbled final form.
The article discusses the two biblical locations of Rachel's tomb: one in northern Benjamin and the other north of Bethlehem. It posits that Ephraimite families migrated to north Judah, settled in the Bethlehem district and were called "... more
The article discusses the two biblical locations of Rachel's tomb: one in northern Benjamin and the other north of Bethlehem. It posits that Ephraimite families migrated to north Judah, settled in the Bethlehem district and were called " Ephrathites " , after their place of origin. The new settlers identified the tomb of their eponymous ancestress, Rachel, in a site near Bethlehem. Hence emerged the tomb's two conflicting identifications. It is thus evident that the tradition of Rachel's tomb near Bethlehem is very old, dated probably to the early Iron Age, when the Ephrathites first settled in this region.
The article examines a selection of biblical historiographical texts that refer to pre-Israelite Canaan, in an effort to decide whether they preserved authentic memories of the land and its inhabitants in the Late Bronze Age. It concludes... more
The article examines a selection of biblical historiographical texts that refer to pre-Israelite Canaan, in an effort to decide whether they preserved authentic memories of the land and its inhabitants in the Late Bronze Age. It concludes that except for the memory of Hazor’s leading status among the Canaanite kingdoms, biblical texts did not disclose memories that go back to the reality of the Late Bronze Age. The earliest extant memories should be dated to the early Iron Age and reflect the time of the struggle between the kings of the so-called “New Canaan” and the tribes who settled in their vicinity.
The article discusses the Hebrew rendering of the city of Φαγώρ mentioned in the LXX of Josh 15:59A. Traditionally it was rendered 'Peor' (pe‛ôr) and identified at Kh. Fāghūr located six kilometers southwest of Bethlehem. However, a 7th... more
The article discusses the Hebrew rendering of the city of Φαγώρ mentioned in the LXX of Josh 15:59A. Traditionally it was rendered 'Peor' (pe‛ôr) and identified at Kh. Fāghūr located six kilometers southwest of Bethlehem. However, a 7th century BCE "fiscal bulla" recently published mentions a city named pgr (Pegor). It is suggested that this is the correct Hebrew rendering of the name and that in the course of time the internal consonant fluctuated between /g/, /ġ/ and /‛/.
Joshua 19,35 is an old crux and various solutions have been offered for the text. I suggest rendering v. 35a "And the fortified cities of the Sidonians (§d<n>ym)". Several biblical texts indicate the presence of Sidonians near the Upper... more
Joshua 19,35 is an old crux and various solutions have been offered for the text. I suggest rendering v. 35a "And the fortified cities of the Sidonians (§d<n>ym)". Several biblical texts indicate the presence of Sidonians near the Upper Galilee region. The unnamed fortified cities formed part of the region around the city of Dan and may be identified at Dan, Abel and Ijon. The text reflects the reality in the region after the annexation of Galilee by the Assyrians, when Sidonians migrated to the area and changed its ethnic composition and cultural norms.
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In sum, the SPN story is a post-exilic unified work, written with the aim of denigrating Saul and depicting him in an extremely negative light. It portrays Saul as an inadequate king who lacks sober judgment and operates emotionally,... more
In sum, the SPN story is a post-exilic unified work, written with the aim of denigrating Saul and depicting him in an extremely negative light. It portrays Saul as an inadequate king who lacks sober judgment and operates emotionally, trusting an Edomite and his false testimony and thus twisting justice and bringing about the death of many innocent priests. Moreover, Saul’s rule was so faulty that already during his reign, Samuel’s admonitions against the dangers of the monarchy became true.
The portrayal of Saul as an incompetent king is part of series of post-exilic works that paint him in dark colours. These works were written in the struggle over the shaping of the historical memory concerning the foundation of the Israelite monarchy, and depict his figure as the negative image of David, who is presented as the true founder of the monarchy in Israel.
The portrayal of Saul as an incompetent king is part of series of post-exilic works that paint him in dark colours. These works were written in the struggle over the shaping of the historical memory concerning the foundation of the Israelite monarchy, and depict his figure as the negative image of David, who is presented as the true founder of the monarchy in Israel.
The article examines the potential of episodes related in the biblical history of Solomon to serve as sources for the history of Jeroboam II, King of Israel. It first suggests that the "Acts of Solomon", the source available to the author... more
The article examines the potential of episodes related in the biblical history of Solomon to serve as sources for the history of Jeroboam II, King of Israel. It first suggests that the "Acts of Solomon", the source available to the author of Solomon's history, was written in Judah in the late eighth century BCE, after the fall of the Northern Kingdom. It then examines five episodes that depict Solomon's operations: (a) his district list (1 Kgs 4:7-19); (b) the list of six cities that he built (9:15b, 17b-18); (c) the sails he initiated from the Gulf of Eilat to Ophir (9:26-28; 10:11-12, 16-22); (d) his presentation as mediator in the international trade of horses and chariots (1 Kgs 10:28-29); and (e) the concept of the United Monarchy as reflection of Jeroboam II's kingdom. The article concludes that of these episodes, only the account of Solomon's sails to Ophir rests on the reality of Jeroboam's time and memorialized his cooperation with the King of Tyre in the maritime sail to Ophir and the extraction of gold from this remote country.
The article examines the literary relations between the accounts of Davidʼs war with Israelʼs neighbours (2 Sam 8:1–14) and his war with the Ammonites and Arameans (2 Sam 10:1–11:1a; 12:26–31). I suggest that the former was written later... more
The article examines the literary relations between the accounts of Davidʼs war with Israelʼs neighbours (2 Sam 8:1–14) and his war with the Ammonites and Arameans (2 Sam 10:1–11:1a; 12:26–31). I suggest that the former was written later than the pre-Deuteronomistic story cycles of David and Solomon, and that it rests heavily on these works. I further posit that due to the long process of oral transmission of the history of David’s rise, this account includes memories of different periods, some of which might reflect the time of Jeroboam II.
Since the early 19th century, scholars have debated the implication of the seven references to the root שאל in Samuelʼs birth legend (1 Samuel 1). Some interpreted the root as a literary allusion to King Saul, the original hero of the... more
Since the early 19th century, scholars have debated the implication of the seven references to the root שאל in Samuelʼs birth legend (1 Samuel 1). Some interpreted the root as a literary allusion to King Saul, the original hero of the story, whereas others understood it as an imprecise etymology of the name Samuel, the hero of the story in its present form. In this article, I suggest that the root שאל is a name etymology of Shiloh, the place where the narrative took place and whose name means “(place of) oracular inquiry”. The author implanted the root into his story so as to fasten the connection between the plot and the sacred site in which it takes place.
In this article I critically examine the hypothesis that the early edition of the Book of Kings was written during the time of Hezekiah. I first analyze the histories of the kings of Judah from Ahaz to Josiah and the way their accounts... more
In this article I critically examine the hypothesis that the early edition of the Book of Kings was written during the time of Hezekiah. I first analyze the histories of the kings of Judah from Ahaz to Josiah and the way their accounts helped to shape the histories of five earlier Judahite kings (Asa, Jehoshaphat, Jehoash, Amaziah, and Uzziah). This analysis demonstrates that the same author wrote the histories of the pre-Hezekian and post-Hezekian Judahite kings – an author who operated not earlier than the time of Josiah. Hence, the early edition of Kings was written in either the late monarchic or the early exilic period; thus, the hypothesis that an early edition of Kings was written during the time of Hezekiah can no longer be upheld.
(1) Aan examination of all the available sources confirmed the biblical claim of the continuity of Davidʼs dynasty on the throne of Judah. In regular situations, the king would elect his heir, usually the elder son of his principal wife,... more
(1) Aan examination of all the available sources confirmed the biblical claim of the continuity of Davidʼs dynasty on the throne of Judah. In regular situations, the king would elect his heir, usually the elder son of his principal wife, and after his death this son would assume his fatherʼs throne. Yet, each king had several wives and many children, creating potential ongoing struggles regarding the throne. Under certain circumstances, the efforts of disappointed heirs to take over the throne by force developed into an armed struggle. A vivid picture of the competition over the throne between several candidates appears in the legendary story of the succession of Davidʼs throne (2 Samuel 13 – 1 Kings 2). In some other situations, when Judah was vassal of a stronger kingdom, the powerful overlord might enforce his own candidate over the elected heir to the throne.
(2) Except for the short-lived dynasty of Jeroboam, most likely only two successive dynasties ruled the Kingdom of Israel: those of Baasha and of Jehu. The origin of the former is from the highlands of Manasseh and of the latter from the Jezreel or Beth-shean plains. Some of the Israelite kings were not direct descendants of the former murdered king, but were considered legitimate rulers because they belonged to the extended royal family. This conclusion differs from the deliberate picture the author of Kings drew, according to which several Israelite dynasties successively replaced each other. In contrast to the single dynasty that reigned in Judah throughout the monarchical period (mid-10th-early 6th centuries), only two dynasties reigned in Israel in the course of the 9th-8th centuries BCE. Thus, a difference exists in the dynastic succession between the two neighbouring kingdoms, but the difference is less dramatic than what emerges from the Book of Kings.
(2) Except for the short-lived dynasty of Jeroboam, most likely only two successive dynasties ruled the Kingdom of Israel: those of Baasha and of Jehu. The origin of the former is from the highlands of Manasseh and of the latter from the Jezreel or Beth-shean plains. Some of the Israelite kings were not direct descendants of the former murdered king, but were considered legitimate rulers because they belonged to the extended royal family. This conclusion differs from the deliberate picture the author of Kings drew, according to which several Israelite dynasties successively replaced each other. In contrast to the single dynasty that reigned in Judah throughout the monarchical period (mid-10th-early 6th centuries), only two dynasties reigned in Israel in the course of the 9th-8th centuries BCE. Thus, a difference exists in the dynastic succession between the two neighbouring kingdoms, but the difference is less dramatic than what emerges from the Book of Kings.
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Research Interests: Amalek and List of Towns
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Research Interests: King David and Samson
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The article focuses on the similar presentation of god's name on a stela discovered at Tel Dan and in the legend of Jacob's visit to Bethel. Admittedly, the sources of the two divine designations are wholly different in genre and date.... more
The article focuses on the similar presentation of god's name on a stela discovered at Tel Dan and in the legend of Jacob's visit to Bethel. Admittedly, the sources of the two divine designations are wholly different in genre and date. But since Bethel and Dan were the two central sanctuaries of the Kingdom of Israel in the monarchical period, the similarity of names calls for an investigation. The article first discusses the two sources in detail, and then suggests that the designations the "God of Bethel" in Jacob's legend and the "God who is in Dan" on the stela memorialized the glorious past of the two cult centres. The two designations refer back to the time when their respective sanctuaries held a prominent place in the Kingdom of Israel and their god venerated in the broad confines of the kingdom.
The story of the assembly at Shechem (I Reg 11, 26–28.40; 12,1–20*) was composed within a sapiental circle of literati in the Kingdom of Judah in about the mid-seventh century. Underlying the story is a subversive account that depicts... more
The story of the assembly at Shechem (I Reg 11, 26–28.40; 12,1–20*) was composed within a sapiental circle of literati in the Kingdom of Judah in about the mid-seventh century. Underlying the story is a subversive account that depicts sarcastically the establishment of the Israelite monarchy and ridicules the figure of Jeroboam, its founder. In essence, the setting of the new king comprises the replacement of the former Judahite taskmaster by an Israelite one. The Deuteronomist cut short the account of Jeroboam’s rebellion and inserted the episode of Ahijah and Jeroboam. Thereby, he blurred the message of the early story and fitted the sequence of events to his ideological presentation of Israel’s history.
The article argues that Pekahʼs rebellion took place in cooperation with Rezin, King of Aram, and that their agreement was sealed by a treaty sworn by oath at an Israelite temple in the Gilead. Rezin sent a band of fifty Gileadites to... more
The article argues that Pekahʼs rebellion took place in cooperation with Rezin, King of Aram, and that their agreement was sealed by a treaty sworn by oath at an Israelite temple in the Gilead. Rezin sent a band of fifty Gileadites to help Pekah assassinate Pekahiah and usurp the throne. The usurpation was the first step in the formation of an anti-Assyrian coalition, which Tiglath-pileser III defeated in about 733 BCE. The prophecy in Hos 6,7-10a severely criticizes the treaty, and in particular the Gileadite priests who administered its realization and the murder of the legitimate King of Israel.
Information on submitting manuscripts, about transferral and retainment of rights, as well as the correct presentation style for submissions can be found at www.mohrsiebeck.com/hebai by selecting "Manuscripts".
The article analyzes in detail Jeroboamʼs declaration, "Here are your gods, O Israel, who brought you up from the land of Egypt" (1 Kgs 12:28b). It suggests that in this Israelite cult formula, the author deliberately replaced "YHWH" with... more
The article analyzes in detail Jeroboamʼs declaration, "Here are your gods, O Israel, who brought you up from the land of Egypt" (1 Kgs 12:28b). It suggests that in this Israelite cult formula, the author deliberately replaced "YHWH" with "Elohim" because the latter could be construed with a plural mode. He then put in the kingʼs mouth a declaration that refers in plural to the national God of Israel. In this manner, he depicted Jeroboam not only as a king who established a cult with forbidden images of calves, butlike non-Israelite foreignersfailed to understand the unique nature of the God of Israel and referred to him in the plural mode.
The article reexamines several debated issues in the study of the Samaria ostraca. It first suggests that the ostraca registered deliveries of wine and oil sent by royal administrators and private estate owners to celebrate festive events... more
The article reexamines several debated issues in the study of the Samaria ostraca. It first suggests that the ostraca registered deliveries of wine and oil sent by royal administrators and private estate owners to celebrate festive events in the royal court of Samaria. The deliverers of the jars are the "l-men" whose names appear in the beginning of the ostraca, whereas the names of the recipients (the king and his court) are not mentioned. It then posits that the deliveries from years 9-10 were sent from royal estates, whereas those of year 15 were mainly dispatched from private estates. The difference in the source of the deliveries explains the difference in registration of the transports. Finally, it proposes that Shemida was the name of the region that surrounded Samaria. Even before the foundation of the city, numerous estates in this region must have belonged to members of the family of Shemer; other estates were acquired later by members of the Nimshide dynasty. Hence the prominent role of the royal estates among the deliveries sent from Shemida to the royal court of Samaria. Schon vor der Gründung der Stadt müssen zahlreiche Güter in dieser Region Mitgliedern der Familie von Shemer gehört haben; andere Güter wurden später von Mitgliedern der Nimshide-Dynastie erworben. Dies erklärt die herausragende Rolle der königlichen Güter bei den Lieferungen von Shemida an den königlichen Hof von Samaria.
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The article discusses the date and cultural background of the Elisha and Naaman story (2 Kings 5). It first analyses the story and emphasizes the difference in its presentation of the prophet and the way he operates vis-à-vis all other... more
The article discusses the date and cultural background of the Elisha and Naaman story (2 Kings 5). It first analyses the story and emphasizes the difference in its presentation of the prophet and the way he operates vis-à-vis all other stories in the Elisha story-cycle. It then analyses Naaman's request to carry soil from the Land of Israel in order to erect an altar for YHWH in Damascus (5:17) and brings evidence that the transportation of earth from one sacred place to another was known in Mesopotamia from the late second millennium BCE onward. In light of all the available evidence, it suggests that the story is not part of Elisha's original story-cycle; rather, it illuminates the shift of ideas about the prophet, his prophecy, and the land of Israel in the transition from the monarchical to the early post-exilic period.
Rediscovering a Lost North Israelite Conquest Story, in O. Lipschits, Y. Gadot and M.J. Adams (eds.), Rethinking Israel: Studies in the History and Archaeology of Ancient Israel in Honor of Israel Finkelstein, Winona Lake 287-302
The Kuntillet ‛Ajrud inscriptions mention blessings by the names of YHWH of Samaria and YHWH of Teman. Like all ancient Near Eastern gods, these two regional gods must have had central temples. This article examines their possible... more
The Kuntillet ‛Ajrud inscriptions mention blessings by the names of YHWH of Samaria and YHWH of Teman. Like all ancient Near Eastern gods, these two regional gods must have had central temples. This article examines their possible locations and suggests that the combination of the Kuntillet ‛Ajrud inscriptions with the eighth-century prophecies of Amos and Hosea holds the key for identifying these. In light of a detailed analysis of Hosea’s and Amos’ prophecies, it is further suggested that YHWH of Samaria was the name of the major God of the Kingdom of Israel and his main temple was located at Bethel, and that YHWH of Teman was the name of the God of the southern desert regions and his temple was located at Beer-sheba. Israelite traders who traveled southward probably visited the latter god’s temple, offered him sacrifices, made vows to repay him if they succeed in the expedition, and thus turned him to be their patron god during their travel in the desert region. This suggested identification explains why the Judahite cult place of Beer-sheba appears in Amos’ prophecy alongside the Israelite sanctuaries of Bethel, Gilgal, and Dan.
The article discusses the date and historical background of the transfer of Tel Dor from Phoenician to Israelite hands. Archaeologically, the transfer was peaceful and took place in the late Iron Age IIA. I suggest that it happened under... more
The article discusses the date and historical background of the transfer of Tel Dor from Phoenician to Israelite hands. Archaeologically, the transfer was peaceful and took place in the late Iron Age IIA. I suggest that it happened under the reign of either Omri or Ahab, at a time when Israel expanded on all fronts. Either Tel Dor was endowed as a dowry on the occasion of Jezebel's marriage to Ahab (cf. 1 Kings 9:16), or the king of Israel purchased it as part of his alliance with Tyre (cf. 1 Kings 9:11–14). Dating the Israelite–Tyrian alliance helps establish the date of the transition between the early and late Iron Age IIA.
The early layer of the Book of Hosea provides an excellent source for investigating the Northern Kingdom’s kingship, social and religious institutions, and cultural memories and beliefs in the last decade of its existence. The early... more
The early layer of the Book of Hosea provides an excellent source for investigating the Northern Kingdom’s kingship, social and religious institutions, and cultural memories and beliefs in the last decade of its existence. The early scroll was probably written in the north, possibly a short time after the Assyrian annexation of the kingdom (in 720), and reflects the language, style, religious ideas, and cultural memories of the prophet and the circle of his devotees. Hosea’s prophecy focuses on contemporary events and beliefs and accurately reflects a world that within a short time would have disappeared forever.
Kuntillet ‛Ajrud was an Israelite outpost constructed by the King of Israel, probably Jeroboam II, near the road leading from the coast of Philistia to the Gulf of Eilat. It was built in an attempt to control and supervise the Darb... more
Kuntillet ‛Ajrud was an Israelite outpost constructed by the King of Israel, probably Jeroboam II, near the road leading from the coast of Philistia to the Gulf of Eilat. It was built in an attempt to control and supervise the Darb el-Ghazza route and became the major component in the Israelite King's efforts to participate in the growing international trade and gain part of the revenues of the Arabian trade. The building was a royal edifice and all the discovered inscriptions, paintings and artefacts reflect its function as a royal Israelite center.
The site was possibly selected due to a magnificent sacred tree that grew in a nearby location. The cult of the goddess Asherat, YHWH's consort and the goddess of fertility, took place outside the edifice, probably near the sacred tree
The site was possibly selected due to a magnificent sacred tree that grew in a nearby location. The cult of the goddess Asherat, YHWH's consort and the goddess of fertility, took place outside the edifice, probably near the sacred tree
The article suggests that inscription C 1101 from Samaria was a school exercise written by two persons: a student and his teacher or another student. The exercise included registration of pious blessings to a person's house/household, to... more
The article suggests that inscription C 1101 from Samaria was a school exercise written by two persons: a student and his teacher or another student. The exercise included registration of pious blessings to a person's house/household, to his companions, as well as a request to increase the yield of his fields. It might reflect pious requests of blessing common in the Northern Kingdom but not yet attested to in the sources available to us.
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In sum, the two ostraca illuminate problems involved with the supply of qualified wine from the store of Arad. Ostracon 2 relates a situation in which the wine available for delivery to the Kittiyim was young and sour, but given the lack... more
In sum, the two ostraca illuminate problems involved with the supply of qualified wine from the store of Arad. Ostracon 2 relates a situation in which the wine available for delivery to the Kittiyim was young and sour, but given the lack of mature wine, Elyashib was instructed to deliver two bats of fermented wine. Ostracon 13 deals with the supply of barley/wheat and oil. Its last part probably reflects a shortage of wine at Arad, so an official of another fortress should deliver the wine, whereas the Arad store was to supply only the grain, possibly to the Kittiyim.
The article suggests that the unified Jacob-Esau-Laban story in Genesis 25, 27–33* was composed in Judah in the late monarchical period. The two ethnic groups that took part in the plot are the Edomites of the Negev and Mount Seir and the... more
The article suggests that the unified Jacob-Esau-Laban story in Genesis 25, 27–33* was composed in Judah in the late monarchical period. The two ethnic groups that took part in the plot are the Edomites of the Negev and Mount Seir and the Arameans of the Harran region. The selection of these ethnic groups is deliberate, as the relations with both of them were particularly relevant for the author and his audience. Isaac and Jacob are presented in the story-cycle as the ancestors of ‘Biblical Israel’, and the story-cycle was probably composed in writing in the late monarchical period, either at the royal court of Jerusalem or at the temple. The narrative might be considered an initiation story, and the literary element that unifies the plot is that of Jacob’s gradual development of the skills of a trickster.
On the basis of new multispectral images, I re-examine six of the inscriptions found by Aharoni at Arad. These are Arad 76, an early ration list; Arad 49, an inscribed ritual bowl dated to the late 8th century; three letters that form... more
On the basis of new multispectral images, I re-examine six of the inscriptions found by Aharoni at Arad. These are Arad 76, an early ration list; Arad 49, an inscribed ritual bowl dated to the late 8th century; three letters that form part of Eliashibʼs archive (Arad 3, 5 and 12); and a unique school text dated to the late 7th–early 6th centuries that records blessings and expressions of human emotions (Arad 28). Only certain portions of the three letters are discussed in detail whereas the three other inscriptions are rendered in Hebrew transcription, translation, commentary and detailed discussion.
New multispectral images of Arad ostracon 24 Side A enable a reevaluation of its text and its relation to side B. The new images indicate that side A is a palimpsest in which the original text was almost entirely wiped out and a local... more
New multispectral images of Arad ostracon 24 Side A enable a reevaluation of its text and its relation to side B. The new images indicate that side A is a palimpsest in which the original text was almost entirely wiped out and a local scribe wrote his own text on most of the cleared surface. The text of side A is badly eroded, but possibly includes calculations of the expenditure of silver and different kinds of grains as part of the administration of the local store at Arad.
In this paper we suggest that the site of Ramat Raúel, which was a bare hill until the late 8th-early 7th century BCE, was formerly known by the name Baal-Perazim (2 Sam 5:20; also called ‘Mount Perazim’ in Is 28:21). We further suggest... more
In this paper we suggest that the site of Ramat Raúel, which was a bare hill until the late 8th-early 7th century BCE, was formerly known by the name Baal-Perazim (2 Sam 5:20; also called ‘Mount Perazim’ in Is 28:21). We further suggest that somewhere on the hill there was a cult place connected to the God Ba‛al, and this may explain why the site remained empty until late in the Iron Age II.
In the wake of the Imperial decision to establish a Judahite administrative center close to Jerusalem, the hill of Ramat Raúel and the valleys surrounding it were chosen for development as royal estates. Vineyards and orchards were planted around the hill, giving rise to the new name of the administrative center that was built on its crest – Beth-Haccerem (“the House of the Vineyard”). The new name was a reversal of the previous one. No longer was this an undefended hill, open to the breaching winds. It was now a secured mound, magnificently built, unlike any other structure in Judah, surrounded by a splendid garden, and with vineyards and orchards on its slopes.
In the wake of the Imperial decision to establish a Judahite administrative center close to Jerusalem, the hill of Ramat Raúel and the valleys surrounding it were chosen for development as royal estates. Vineyards and orchards were planted around the hill, giving rise to the new name of the administrative center that was built on its crest – Beth-Haccerem (“the House of the Vineyard”). The new name was a reversal of the previous one. No longer was this an undefended hill, open to the breaching winds. It was now a secured mound, magnificently built, unlike any other structure in Judah, surrounded by a splendid garden, and with vineyards and orchards on its slopes.
This article suggests that the identification of Gerar at Tell Jemmeh and the elucidation of the Assyrian operations on the empireʼs border with Egypt are the keys to the interpretation and dating of the original Isaac story (Genesis 26).... more
This article suggests that the identification of Gerar at Tell Jemmeh and the elucidation of the Assyrian operations on the empireʼs border with Egypt are the keys to the interpretation and dating of the original Isaac story (Genesis 26). The story reflects the time of the establishment of Gerar as centre of an Assyrian estate that developed in the Naḥal Besor region. Although the story is wholly legendary, it reflects the political and social reality of the time in which it was composed and should be dated to the mid-seventh century BCE.
This article suggests that the identification of Gerar at Tell Jemmeh and the elucidation of the Assyrian operations on the empireʼs border with Egypt are the keys to the interpretation and dating of the original Isaac story (Genesis 26).... more
This article suggests that the identification of Gerar at Tell Jemmeh and the elucidation of the Assyrian operations on the empireʼs border with Egypt are the keys to the interpretation and dating of the original Isaac story (Genesis 26). The story reflects the time of the establishment of Gerar as centre of an Assyrian estate that developed in the Naḥal Besor region. Although the story is wholly legendary, it reflects the political and social reality of the time in which it was composed and should be dated to the mid-seventh century BCE.
This article suggests that the story of Shebaʼs revolt in 2 Samuel 20 is comprised of two parts, each written by a different author at different time and place. The early story (vv. 14-22a) was written in the Kingdom of Israel in the 8 th... more
This article suggests that the story of Shebaʼs revolt in 2 Samuel 20 is comprised of two parts, each written by a different author at different time and place. The early story (vv. 14-22a) was written in the Kingdom of Israel in the 8 th century BCE. It related the failed revolt of Sheba, an inhabitant of Mount Ephraim; his flight northward to Abel; and how he was betrayed and killed. The author of the Succession Narrative took over this early story, cut short its first part and replaced it with a new introduction that he composed (vv. 1-13). His introduction turned the local revolt of the early story into an all-Israelite revolt. In this way, he artificially devised a large-scale Israelite revolt under the leadership of Sheba, on par with the large-scale Judahite revolt known to have taken place under the leadership of Absalom.
In this article I critically re-examines the vast literature that has grown up around the work that Leonhard Rost has called “the succession to the throne of David” (the Succession Narrative, or SN). I suggest that the SN is a unified... more
In this article I critically re-examines the vast literature that has grown up around the work that Leonhard Rost has called “the succession to the throne of David” (the Succession Narrative, or SN). I suggest that the SN is a unified literary composition that originally included 2 Samuel 13–19 and 1 Kings 1–2 and that was composed at the time of King Manasseh in the first half of the 7th century BCE. The course of events rests in part on occurrences that took place in Assyria during the last years of Sennacherib and the early days of Esarhaddon. The author borrowed elements from an Assyrian oral story and fitted them to a plot he devised. In this creative manner he was able to adapt some major elements from the story of Esarhaddonʼs accession to the throne and transplant them transformed within his own work. Years later, the Deuteronomist wrote the story of David and Urijah, which culminates with Nathanʼs prophecy of doom to David (2 Sam 11:2–12:25) and inserted it after the account of David’s successful wars against Israelʼs neighbours. In this manner he explained the shift from the period of Davidʼs rise and prosperity to the period of decline and the struggle among the members of the royal family over their father’s throne.
In this article I discuss the identity of the recently discovered temple at Tel Moẓa. The key for the identification is the so-called ‘Ark Narrative’ (1 Sam 4:1b–7:1; 2 Sam 6:1–20a), the last part of which relates the journeying of the... more
In this article I discuss the identity of the recently discovered temple at Tel Moẓa. The key for the identification is the so-called ‘Ark Narrative’ (1 Sam 4:1b–7:1; 2 Sam 6:1–20a), the last part of which relates the journeying of the ark from Kiriath-jearim (Deir el-Azar) to the house of Obed-edom the Gittite, and from there to Jerusalem. The line of travel must have passed in the vicinity of the Moẓa temple. I suggest identifying the latter as the temple (House) of Obed-Edom. I then analyze some other Judahite cult places (bāmôt) mentioned in biblical texts, and the possible Philistine origin of some artefacts unearthed in the temple.
The article re-examines in detail the Jehoash-Athaliah story (2 Kings 9). It suggests that the story was written in the post-exilic period and reflects the language, ideology, and reality of its authorʼs time. The story was shaped on the... more
The article re-examines in detail the Jehoash-Athaliah story (2 Kings 9). It suggests that the story was written in the post-exilic period and reflects the language, ideology, and reality of its authorʼs time. The story was shaped on the basis of earlier biblical and extra-biblical sources and the creative imagination of its author. Among these sources is the Greek classical tragedy of the murder of Agamemnon and its revenge by Orestes, which molded the general contours of the Jehoash-Athaliah plot.
This article discusses the background of Isaiah's severe criticism of the major-domo Shebna, who hewed his tomb within the city walls, near the burial place of the kings of Judah. It concentrates on the issue of royal prerogatives and... more
This article discusses the background of Isaiah's severe criticism of the major-domo Shebna, who hewed his tomb within the city walls, near the burial place of the kings of Judah. It concentrates on the issue of royal prerogatives and their transgression, bringing biblical and ancient Near Eastern examples that substantiate these violations. The narratives of Absalom and Adonijah illustrate the violation of some royal prerogatives and demonstrate the dangers of ignoring these unlawful deeds. An analysis of the Assyrian history in the years 827–745 exemplifies the violation of the king's prerogative of erecting commemorative monuments. This article suggests that the transgression of royal prerogatives is the context in which Isaiah's severe reaction to Shebna's impudent deed should be evaluated and offers a supposition in this regard.
We may cautiously conclude that a general accord exists between the commonly held view of the origins of YHWH in the southern periphery of the land of Canaan, possibly among the Kenite (and Midianite) pastoral groups wandering there, and... more
We may cautiously conclude that a general accord exists between the commonly held view of the origins of YHWH in the southern periphery of the land of Canaan, possibly among the Kenite (and Midianite) pastoral groups wandering there, and the findings from Horvat ‛Uza, where groups of Kenites have settled in the seventh century BCE. The personal names as reflected in the ostraca uncovered in the site indicate the devotion of the inhabitants to YHWH, and the absence of anthropomorphic figurines (and figurines of horse riders) points to an avoidance of making figurative representations in the place. Furthermore, the absence of anthropomorphic figurines from the site is exceptional in comparison to other sites all over the Kingdom of Judah and might reflect the aniconic tendency of the Kenites who lived at Horvat ‛Uza.
The article critically examines recent works that discuss the lmlk and private stamps on storage jars. It proposes that Hezekiah introduced the lmlk impressions on jars when he ascended the throne (ca. 714 BCE); that the lmlk jar system... more
The article critically examines recent works that discuss the lmlk and private stamps on storage jars. It proposes that Hezekiah introduced the lmlk impressions on jars when he ascended the throne (ca. 714 BCE); that the lmlk jar system was an internal Judahite economic enterprise not directly related to the Assyrian subjugation; that the four- and two-winged symbols were royal emblems; and that the named cities denoted four royal wine and oil presses under state control. The article further proposes that the private stamps belonged to estate owners who began marking the royal jars some years after the introduction of the lmlk jar system and that the use of private stamps came to an end in 701 BCE, when many estate owners were either deported or lost their land and fled to the Judean highlands. After Sennacherib’s campaign, production of the two-winged symbol resumed, whereas the four-winged symbol was discarded, possibly because of its Egyptian characteristics.
This article discusses the text of 2 Sam 17,25. It first dismisses all solutions offered so far for Ithra’s gentilic designation “the Israelite” (hyśr’ly). It then suggests rendering the original text of v. 25 as either ytr’ hśr’ly (Ithra... more
This article discusses the text of 2 Sam 17,25. It first dismisses all solutions offered so far for Ithra’s gentilic designation “the Israelite” (hyśr’ly). It then suggests rendering the original text of v. 25 as either ytr’ hśr’ly (Ithra the Śar’elite) or ytr ’śr’ly (Iether, an Asrielite). According to 1 Sam 17,12 Jesse, David’s father, was an Ephrathite who migrated to the Bethlehem region. Originally, Jesse’s clan lived in the highlands of Ephraim, not far from Asriel/Śar’el, the southernmost clan of the tribe of Manasseh. Abigail, Jesse’s daughter, was given in marriage to Amasa son of Ithra, a member of the neighbouring Manassite clan of Asriel.
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The article re-examines the hypothesis that mass migration of Israelite refugees accounted for the growth of Jerusalem and Judah in the late 8th century and for the "Israelization" of Judah from the late 8th century onward. Systematic... more
The article re-examines the hypothesis that mass migration of Israelite refugees accounted for the growth of Jerusalem and Judah in the late 8th century and for the "Israelization" of Judah from the late 8th century onward. Systematic examination of all the textual and archaeological evidence available indicates that the hypothesis lacks concrete foundation. The growth of Judah and Jerusalem was gradual and took many years, and no deus ex machina explanation is necessary to account for it. The Judah royal house and elite’s adoption of the Israelite identity was also gradual, beginning after the Assyrian annexation of the Kingdom of Israel and developing over the course of many years.
This article re-examines the historical role of the Jebusites in the early monarchical period. The Jebusites, whose name is derived from the verb YBŚ (“to be dry”), were a West Semitic pastoral clan that split to two segments, one... more
This article re-examines the historical role of the Jebusites in the early monarchical period. The Jebusites, whose name is derived from the verb YBŚ (“to be dry”), were a West Semitic pastoral clan that split to two segments, one settling in western Gilead and the other around Jerusalem. The two segments kept their tribal solidarity, as indicated by Saul’s campaign to rescue Jabesh-gilead. The Jebusite stronghold was one of Saul’s power bases, and David took it over. The biased description of David’s conquest influenced the way the Jebusites were presented in the late (Deuteronomistic) biblical historiography and in Israelite cultural memory.
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One of these literary elements is the name the author chose for the Aramean relative of the Patriarchal family. As Harran was the sacred city of Sin, the Mesopotamian Moon-god, he deliberately selected the name Laban (“the Moon-god”) for... more
One of these literary elements is the name the author chose for the Aramean relative of the Patriarchal family. As Harran was the sacred city of Sin, the Mesopotamian Moon-god, he deliberately selected the name Laban (“the Moon-god”) for the head of the Aramean family that lived in this city. Obviously, the name does not suit a story composed in the monarchical period, before Harran rose as a major cultic center in north Mesopotamia and was hardly known in the court of Samaria, but it fits admirably an exilic story written by an author who was aware of the reality in north Mesopotamia and selected a suitable literary name for an Aramean who lived in the sacred city of the Moon-god.
How can we explain the close similarity between the Paʼalla, the name of the founder of Gurgumʼs dynasty, and Tiglath-pileserʼs name/title פאל in Warikkusʼ stela? One might hypothesize that Tiglath-pileser was the son of a Gurgumite... more
How can we explain the close similarity between the Paʼalla, the name of the founder of Gurgumʼs dynasty, and Tiglath-pileserʼs name/title פאל in Warikkusʼ stela? One might hypothesize that Tiglath-pileser was the son of a Gurgumite princess that Adad-nīrārī III deported from Gurgum/Bīt Paʼalla after his successful campaigns to south Anatolia in his early years, and the designation פאל refers to his Gurgumite connection. Indeed, in one of his inscriptions, Tiglath-pileser mentions Adad-nīrārī III as his father. In this light, we may further speculate that the deported Gurgumite princess entered Adad-nīrārīʼs royal harem and bore there the future Assyrian king. This hypothesis might explain why Warikkus repeated this name several time in his inscription as a way to emphasize the Great Kingʼs descent from the royal house of Gurgum and thereby legitimize his deed of severing Gurgumʼs territory and transferring it to a neighbouring kingdom.
A Judahite envoy is probably mentioned alongside an Israelite envoy in one of the Wine Lists from Nimrud (Calah) dated to the 780s BCE-that is, the time of Jeroboam II. This reference antedates by about 50 years the earliest available... more
A Judahite envoy is probably mentioned alongside an Israelite envoy in one of the Wine Lists from Nimrud (Calah) dated to the 780s BCE-that is, the time of Jeroboam II. This reference antedates by about 50 years the earliest available mention of Judah in extra-biblical sources. In light of the enmity between Israel and Judah during the time of Joash and Amaziah, the article examines the significance of the new evidence for evaluating the relations of the two kingdoms at the time of Jeroboam II (786-746 BCE) and Uzziah (788-737 BCE).
How can we explain the close similarity between the Paʼalla, the name of the founder of Gurgumʼs dynasty, and Tiglath-pileserʼs name/title פאל in Warikkusʼ stela? One might hypothesize that Tiglath-pileser was the son of a Gurgumite... more
How can we explain the close similarity between the Paʼalla, the name of the founder of Gurgumʼs dynasty, and Tiglath-pileserʼs name/title פאל in Warikkusʼ stela? One might hypothesize that Tiglath-pileser was the son of a Gurgumite princess that Adad-nīrārī III deported from Gurgum/Bīt Paʼalla after his successful campaigns to south Anatolia in his early years (SIDDALL 2013: 38-40, 56-57), and the designation פאל refers to his Gurgumite connection. Indeed, in one of his inscriptions, Tiglath-pileser mentions Adad-nīrārī III as his father (TADMOR and YAMADA 2011: 148; SIDDALL 2013: 95). In this light, we may further speculate that the deported Gurgumite princess entered Adad-nīrārīʼs royal harem and bore there the future Assyrian king. This hypothesis might explain why Warikkus repeated this name several time in his inscription as a way to emphasize the Great Kingʼs descent from the royal house of Gurgum and thereby legitimize his deed of severing Gurgumʼs territory and transferring it to a neighbouring kingdom.
A Judahite envoy is probably mentioned alongside an Israelite envoy in one of the Wine Lists from Nimrud (Calah) dated to the 780s BCE-that is, the time of Jeroboam II. This reference antedates by about 50 years the earliest available... more
A Judahite envoy is probably mentioned alongside an Israelite envoy in one of the Wine Lists from Nimrud (Calah) dated to the 780s BCE-that is, the time of Jeroboam II. This reference antedates by about 50 years the earliest available mention of Judah in extra-biblical sources. In light of the enmity between Israel and Judah during the time of Joash and Amaziah, the article examines the significance of the new evidence for evaluating the relations of the two kingdoms at the time of Jeroboam II (786-746 BCE) and Uzziah (788-737 BCE).
Qurdi-Aššur-lamur as Governor in Phoenicia and South Syria, N.A.B.U. 2018/1 No. 26, 42-45
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The article discusses the background of the appellations “all Aram” and “Upper and Lower Aram” in the Sefîre stele and in the title, "King of Aram" in the Melqart stele. I suggest that “Arpad” and “all Aram” refer to the two major... more
The article discusses the background of the appellations “all Aram” and “Upper and Lower Aram” in the Sefîre stele and in the title, "King of Aram" in the Melqart stele. I suggest that “Arpad” and “all Aram” refer to the two major socio-cultural components of the kingdom and illuminate its society’s dimorphic structure. Moreover, I posit that the spatial merisms in the treaty refer to areas located outside Arpad, in the territories of its neighbouring kingdoms.
In sum, archaeology has great potential to aid the investigation of migrations and deportations. However, further basic research must take place before establishing whether the potential cases would produce positive results for the study... more
In sum, archaeology has great potential to aid the investigation of migrations and deportations. However, further basic research must take place before establishing whether the potential cases would produce positive results for the study of the Assyrian deportations to Palestine. What can be established with certainty is that the deportees brought with them certain knowledge and cultural traditions, rather than physical artefacts. Upon settling in the land, they began applying this knowledge and cultural traditions to their new environment. Thus, the artefacts they produced in their new homeland might indicate such migrants’ presence and sometimes even their origin. In this respect, the Assyrian deportees do not differ from other groups of migrants in the history of Palestine whose behavior in the new land was dictated by their ancestral tradition and the way they adapted it to their new homeland.
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Research Interests: Qarqar and Tell Asharneh
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Early Edom owes its success to the shortage of copper in the Near Eastern markets and the ability of its population to develop the copper mines in the Arabah. The revenues from the copper trade enabled the Edomites improve their life by... more
Early Edom owes its success to the shortage of copper in the Near Eastern markets and the ability of its population to develop the copper mines in the Arabah. The revenues from the copper trade enabled the Edomites improve their life by relocating to the Negev Highlands and the eastern Beer-sheba Valley and constructing permanent settlements there. They established a polity whose centre was at Tel Masos and economic engine was at Khirbet en-Nahas in the Arabah. Shoshenq’s campaign marked a turn in the polity’s history, both politically and technologically. The Pharaoh probably set his protégé, Hadad, in the occupied territories, and through his agent controlled the Edomite polity.
The Book of Kings relates the ups and downs in the relations of Judah and Edom in the 9th–early 8th centuries BCE. As long as Edom’s centres were located in the regions west of the Arabah, Judah was able to conduct campaigns and occupy its territory. The turn in relations took place in the 8th century when the Edomites established their centres on the plateau, east of the Arabah, which guaranteed them security and enabled them to develop their kingdom beyond the reach of their western neighbour.
The Book of Kings relates the ups and downs in the relations of Judah and Edom in the 9th–early 8th centuries BCE. As long as Edom’s centres were located in the regions west of the Arabah, Judah was able to conduct campaigns and occupy its territory. The turn in relations took place in the 8th century when the Edomites established their centres on the plateau, east of the Arabah, which guaranteed them security and enabled them to develop their kingdom beyond the reach of their western neighbour.
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The article examines the validity of the rendering בתדוד in Line 31 of the Mesha Stele (“And as for Ḥāwrônên, בתדוד dwelt in it”). Examination of the corpus of West Semitic royal inscriptions reveals only one parallel to a kingdomʼs name... more
The article examines the validity of the rendering בתדוד in Line 31 of the Mesha Stele (“And as for Ḥāwrônên, בתדוד dwelt in it”). Examination of the corpus of West Semitic royal inscriptions reveals only one parallel to a kingdomʼs name that functions as the operative agent in a royal inscription. Evidently, the suggested restoration בתדוד that is governed by the verb ישב in the badly eroded Line 31 should be rejected. Rather, the best proposal thus far for the controversial line is the recently posited restoration, “And as for Ḥāwrônên, there dwelt Ba[lak]”.
Keywords Mesha Stele, Tel Dan Stele, Beth David, West Semitic royal inscriptions, Balak
Keywords Mesha Stele, Tel Dan Stele, Beth David, West Semitic royal inscriptions, Balak
Studying new photographs of the Mesha Stele and the stele's squeeze, prepared before the stone was broken, we dismiss Lemaireʼs proposal to read בת[ד]וד ("House of David") in Line 31. It is now clear that the name of the monarch mentioned... more
Studying new photographs of the Mesha Stele and the stele's squeeze, prepared before the stone was broken, we dismiss Lemaireʼs proposal to read בת[ד]וד ("House of David") in Line 31. It is now clear that the name of the monarch mentioned there included three consonants, starting with a beth. We cautiously propose to read Balak – the king of Moab who is referred to in the Balaam story in Numbers 22-24.
Keywords: Mesha Stele, Mesha, Moab, Beit David, Balak, Horonaim, Horon
Keywords: Mesha Stele, Mesha, Moab, Beit David, Balak, Horonaim, Horon
The article examines two stories that relate the Israelite conquest and settlement of the mishor (Num 21:10-35; 32) and reconstruct their historical core and the way they were integrated into the biblical history. It further examines the... more
The article examines two stories that relate the Israelite conquest and settlement of the mishor (Num 21:10-35; 32) and reconstruct their historical core and the way they were integrated into the biblical history. It further examines the prominent place of Moses in the story of Numbers 32 and its possible connection to the account of the ban of the city of Nebo in the Mesha stele. Finally, it emphasizes the prominent role of ideology in shaping the two stories and in distorting the ancient political-territorial reality as related in these stories.
In this article, I discuss Mesha’s account of the city of Jahaz’s occupation. I first present two cases of a king and governor who provide for the weak sector of their tribal society. I then interpret Mesha’s statement that after the... more
In this article, I discuss Mesha’s account of the city of Jahaz’s occupation. I first present two cases of a king and governor who provide for the weak sector of their tribal society. I then interpret Mesha’s statement that after the Israelite army withdrew from Jahaz, he brought to the city two hundred Moabites, כל רשה (line 20). I suggest that כל רשה [kōl rāšēhu] should be translated “all its [Moab’s] poor (people)”, rather than amending the text and rendering it “all its leaders/elite troops”, as most scholars interpreted it. Mesha’s inscription offers an example of a king who has settled the weak tribal sector of his kingdom, thereby reducing their pressure on his newly established kingdom.
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In light of the prominence of Hiram I in the early history of Tyre, I suggest that oral stories of his Golden Age and his outstanding accomplishments reached the court of Jerusalem. The author of the “Acts of Solomon” was aware of these... more
In light of the prominence of Hiram I in the early history of Tyre, I suggest that oral stories of his Golden Age and his outstanding accomplishments reached the court of Jerusalem. The author of the “Acts of Solomon” was aware of these stories and selected Hiram to play the partner of Solomon in his major building projects and in obtaining gold by maritime missions to Ophir. Details of the two kingsʼ correspondence as related in the Book of Kings, the agreement they reached, the participation of the Tyrians and Gebalites in the supply of trees and the building operations in Jerusalem, the maritime expedition to Ophir, and the way Solomon repaid his debt to Hiram – all these details were born in the creative mind of the author. In this creative manner he tied together the histories of the two kings, each of them memorialized in his respective kingdom as representative of the Golden Age of its history.
In light of the prominence of Hiram I in the early history of Tyre, I suggest that oral stories of his Golden Age and his outstanding accomplishments reached the court of Jerusalem. The author of the “Acts of Solomon” was aware of these... more
In light of the prominence of Hiram I in the early history of Tyre, I suggest that oral stories of his Golden Age and his outstanding accomplishments reached the court of Jerusalem. The author of the “Acts of Solomon” was aware of these stories and selected Hiram to play the partner of Solomon in his major building projects and in obtaining gold by maritime missions to Ophir. Details of the two kingsʼ correspondence as related in the Book of Kings, the agreement they reached, the participation of the Tyrians and Gebalites in the supply of trees and the building operations in Jerusalem, the maritime expedition to Ophir, and the way Solomon repaid his debt to Hiram – all these details were born in the creative mind of the author. In this creative manner he tied together the histories of the two kings, each of them memorialized in his respective kingdom as representative of the Golden Age of its history.
This article investigates the early name of Nebi Samwil, a prominent site located northwest of Jerusalem. It first presents the results of the archaeological excavations conducted at the site. Then, it examines the late sources, which... more
This article investigates the early name of Nebi Samwil, a prominent site located northwest of Jerusalem. It first presents the results of the archaeological excavations conducted at the site. Then, it examines the late sources, which indicate that from the 6th century CE onward, the place was identified as Ramathaim/Arimathea, the birth and burial place of Samuel. The article suggests that Nebi Samwil was called Ramah since its foundation (the mid-7th century BCE) and is mentioned once in the list of Benjaminite villages (Neh 11:33). Due to its prominent place and its location in an area inhabited for thousands years by Semites, its ancient name was preserved, although the site was deserted for a long time. After Arcadius transferred Samuelʼs bones from Ramathaim (Rentis) to Thrace, the tradition of Samuelʼs grave was transferred to Ramah (Nebi Samwil), and since then the place was considered Samuelʼs birthplace.
Keywords Nebi Samwil, Ramah/Ramathaim, Mizpah, Benjaminite town-list, Book of Nehemiah, List of Returnees, List of villages (חצרים)
Keywords Nebi Samwil, Ramah/Ramathaim, Mizpah, Benjaminite town-list, Book of Nehemiah, List of Returnees, List of villages (חצרים)
The article critically examines Khirbet Qeiyafaʼs excavators’ conclusion that the site was a Judahite city established by King David. The site is located in the Shephelah, far from the highlands; its city plan, the strength of its... more
The article critically examines Khirbet Qeiyafaʼs excavators’ conclusion that the site was a Judahite city established by King David. The site is located in the Shephelah, far from the highlands; its city plan, the strength of its fortifications, its vast commercial relations, and its economic prosperity are unparalleled in the highlands in the first half of the tenth century BCE. Detailed analysis of the published reports did not disclose any findings that connect it to either Jerusalem or the Judean and Benjamin hill country. On the contrary, according to the archaeological reports, the site conducted ramified commercial relations with districts located throughout the Land of Israel and beyond, but not with sites located in the highlands. Moreover, the siteʼs excavators failed to bring parallels between Khirbet Qeiyafa and early tenth century BCE sites in the highlands. Instead, they suggested parallels between elements uncovered at the site and closely related elements discovered in ninth-eighth century sites in the Kingdom of Judah. This kind of discussion that rests on the late reality to demonstrate the early one is anachronistic and should be dismissed altogether. Likewise, the presentation of early tenth-century Khirbet Qeiyafa as a site located in the Judahite Shephelah is wholly anachronistic.
The article demonstrates that Khirbet Qeiyafa is connected neither to the emergence of the Kingdom of Judah in the early tenth century BCE nor to King David. Rather, it should be studied in the context of the Shephelah, the district in which it is located, and the major urban centres of the coast and the nearby regions.
The article demonstrates that Khirbet Qeiyafa is connected neither to the emergence of the Kingdom of Judah in the early tenth century BCE nor to King David. Rather, it should be studied in the context of the Shephelah, the district in which it is located, and the major urban centres of the coast and the nearby regions.
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The article argues that the pre-Priestly Abraham narratives in Genesis 13, 18 and 19 were composed in north Judah after Jerusalem’s destruction in 587/86 BCE. They reflect the remainees’ anxiety and fears after the capital’s destruction... more
The article argues that the pre-Priestly Abraham narratives in Genesis 13, 18 and 19 were composed in north Judah after Jerusalem’s destruction in 587/86 BCE. They reflect the remainees’ anxiety and fears after the capital’s destruction and the elite’s deportation. These conclusions explain the centrality of themes like continuity, ancestry, land, and God’s justice in his handling of his people. The Abraham story embodies a promise of God’s care for his people and reassurance of their future endurance; and the Sodom paradigm illustrates God’s justice in his handling of Jerusalem and its inhabitants.
The article posits a direct influence of Aegean legends on the Abraham-Lot narratives in Chapters 18–19. Among these legends are the three gods’ travel and the birth of Orion; the Philemon and Baucis legend; Orpheus and Eurydice in the underworld; and the incest of Smyrna/Myrrah and Thias/Cinyras and the birth of Adonis. The comparison made between these legends and the Abraham-Lot stories indicates that distinct motifs in these stories were borrowed from Aegean oral tales. The channel of transfer might have been the Anatolian mercenaries who served in Judah’s army in the sixth century BCE and might have recounted these stories to the local scribes and elite.
The article posits a direct influence of Aegean legends on the Abraham-Lot narratives in Chapters 18–19. Among these legends are the three gods’ travel and the birth of Orion; the Philemon and Baucis legend; Orpheus and Eurydice in the underworld; and the incest of Smyrna/Myrrah and Thias/Cinyras and the birth of Adonis. The comparison made between these legends and the Abraham-Lot stories indicates that distinct motifs in these stories were borrowed from Aegean oral tales. The channel of transfer might have been the Anatolian mercenaries who served in Judah’s army in the sixth century BCE and might have recounted these stories to the local scribes and elite.
The article suggests that the story of the contest on Mount Carmel (1 Kgs 18:19-40) is a complete literary unit that was written by a single author in the early Persian period and inserted into the deuteronomistic story-cycle of Elijah.... more
The article suggests that the story of the contest on Mount Carmel (1 Kgs 18:19-40) is a complete literary unit that was written by a single author in the early Persian period and inserted into the deuteronomistic story-cycle of Elijah. The story is entirely legendary and reflects the polemic of a devotee of YHWH against the contemporaneous spread of the Phoenician cult and culture. The attachment of the story to Mount Carmel may reflect the occasion of the establishment of a Tyrian/Sidonian temple on one of the mountain's peaks, but this hypothesis cannot be verified. The story conveys a clear religious message of the absolute power of YHWH and the worthlessness of all other gods-in particular the Phoenician God Ba'al-and of the fallacy of the belief in his divine power.
In sum, the account of the five minor judges is a post-Deuteronomistic and post-Priestly composition whose author worked in elements of the sources available to him—in particular the Song of Deborah and the Priestly tribal genealogies—to... more
In sum, the account of the five minor judges is a post-Deuteronomistic and post-Priestly composition whose author worked in elements of the sources available to him—in particular the Song of Deborah and the Priestly tribal genealogies—to supplement details that he conceived missing in the Deuteronomistic scroll of Judges. He organized his work according to a pattern he devised and combined details drawn from his sources with others drawn from his creative imagination. His approach somewhat resembles that of the author of the Book of Chronicles; hence, his work should be dated quite late, possibly to the late Persian period.
Whether the scroll of Judges available to the late editor included the introduction to the Book of Judges (Judg 1:1-2:10), the story cycle of Samson (Judg 13-16), and the so-called Appendix to the Book of Judges (chapters 17-21) requires extensive discussion and far exceeds the limited scope of this article.
Whether the scroll of Judges available to the late editor included the introduction to the Book of Judges (Judg 1:1-2:10), the story cycle of Samson (Judg 13-16), and the so-called Appendix to the Book of Judges (chapters 17-21) requires extensive discussion and far exceeds the limited scope of this article.
In this article I examine the relations between Jacobʼs putative oral story and the pre-Priestly narrative. I argue that Hosea’s prophecy presents the version of Jacobʼs oral story related in his time and antedated by many years the... more
In this article I examine the relations between Jacobʼs putative oral story and the pre-Priestly narrative. I argue that Hosea’s prophecy presents the version of Jacobʼs oral story related in his time and antedated by many years the composition of the story-cycle in its written form. Comparison of Hoseaʼs prophecy and Jacobʼs narrative indicates the thorough way in which the exilic author worked the oral story he received in order to fit it to his ideological messages and religious concepts. To further examine the relations between the oral and written modes, I discuss the episode of the treaty between Laban and Jacob (Gen 31,45‒54) in light of a Mari letter (A.3592). Comparison of the two episodes indicates that part of the biblical narrative rests on the oral story and other part was written by the late author. Evidently, the long process of oral transmission, the growth of the narratives in its course, and the creative reworking of the author make it impossible to either isolate the early oral layer within the present story-cycle or to date the stages of its growth in the oral process of transmission.
Keywords: Jacobʼs story, Hoseaʼs prophecy, oral story, Haran, Idrimi, Mari, Synchronistic History, exilic author
Keywords: Jacobʼs story, Hoseaʼs prophecy, oral story, Haran, Idrimi, Mari, Synchronistic History, exilic author
In this article I examine the relations between Jacobʼs putative oral story and the pre-Priestly narrative. I argue that Hosea’s prophecy presents the version of Jacobʼs oral story related in his time and antedated by many years the... more
In this article I examine the relations between Jacobʼs putative oral story and the pre-Priestly narrative. I argue that Hosea’s prophecy presents the version of Jacobʼs oral story related in his time and antedated by many years the composition of the story-cycle in its written form. Comparison of Hoseaʼs prophecy and Jacobʼs narrative indicates the thorough way in which the exilic author worked the oral story he received in order to fit it to his ideological messages and religious concepts. To further examine the relations between the oral and written modes, I discuss the episode of the treaty between Laban and Jacob (Gen 31,45‒54) in light of a Mari letter (A.3592). Comparison of the two episodes indicates that part of the biblical narrative rests on the oral story and other part was written by the late author. Evidently, the long process of oral transmission, the growth of the narratives in its course, and the creative reworking of the author make it impossible to either isolate the early oral layer within the present story-cycle or to date the stages of its growth in the oral process of transmission.
The extent of the Promised Land in the patriarchal stories developed and gradually expanded along the axis of time. Initially, the Promised Land’s boundaries were defined only in a general manner by the territories of Israel’s neighbours.... more
The extent of the Promised Land in the patriarchal stories developed and gradually expanded along the axis of time. Initially, the Promised Land’s boundaries were defined only in a general manner by the territories of Israel’s neighbours. This vague set of borders was replaced by the outlines of the Priestly Land of Canaan, although no details regarding the borders exist in the narratives. The author of Genesis 14 extended the borders of the Land that Abraham conquered up to the area north of Damascus. Finally, the author of Genesis 15 further extended the Promised Land’s borders up to the Euphrates in the north and the Nile in the south.
In this article I argue that the pre-Priestly Abraham story was originally a unified and coherent composition, written as part of a larger literary-historical work that describes the history of Israel’s three ancestors. None of the three... more
In this article I argue that the pre-Priestly Abraham story was originally a unified and coherent composition, written as part of a larger literary-historical work that describes the history of Israel’s three ancestors. None of the three patriarchs belong to either Israel or Judah; they belong to the entity of the “New Israel.” The story was composed around the mid-sixth century BCE and reflects the anxieties and hopes of the people who remained within the land. Its author was guided by distinctive historiographical and theological concepts and reconstructed the remote past on the basis of some oral stories and his creative imagination. Hence, the cultural memories embedded in the stories cannot be separated from the other literary and theological elements included therein.
The Patriarchal story-cycle is wholly innovative in its concepts of both the three ancestors of the people of Israel and the 12 tribes as an embodiment of Israel’s segregated origin. It was written in order to support the claim of the remainees that they are the heirs of Abraham and hence the land had been given to them in possession. These messages did not fit the theology of the returnees, who took over the story-cycle, reshaped the figure of Abraham, and depicted him as a faithful observer of the laws of the Torah.
The Patriarchal story-cycle is wholly innovative in its concepts of both the three ancestors of the people of Israel and the 12 tribes as an embodiment of Israel’s segregated origin. It was written in order to support the claim of the remainees that they are the heirs of Abraham and hence the land had been given to them in possession. These messages did not fit the theology of the returnees, who took over the story-cycle, reshaped the figure of Abraham, and depicted him as a faithful observer of the laws of the Torah.
The article proposes a potential ancient source that underlies the episode of Abraham’s victory over the four powerful Near Eastern kings (Genesis 14). I suggest that the sought after source is Darius I’s Bisitun inscription, engraved in... more
The article proposes a potential ancient source that underlies the episode of Abraham’s victory over the four powerful Near Eastern kings (Genesis 14). I suggest that the sought after source is Darius I’s Bisitun inscription, engraved in about 520 BCE to commemorate his victories over his enemies. The author of Chapter 14 was probably acquainted with an oral version of the inscription; by imitating the image of the victorious Persian king, he depicted the heroic figure of the Israelite patriarch. The similarity between the two works can be detected in the combination of chronistic and narrative styles, the rapid movement of the plot and the shift of fronts, the abundance of names and dates, the decisive victory of the hero over his enemies and his restoration of peace in the land. Only the names of the four invading kingdoms as well as the name of Arioch might have been directly borrowed from Darius’ list of peoples/lands. The composition of Chapter 14 should be dated to the time of Darius I (522–486 BCE). It might supply a terminus ante quem for the pre-Priestly Abraham’s narrative in the Book of Genesis.
The article argues that the pre-Priestly Jacob story is mainly a unified and coherent composition that was written in Judah in about the mid-6th century BCE. It was composed as part of a larger literary-historical work that narrated the... more
The article argues that the pre-Priestly Jacob story is mainly a unified and coherent composition that was written in Judah in about the mid-6th century BCE. It was composed as part of a larger literary-historical work that narrated the history of Israel's three ancestors and reflects the reality in the land after the Babylonians conquered Jerusalem and annexed Judah and all other neighbouring kingdoms. The patriarchal story-cycle was intended for an audience comprised of the elite and broader community of the 'New Israel'—the inhabitants of the former kingdoms of Israel and Judah. Some of the narratives are based on oral traditions whose scope and detail cannot be established, which the author augmented by consulting a few written sources and by adding various literary and ideological elements from his own creative imagination. His composition represented a major step towards generating a sense of unity among all those remaining in the land, namely the devotees of YHWH, and it shaped the image of the earliest history of Israel for all generations to come.
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In this article, I suggest that in the pre-P story-cycle, the episode of the Tower of Babel was located after the end of the Flood story; and that the Priestly editor of the Primeval History shifted it to its present place in an effort to... more
In this article, I suggest that in the pre-P story-cycle, the episode of the Tower of Babel was located after the end of the Flood story; and that the Priestly editor of the Primeval History shifted it to its present place in an effort to create continuity between the end of the Primeval History (which took place in Babylonia) and the beginning of the Patriarchal narratives. Later, a post-P editor inserted the episode of Noahʼs drunkenness into the beginning of the post-Diluvian Age in order to convey the message that the Canaanite people were cursed from the earliest times.
Keywords: Primeval History, Tower of Babel, Nimrod, Noahʼs drunkenness
Keywords: Primeval History, Tower of Babel, Nimrod, Noahʼs drunkenness
In this article, I suggest that in the pre-P story-cycle, the episode of the Tower of Babel was located after the end of the Flood story; and that the Priestly editor of the Primeval History shifted it to its present place in an effort to... more
In this article, I suggest that in the pre-P story-cycle, the episode of the Tower of Babel was located after the end of the Flood story; and that the Priestly editor of the Primeval History shifted it to its present place in an effort to create continuity between the end of the Primeval History (which took place in Babylonia) and the beginning of the Patriarchal narratives. Later, a post-P editor inserted the episode of Noahʼs drunkenness into the beginning of the post-Diluvian Age in order to convey the message that the Canaanite people were cursed from the earliest times.
In sum, the prophecy of Obadiah against Edom was written about quarter of a century after the downfall of Jerusalem (587 BCE), when memories of the Edomite operations against its neighbour and former ally remained highly vivid in the mind... more
In sum, the prophecy of Obadiah against Edom was written about quarter of a century after the downfall of Jerusalem (587 BCE), when memories of the Edomite operations against its neighbour and former ally remained highly vivid in the mind of its Judahite author. Edom’s offensive against Judah began in the Negev on the eve of the downfall of Judah, probably in cooperation with the Babylonians, and continued when some Edomite troops took part in the siege and conquest of Jerusalem. When Edom was attacked about quarter of a century later, authors from among the remainees interpreted this attack as a justified reward initiated by YHWH to punish Edom for what the Edomites had done to Judah. Details of Edom’s operations against Judah in 588/87 BCE might have been quite accurate, as they rest on the vivid memories of the remainees. Details of what the Babylonians did to Edom, in contrast, are naturally less accurate, and the authors probably allowed themselves some poetic freedom in describing the fate of Edom as they conceived it in their imagination.
Many years later, probably in the late Persian period, detailed memories of Edom’s operations against Judah in the late monarchical period have faded and were replaced by a more unified cultural memory. In this memory, Edom became a symbol of wickedness and a force of evil, having become representative of the (non-Israelite) ‘nations’, all of whom are to be punished when the Day of YHWH comes in the future.
Many years later, probably in the late Persian period, detailed memories of Edom’s operations against Judah in the late monarchical period have faded and were replaced by a more unified cultural memory. In this memory, Edom became a symbol of wickedness and a force of evil, having become representative of the (non-Israelite) ‘nations’, all of whom are to be punished when the Day of YHWH comes in the future.
The article discusses the meaning of the ancient Near Eastern institution of marzeaú that is mentioned sporadically in a period of about three thousand years in a very large space. It first examines two Ugaritic texts and suggests new... more
The article discusses the meaning of the ancient Near Eastern institution of marzeaú that is mentioned sporadically in a period of about three thousand years in a very large space. It first examines two Ugaritic texts and suggests new reading and/or interpretation. It then suggests that the basic meaning of marzihu is "a drinking feast/place", not "a drinking association" as someone assumes. The drinking associations that did exist might have belonged to different classes, but our sources mainly reflect those of the elite. Elements common to all references to marzeaú are the drinking of alcohol and possibly the religious connection of the feast. Otherwise, each place has its own version of the feast/festival.
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This article deals with Ostracon 24 from Arad, Side A. It has three parts, written by different authors: an introduction to the multispectral imaging of the ostracon, which made this study possible, followed by two alternative... more
This article deals with Ostracon 24 from Arad, Side A. It has three parts, written by different authors: an introduction to the multispectral imaging of the ostracon, which made this study possible, followed by two alternative decipherments of the inscription.
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The relationship between the expansion of literacy in Judah and composition of biblical texts has attracted scholarly attention for over a century. Information on this issue can be deduced from Hebrew inscriptions from the final phase of... more
The relationship between the expansion of literacy in Judah and composition of biblical texts has attracted scholarly attention for over a century. Information on this issue can be deduced from Hebrew inscriptions from the final phase of the first Temple period. We report our investigation of 16 inscriptions from the Judahite desert fortress of Arad, datedca 600 BCE-the eve of Nebuchadnezzar's destruction of Jerusalem. The inquiry is based on new methods for image processing and document analysis, as well as machine learning algorithms. These techniques enable identification of the minimal number of authors in a given group of inscriptions. Our algorithmic analysis, complemented by the textual information, reveals a minimum of six authors within the examined inscriptions. The results indicate that in this remote fort literacy had spread throughout the military hierarchy, down to the quartermaster and probably even below that rank. This implies that an educational infrastructure that could support the composition of literary texts in Judah already existed before the destruction of the first Temple. A similar level of literacy in this area is attested again only 400 y later,ca 200 BCE.
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העבר המכונן את ההווה. עיצובה של ההיסטוריוגרפיה המקראית בסוף ימי הבית הראשון ולאחר החורבן (יריעות ג'), ירושלים תשסב.
5. ארץ ישראל בתקופה הכנענית: תקופת הברונזה התיכונה ותקופת הברונזה המאוחרת (1200-2000 לפני הספירה בקירוב), בתוך: י' אפעל (עורך), ההיסטוריה של ארץ-ישראל, כרך א', ירושלים 1982, 275-129.
This publication is a synthesis of the results of a study that approaches the problem of locating the provenance of the Amarna Tablets from a new angle. Through mineralogical and chemical analyses of samples from over 300 tablets housed... more
This publication is a synthesis of the results of a study that approaches the problem of locating the provenance of the Amarna Tablets from a new angle. Through mineralogical and chemical analyses of samples from over 300 tablets housed in museums in Berlin, London, Oxford, and Paris, the project aims at pinpointing their geographic origin and clarifying the geographic history of the ancient Near East. It launches a new analytical tool for resolving historical problems that have haunted research for decades. In the case of the Amarna archive, the introduction of this scientific technique helps to clear up the controversy over the location of Alashiya and Tunip; opens the way to track the territorial expansion of the kingdom of Amurru; enables reconstruction of the territorial disposition of the Canaanite city-states of the Late Bronze Age; and sheds light on the Egyptian administration system in Canaan.
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This is the second part of my dissertation - the footnotes (in Hebrew).
This is the first part f my 1975 dissertation - in Hebrew
הממצא הארכאולוגי והאפיגרפי ממצד חשביהו בהארה היסטורית, בתוך: מ' פישר (עורך), יבנה, יבנה-ים וסביבתן. מחקרים בארכאולוגיה ובהיסטוריה של מישור חוף יהודה, תל אביב 2005, עמ' 82-71.
המושבות האשוריות באנטוליה והסחר האשורי בראשית האלף השני לפני הספירה, בתוך: ב"ז קדר, ט' דותן וש' ספראי (עורכים), פרקים בתולדות המסחר בארץ ישראל, ירושלים 1990, עמ' 41-21.
ביקורת על השתעבדות מרצון לשליטים זרים: עיון היסטוריוגרפי בספר מלכים, דברי הקונגרס העולמי האחד-עשר למדעי היהדות. חטיבה א': המקרא ועולמו, ירושלים תשנ"ד, עמ' 70-63.
דרום השפלה בתקופת הברונזה המאוחרת לאור התעודות בכתב היתדות, בתוך: ד' אורמן וא' שטרן (עורכים), אדם וסביבה בדרום השפלה – מחקרים בגיאוגרפיה והיסטוריה אזורית, גבעתיים 1988, עמ' 98-93.
שיחור מצרים ושור אשר על פני מצרים, בתוך: ב' אופנהיימר (עורך), עיונים במקרא – ספר זכרון ליהושע מאיר גרינץ, תל אביב תשמ"ב, עמ' 221-205.
נחלתם והתנחלותם של בני שמעון בדרום הארץ, בתוך: א' רופא וי' זקוביץ (עורכים), ספר יצחק אריה זליגמן, ירושלים תשמ"ג, עמ' 136-111.
הרקע ההיסטורי לתיאור המתקפה הפלשתית על אחז מלך יהודה בספר דברי-הימים, בתוך: א' כשר וא' אופנהיימר (עורכים), דור לדור – משלהי תקופת המקרא ועד חתימת התלמוד. קובץ מחקרים לכבוד יהושע אפרון, ירושלים תשנ"ה, עמ' 26-11.
לקביעת מקום מקדשיהם של ה' שומרון וה' תימן, ארץ ישראל (ספר לורנס א' סטייגר) 33 (2018), 185-176.
הערות על מספר כתובות עבריות מבקעת באר שבע, ארץ ישראל לב (תשעו), 148-142.
53. האם הארכאולוגיה אכן ראויה למעמד של 'פוסק עליון' בבית הדין של ההיסטוריה המקראית?, בתוך: ע' אטקס, ד' אסף וי' קפלן (עורכים), אבני דרך. מסות ומחקרים בהיסטוריה של עם ישראל. שי לצבי (קותי) יקותיאלי, ירושלים 2015, 31-17.
ירושלים בימי בית ראשון: בין מחקר היסטורי-מקראי לממצא ארכאולוגי, קתדרה 151 (תשעד), 34-7.
התיישבות האפרתים בבית לחם והמחלוקת על מקומו של קבר רחל, ציון עט (תשעד), 17-5.
50. ספרות ואמונה בממלכת ישראל במאה השמינית לפסהנ הכתובות מכונתילת עג'רוד, זמנים 121 (2013), 15-4.
חורבת קיאפה כעיר כנענית בשפלה בתווך בין פלשת להר יהודה, ציון פב (תשעז), 36-5.
חורבת קיאפה והמאבק בין פלשתים וכנענים בתקופת הברזל הקדומה בדרום הארץ, קתדרה 143 (תשעב), 92-65.
עיון מחודש בלוחיות הכסף מכתף הינום, קתדרה 140 (תשעא), עמ' 18-7.
חצור במאות היד-יג לפסהנ בראי התעודות והממצא הארכאולוגי, ארץ ישראל, כרך ל (ספר אמנון בן-תור), ירושלים תשעב, עמ' 341-333.
47. מ'בעל פרצים' ל'בית הכרם' – על גלגולי שמה הקדום של רמת רחל, בית מקרא נו/א (תשעא), עמ' 86-65
מסורת יציאת מצרים בין זיכרון היסטורי ליצירה היסטוריוגראפית, תרביץ עט (תשעא), 372-345.
ההיסטוריוגרפיה המקראית בספרי נביאים ראשונים, בתוך: צ' טלשיר (עורכת), ספרות המקרא: מבואות ומחקרים, ירושלים תשעא, עמ' 390-371.
43. כתובות נציבי סוחו בראי ההיסטוריוגרפיה האשורית, בתוך: י' אפעל ונ' נאמן (עורכים), כתובות מלכי אשור - היסטוריה, היסטוריוגרפיה ואידאולוגיה. יום עיון לכבוד חיים תדמור בהגיעו לגבורות, ירושלים תשע, עמ' 113-97.
האם דוֹר הייתה מרכז שלטון של פחווה אשורית?, ארץ ישראל כט (ספר אפרים שטרן), ירושלים תשסט, עמ' 317-310.
השפעת 60 שנות מדינת ישראל על התמורות בחקר תולדות עם ישראל בתקופת המקרא, ציון עד (תשסט), עמ' 43-17.
גרים ולויים בממלכת יהודה במאה הז' לפני סהנ, תרביץ עז (תשסח), עמ' 203-167.
גבולות ותחומים בתיאורי כיבוש המערב בכתובות תגלת-פלאסר ג' ובהיסטוריוגרפיה המקראית, שנתון למקרא ולחקר המזרח הקדום יח (תשסח), עמ' 97-79.
38. תעודות עמארנה בין מחקר היסטורי לממצא ארכיאולוגי: במלאת 120 שנה לגילוי ארכיון עמארנה, זמנים 101 (חורף 2008), עמ' 12-4.
גידולן והתפתחותן של יהודה וירושלים במאה הח' לפני סהנ ומדיניות 'כור ההיתוך' המיוחסת למלך חזקיהו: תשובה לישראל פינקלשטיין, ציון עב (תשסז), עמ' 346-338.
המלך כיוזם רפורמות פולחניות בממלכתו: יאשיהו ומלכים אחרים במזרח הקדום, דברי האקדמיה הלאומית הישראלית למדעים, כרך תשיעי חוברת 3, ירושלים תשסז, עמ' 456-411
עלייתה של ירושלים למעמד 'העיר הראשה' בממלכת יהודה במאות הח'-הז' לפני סהנ', ציון עא (תשסו), עמ' 456-411.
33. לשחזור ההיסטוריה הקדומה של עם ישראל: מקרא, ארכאולוגיה וכתיבת היסטוריה, זמנים 94 (2006), עמ' 19-8.
בין קדש-ברנע לצידון רבה. על גבולות גיאוגרפיים ועל גבולות הידע בחקר מערכת נחלות השבטים, קתדרה 117 (תשסו), עמ' 40-5 ).
תרומתן של כתובות נציבי סוחו לחקר ההיסטוריה של ממלכות ישראל ויהודה, ציון סט (תשסד), עמ' 156-133.
חרס 7 מערד – עדות לאיסור מלאכה בראש חודש?, תרביץ עא (תשסב), עמ' 568-565.
עיון היסטורי בספר מלכים לאור כתובות מלכים מן המאה התשיעית לפהס, קתדרה 100 (תשסא), עמ' 108-89.
בין כתובת מלכותית לסיפור נבואי: מרד מישע מלך מואב בהארה היסטורית, ציון סו (תשסא), עמ' 40-5
הכתובת הארמית מתל דן בהארה היסטורית, ארץ ישראל כו (תשנט), עמ' 118-112.
מסע שישק לארץ ישראל בראי הכתובות מצריות, המקרא והממצא הארכיאולוגי, ציון סג (תשנח), עמ' 276-247.
24. היסטוריוגרפיה, עיצוב הזיכרון הקיבוצי ויצירת תודעה היסטורית בעם ישראל בסוף ימי הבית הראשון, ציון ס (תשנה), עמ' 472-449.
מדיניותם של אחז וחזקיהו כלפי אשור בימי סרגון וראשית ימי סנחריב, ציון נט (תשנד), עמ' 30-5.
שכם וירושלים בימי גלות בבל ושיבת ציון, ציון נח (תשנג), עמ' 32-7.
גבולותיה של ממלכת ירושלים הכנענית באלף השני לפנהס, ציון נו (תשנא), עמ' 380-361.
האם נתקיימה עיר בשם תבור בימי הבית הראשון?, קתדרה 60 (תשנא), עמ' 185-182.
פרשת 'כיבוש הארץ' בספר יהושע ובמציאות ההיסטורית, בתוך: נ' נאמן וי' פינקלשטיין (עורכים), מנוודות למלוכה – היבטים ארכיאולוגיים והיסטוריים על ראשית ישראל, ירושלים תשן, עמ' 347-284.
שינויי אוכלוסין בארץ-ישראל בעקבות ההגליות האשוריות, קתדרה 54 (תשן), עמ' 62-43.
רשימות הערים של יהודה ובנימין וממלכת יהודה בימי יאשיהו, ציון נד (תשמט), עמ' 71-17.
נוודים-רועים בספר הדרומי-מערבי של ממלכת יהודה בתקופת הממלכה המפולגת, ציון נב (תשמז), עמ' 278-261.
הנגב בשלהי ימיה של ממלכת יהודה, קתדרה 42 (תשמז), עמ' 15-4.
מערך ערי הממלכה הכנעניות בתקופת הברונזה המאוחרת ונחלות שבטי ישראל, תרביץ נה (תשמו), עמ' 488-463.