Aleppo

The concept of authenticity, as defined in international circles between the 1960s and the 1994 Nara Conference on Heritage, has been one of the main instruments used to define policies aiming at heritage protection during the last few decades. The concept also became more than an instrument: it shaped entire approaches to the question of the built heritage and to the process – social and political – aiming at its conservation and restoration. For this reason, it has been the object of intense discussions, with scholars and activists denouncing some of its founding ambiguities as being tied to static and sometimes culturalist conceptions of history, to colonial visions, and to policies of social segregation. The object of this chapter is to reflect on such debates around the case of the city of Aleppo, and particularly around the way its medieval and Ottoman built heritage was dealt with in the period of the Ottoman reforms of the second half of the 19th century, the period of French colonial occupation, and the various phases of independence up to its present- day tragic destruction.

Since the beginning of the Syrian Revolution in March 2011, many of the country’s urban areas have sustained extensive physical damage. Syria’s
second and third cities, Aleppo and Homs, have been especially hard-hit by the war, and their agglomerations were home to about 6.5 million people before the war began (out of a national population of approximately 22 million). In a country where, before the war, over fifty percent of the population lived in cities, planning postwar reconstruction is crucial. As the conflict enters its fifth year, the fate of the country’s destroyed cities has become the subject of international discussion.

Aleppo, the country’s second city, is reported to have seen the blunt of the damage, with large areas of the city either damaged or destroyed. The Old City of Aleppo, which is 5,000 years old and has earned the city its title as one of the oldest continually inhabited cities in the world, is the frontline of the battle between Syrian government and opposition forces. When the fighting subsides and reconstruction becomes possible, the issues of efficient rebuilding of the ancient city as well as its sustainable absorption of returning refugees will arise.

This paper proposes a roadmap to the reconstruction of Old Aleppo. It begins by explaining the necessity of rebuilding by reflecting on past cases in post-war and post-disaster eras. It then does a preliminary damage assessment of buildings in the Old City based on Satellite imagery, and proposes an adaptable model to estimate the costs and time of reconstruction. Third, the paper suggests locations and layouts for temporary camps for returning refugees. And finally, it explains how adequate policy measures are necessary for the achievement of both the reconstruction and temporary shelter of citizens.

This chapter examines the history of Judayda Quarter, a district of Aleppo produced by both Muslim and Christian endowments.  Using Arabic, Armenian, and Ottoman Turkish sources, the paper examines the particular role that early modern Armenian immigration played in the development of the quarter's Armenian institution starting in the fifteenth century.

تم رصد الأضرار التي تعرضت لها مواقع التراث الثقافي في سوريا عبر العديد من الأخبار والتقارير ولكن لم يتم حتى الآن توثيق مدى الضرر الذي تعرضت له مدينة حلب القديمة المسجلة كموقع من مواقع التراث العالمي المشترك بأسلوب شامل ومنهجي. لذا يقدم هذا المشروع أول تقييم شامل ومستفيض لعواقب النزاع المسلح على التراث المعماري والعمراني في حلب القديمة وذلك عبر تحليل صور الأقمار الصناعية وتقييم وضعية المدينة في شهر ديسمبر من عام 2016 عقب خمس سنوات من النزاع المسلح.
يمكن قراءة النسخة الكاملة من التقرير عبر الرابط:
https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000368527

Post-conflict knowledge and practice regarding effective governance reconstitution is still in its infancy; during conflict, it is even more minimal. In conflict-torn states, it is still debatable that state building has become synonymous to re-establishing governance -thus peace; and that civil society has become a protagonist in this process. More consensus, nevertheless, has been reached in literature regarding the yet limited capability to deal with conflict. One of the most alarming conflicts in modern history that requires such improved academic understanding during conflict itself is the Syrian case. Syria’s conflict presents complex governance dynamics and state building interests. Syria is witnessing the rise of both civil societies and extremist groups in the midst of civil wars, proxy wars and popular uprisings against authoritarianism.

This article aims to provide an insight into the yet misunderstood dynamics of governance during conflict, as it focuses on the non-government-controlled parts of Syria. The article pays particular attention to the agency of civil society vis-à-vis other local and international state building interests. It bases its analysis on a theoretical framework centred on the notion of “hybridity”. In two different sections, the article analyses the extent to which governance is a hybrid of, first, old and new governance imbalances and, second, of local and international forces. Governance imbalance is seen in light of the state-market-civil society developmental model. Meanwhile, the governance of local and international forces during conflict is measured following three dimensions: effectiveness, legitimacy and security. A third section is then dedicated to case studies of three non-government-controlled-areas in Syria: Al-Raqqa, Dair Ezzor and Aleppo. With a historical and contextual snapshot of the changing dynamics during conflict in these areas, this section studies the agency of civil society versus other more powerful governance actors on the ground. The cases are supported by data from an intensive qualitative and quantitative field research of over 6 months expanding until May 2014.

The research findings suggest that while the different factors, forces and interests in the Syrian conflict coexist and cooperate, both the old and the new, the grass-roots and the top-down, the civil and the uncivil governance become hybridised. The result, nonetheless, continues to derive unbalanced governance between the key actors in the state, civil society and market spheres. This necessitates a more holistic historical and contextual understanding of the continuously changing nature of governance during conflict. It requires better insight into the relationships and dynamics between the actors at the local and international levels. It also implies the need for better cooperation with local civil societies following an approach tailored more closely to their rights, motives, nature, needs and governance realities on the ground.

This paper tries to shed some light on one of biggest districts in Levant Region in the first four centuries of the Islamic empire, this area is the Qninasrin District which is located on the border with Roman Empire that was considered the base for the most islamic military missions against Romans.
The research gives a brief overview about the district that was established during the Umayyad era, then it discusses the various aspects related to the district such as its habitants and their religious, ethnic and cultural backgrounds giving the geographical distribution of the population on the ground.
تحاول هذه الورقة رسم الخريطة السكانية لأكبر الوحدات الإدارية في بلاد الشام خلال القرون الأربعة الأولى من حكم المسلمين، وهي المنطقة المسماة ب "جند قنسرين"، والتي كانت تتاخم بلاد الروم، وتخرج من  أراضيها حملات المسلمين العسكرية صيفاً وشتاءً لغزو الروم، وقد تضمن البحث تعريفاً مُقتضباً بهذا الجند واستحداثه في العهد الأموي، ثم رصد القبائل العربية التي قطنت فيه وأماكن استيطانها سواء في المدن الرئيسية أو القرى أو البوادي، وكذلك البحث في الفئات الاجتماعية التي تواجدت في الجند: دينية أو عرقية، مع بيان أماكن تركزها وتواجدها وسكناها في الجند، ومدى كثافتها السكانية من حيث الكثرة أو القلة في تلك المنطقة.

This study investigates the spectacular communal murder of a leading Ottoman official in the northern Syrian city of Aleppo. This murder, and Istanbul’s vigorous response, erupted over a decade after Sultan Selim’s defeat of the Mamluk Sultanate in 1516–17, suggesting Aleppo’s
incorporation into the Ottoman Empire was not as seamless as is often assumed. Indeed, close examination, using sources that reflect a mix of perspectives, reveals an extended and difficult period of transition—this despite well-rehearsed methods of conquest and a clear intent to hold
the city tightly, given its strategic military and commercial importance. Interlocking concerns were at issue, from flux in state practices of property inspection and revenue collection to changes in the hierarchy of sanctioned Islamic legal identities (madhhabs) and alleged abuse of
the urban economy. Aleppines and imperial agents both clashed and collaborated in areas linked to the application of state law (ḳānūn), an evolving discourse of justice, and an effort to rework and freshly legitimate inherited legal pluralism. To grapple with this complex and understudied scene in sixteenth-century Aleppo, the article combines a focused murder inquiry with a full thematic consideration of Ottoman justice and a close look at the city’s Mamluk background.

The four-year siege of Sarajevo decimated the city. Some 11,000 civilians were killed, 60 per cent of buildings were damaged or destroyed, and 80 per cent of utilities were disabled. When the war ended in 1995, a “triple transition” occurred throughout Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH): the simultaneous movements from war to peace, communism to democracy, and market socialism to a free-market economy. International attempts at physically rebuilding Sarajevo met with some success: the visible scars from the war are largely gone and violence no longer plagues the city. But reconstruction is incomplete and legacies of the war hang over the city.

Polls in BiH reveal a deep disgust with politics and institutions, and there are serious issues with unemployment, inequality, and social reconciliation. Nearly 90 per cent of the country believes it is headed in the wrong direction. The residents of Canton Sarajevo do not feel represented by institutions by a margin of 3 to 1, and a vast majority support political change. The triple transition has been fraught with difficulties. Ethnic divisions are wider than ever. While 88 per cent of the population support better interethnic relations, very little tangible has been achieved in the way of reconciliation. The economy is dominated by criminality and corruption, not by accountable open markets.

These problems stem from the narrow approach taken to reconstructing Sarajevo. By viewing the city largely in physical terms, international and national groups failed to restore institutions, curb corrupt practices, and counter nationalist political movements that benefited from the complex political structures created by the 1995 Dayton Accords. While each city and post-conflict situation is unique, assessing failures encountered while rebuilding Sarajevo offer five over arching lessons for future reconstruction.

1) Reconstruction efforts must be planned strategically to include the many sectors and actors involved in the process. In Sarajevo, the lack of coordination between donors, local government, and residents of the city undermined successful rebuilding.

2) Local institutional capacity must be strengthened before reconstruction begins. Many failures in Sarajevo could have been avoided by having the necessary urban planning, administrative, and governance structures organized during the earliest years.

3) Oversight and anti-corruption measures must be implemented from the start. Recipients and donors must create solid control systems, be willing to hold local leaders accountable, and have trip-wires that trigger the withholding of salaries or aid for large-scale corruption issues.

4) Urban reconstruction must be accompanied by economic growth. Sustaining returnees depends upon accessible jobs and economic growth. Policies should streamline business legislation and make starting an enterprise as easy as possible.

5) Reconstruction must be recognized as an ecosystem. Functional reconstruction of merely physical aspects is insufficient to recreate a vibrant city. Policymakers should seek to also use educational, economic, and cultural initiatives to rekindle urban life.

The objective of this paper is to show the importance of the architectural and artistic heritage of Aleppo, particularly the Umayyad Mosque. Aleppo is the second largest city in Syria (after the capital Damascus) and is the commercial capital of Syria. Aleppo has a long history, extending from the third millennium BC to the Islamic era. The remains and monuments are evidence from those great civilizations. Many pieces of literature mention that the Amorites were the first inhabitants in Aleppo during the third millennium BC. In 223 BC, the Greek commander (Seleucus Nikator) re-organized and planned the city.  Later, Islamic rulers made Aleppo great by re-building its walls, gates, towers and citadel. The Muslims also built mosques, schools, inns, markets, hospitals, bathrooms, and public facilities. Consequently, Aleppo flourished and became a very important station for the Silk Road; the third largest city in the Ottoman Empire after Istanbul and Cairo. In 1986, UNESCO added Old Aleppo City to the World Heritage List. In 715 Umayyad Caliph Al-Walid built the Great Umayyad Mosque to demonstrate the development of Islamic art and architecture this time period. Until now the Umayyad Mosque has been considered one of Aleppo’s main city symbols. Since 2012 the much of Syria’s architectural heritage in have been destroyed due to internal war.  In Aleppo the losses in both the ancient and modern parts of the city have been tremendous. The Umayyad Mosque has been particularly damaged and many massive parts destroyed such as the Minaret, the arcades, the main hall, and the courtyard. This paper will highlight some recommendations to protect and restore the Umayyad Mosque in Aleppo for future use.

French rule over Syria and Lebanon was premised on a vision of a special French protectorate established through centuries of cultural activity: archaeological, educational and charitable. Initial French methods of organising and supervising cultural activity sought to embrace this vision and to implement it in the exploitation of antiquities, the management and promotion of cultural heritage, the organisation of education and the control of public opinion among the literate classes. However, an examination of the first five years of the League of Nations-assigned mandate, 1920-1925, reveals that French expectations of a protectorate were quickly dashed by widespread resistance to their cultural policies, not simply among Arabists but also among minority groups initially expected to be loyal to the French. The violence of imposing the mandate 'de facto', starting with a landing of French troops in the Lebanese and Syrian coast in 1919 - and followed by extension to the Syrian interior in 1920 - was met by consistent violent revolt. Examining the role of cultural institutions reveals less violent yet similarly consistent contestation of the French mandate. The political discourses emerging after World War I fostered expectations of European tutelages that prepared local peoples for autonomy and independence. Yet, even among the most Francophile of stakeholders, the unfolding of the first years of French rule brought forth entirely different events and methods. In this book, Idir Ouahes provides an in-depth analysis of the shifts in discourses, attitudes and activities unfolding in French and locally-organised institutions such as schools, museums and newspapers, revealing how local resistance put pressure on cultural activity in the early years of the French mandate

`This excellent study is a welcome addition to the scholarship on the inter-war mandates of Syria and Lebanon. Ouahes focuses on the cultural institutions through which the French authorities imposed their rule, ably demonstrating the ways in which the mandate system was transformed into a political and cultural framework akin to colonialism. While tracing the disillusion and contestations that ensued, he nonetheless discusses the impact and disparate legacy of the period on both the French and the diverse populations of the two mandates.' - Patricia M.E. Lorcin, Professor of History and Samuel Russell Chair in Humanities, University of Minnesota-Twin Cities, `Resisting the imposition of French imperial control in 1920s

'Syria was never solely a matter of violent opposition. Ranging from classrooms and museums, to archaeological sites and vernacular journalism, in this richly evocative text Idir Ouahes reveals how Syrians contested the imposition of French Mandate rule in the realms of cultural heritage, educational provision and print media.' - Martin Thomas, Professor of Imperial History, University of Exeter

The four-year siege of Sarajevo decimated the city. Some 11,000 civilians were killed, 60 per cent of buildings were damaged or destroyed, and 80 per cent of utilities were disabled. When the war ended in 1995, a “triple transition” occurred throughout Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH): the simultaneous movements from war to peace, communism to democracy, and market socialism to a free-market economy. International attempts at physically rebuilding Sarajevo met with some success: the visible scars from the war are largely gone and violence no longer plagues the city. But reconstruction is incomplete and legacies of the war hang over the city.

Polls in BiH reveal a deep disgust with politics and institutions, and there are serious issues with unemployment, inequality, and social reconciliation. Nearly 90 per cent of the country believes it is headed in the wrong direction. The residents of Canton Sarajevo do not feel represented by institutions by a margin of 3 to 1, and a vast majority support political change. The triple transition has been fraught with difficulties. Ethnic divisions are wider than ever. While 88 per cent of the population support better interethnic relations, very little tangible has been achieved in the way of reconciliation. The economy is dominated by criminality and corruption, not by accountable open markets.

These problems stem from the narrow approach taken to reconstructing Sarajevo. By viewing the city largely in physical terms, international and national groups failed to restore institutions, curb corrupt practices, and counter nationalist political movements that benefited from the complex political structures created by the 1995 Dayton Accords. While each city and post-conflict situation is unique, assessing failures encountered while rebuilding Sarajevo offer five over arching lessons for future reconstruction.

Reconstruction efforts must be planned strategically to include the many sectors and actors involved in the process. In Sarajevo, the lack of coordination between donors, local government, and residents of the city undermined successful rebuilding.
Local institutional capacity must be strengthened before reconstruction begins. Many failures in Sarajevo could have been avoided by having the necessary urban planning, administrative, and governance structures organized during the earliest years.
Oversight and anti-corruption measures must be implemented from the start. Recipients and donors must create solid control systems, be willing to hold local leaders accountable, and have trip-wires that trigger the withholding of salaries or aid for large-scale corruption issues.
Urban reconstruction must be accompanied by economic growth. Sustaining returnees depends upon accessible jobs and economic growth. Policies should streamline business legislation and make starting an enterprise as easy as possible.
Reconstruction must be recognized as an ecosystem. Functional reconstruction of merely physical aspects is insufficient to recreate a vibrant city. Policymakers should seek to also use educational, economic, and cultural initiatives to rekindle urban life.

In wartime, cities suffer from damage and destruction. This is the case of Syria in the last years due to the ongoing war. Some of Syria’s most important cultural Heritage have been damaged or destroyed, leaving many outstanding heritages in ruins. Even though many sites can be recovered and restored in the post-war reconstruction phase, other sites have reached a damaged that are difficult to be recovered because its losses had a devastating effect on the society. The cultural heritage and the society are linked together. The cultural heritage represents the identity of the society however the cultural heritage nor the society can exist without one another. Currently, people have already started to give proposals for the post-war reconstruction, and when those given proposals were evaluated, we found that there is the risk of losing the authenticity of the cultural heritage and being a victim of propaganda. In order not to fall into the propaganda trap there is the need to understand the meaning of the cultural heritage for eastern. Moreover, there is the need to have and to collect the sufficient knowledge about each heritage before giving any proposal, so we understand its authenticity and to differentiate the authentic parts from the ones that are not. Moreover, there is a need to understand what we need to preserve. Is it the authenticity? The symbols? Or the country’s identity? Cities over time can be destroyed for many reasons and when we need to start to reconstruct there is a need to study, to conduct research to understand each of these cities as a separated because case because each city has its own identity and moreover if the reason behind the destruction is war then it really considered them as unique case because there is no specific templet to know how are we going to reconstruct. In addition, the question to ask is what is the lesson to learn? And is it an opportunity to return or to change?

The Aleppo minbar (pulpit for Friday sermons) is a monumental architectural sculpture, commissioned in the middle of the 12th century in Aleppo, Syria, by Nur al-Din al-Zangi, who was ruling from Damascus. Envisioning the end of the Crusades, Nur al-Din sought to place the minbar in the Aqsa Mosque after Muslims reclaimed Jerusalem, where it was installed in 1187 by the Ayyubid ruler, Saladin. Richly ornamented with many geometric forms and designs, the wooden minbar expresses an algorithmic Islamic aesthetic based on symmetry, with patterns that imply an infinite expanse contained within borders. Manifesting an aesthetic that persisted for generations into the present, the Aleppo minbar broadly engages the intersecting trajectories of craft production and knowledge, symmetry and beauty, mathematics and pattern, religion and politics, architectural forms and theological concepts. As a monumental expression of beauty, the minbar represents the epitome of Islamic art in its time. This paper was presented at the International Symmetry Conference in Kanazawa Japan in November 2019.

Syria's sectarian fragmentation was not created when the war began in 2011; it had its genesis in an inherited Ottoman millet system whose traits were accentuated by the "divide to reign" policies of Hafiz al-Assad. The war has compelled Syrians to cling to their sectarian identities more tightly, whether out of socioeconomic self-interest or simply to survive. Examining these identities is therefore crucial to answering the most fundamental questions about the ongoing upheaval. In many ways, the Syrian conflict has been taken out of the hands of Syrians themselves, becoming a proxy war between regional and international forces that often exploit the country's divided society for their own benefit.

Beirut’s city centre is now mostly rebuilt. A quarter century after it was destroyed during the Lebanese civil war, the area is now a polished mix of restored buildings, ancient ruins and glass towers. But a place that once drew all of Lebanon’s diverse people to its souks, cafes, cinemas and hotels is a somewhat rootless zone of empty luxury stores and unoccupied apartments. Rebuilt as a destination for international money and tourists, it is no longer the heart of Beirut but a very costly monument to vanity and self-delusion.

Lebanon’s capital long ago lost its place as the “Paris of the Middle East” and its current efforts to compete with the oil-fuelled Gulf cities were doomed from the start by changes in the global maps of money, travel and business. Outside of the Beirut Central District (BCD), the city is suffering from the deep failures of governance that afflict the whole country. Public transport is almost non-existent, there is no social housing, a half comfortable life relies on generators and private tankers to bring in water and more people look to confessional groups for help than to the moribund municipal government. The city often ranks low in international liveability surveys, even falling behind its Middle Eastern neighbours like Amman and Cairo. In the summer of 2015 garbage piled up on the streets while protesters waved signs telling the government “You Stink.”

The reconstruction of BCD has thrown up dozens of books and articles and near torrent of denunciations by local architects and activists. Solidere, the private company that runs the downtown, undermined the public good, violated the constitution, demolished too many buildings and acted only in the interest of international investors, according to the critics. Solidere responds by asking what other mechanisms would have worked amidst Lebanon’s polarised politics and shortages of money? The company also points to the buildings that stand where trees grew in the rubble. Beirutis in turn ask “At what cost?”

There are many lessons for Aleppo from what has happened in Beirut:

-Rebuilding that is driven by the few for the few will fail.
-Core values of accountability and transparency in planning matter.
-Aleppo should not focus on investor-led fantasies of what the city might be but concentrate on rebuilding families, their businesses and the local economy.
-Economic resilience should be a key part of any reconstruction.
-Rebuilding the city centre is essentially but so is an integrated plan for the whole city.
-Reconstruction will not mend deep political divisions but it can be used to rebuild common public spaces that promote reconciliation.
-Democratic control may mean reconstruction takes longer but it will be done better and is less likely to deepen social divisions.

This essay challenges the still prevalent historiographical trope of the decline of the Jewish communities under Muslim rule in the later Middle Ages. The essay critiques the ideological underpinnings of this notion of decline and then offers an alternative historiography based on Arabic prosopographical texts from Mamluk Syria.

The cult statue was the most valuable part of a temple inventory and the most important representation of the resident deity. But distinguishing depictions of cult statues from depictions of deities among the visual material is a difficult task. Nevertheless, depictions of either the deity or cult statue had to be iconic in order to be recognised by a large number of people. How was the image of a deity distributed widely and which media were used? Trying to find answers to these questions by merely analysing depictions of all the great gods would be an unwieldy task. I will, therefore, focus on the Storm-God of Aleppo, a local deity that can be defined more precisely. The Storm-God of Aleppo provides an in-depth look at historical, social and religious frames that influenced the veneration and depiction of a deity. Archaeological evidence exists from the main temple at Aleppo, in addition to textual and visual sources. Furthermore, it may be possible to clarify in which context and in which manner this god was depicted outside of his temple and city. Was there a uniform convention for visualizing him? Is it possible to trace the distribution of representations of the Storm-God of Aleppo through datable objects? Can we make any assumptions about the lost cult statues?

Printing in Arabic types was a major aspiration for the Christian Arabs of the Ottoman provinces, particularly from the second half of the 17th century, when several Patriarchs of the Antiochian Church set this goal for themselves, as part of their mission to support the spiritual and social advancement of their flock. Patriarch Athanasios Dabbās (1685-1694, 1720-1724), travelled to the Rumanian Principalities in 1698-1705, in search for political and financial support, after temporarily renouncing his See in favour of his competitor Cyril IV. His princely friend Constantin Brâncoveanu (1688-1714), ruler of Wallachia, appointed Antim Ivireanu (‘the Georgian’), the most gifted typographer, engraver, and member of the clergy, to help Dabbās in printing church books in Arabic types. My paper sums up the available data on this printing enterprise and its significant outcome for the Christians of the Antiochian patriarchate: eleven titles printed in Aleppo (1706-1711), the first books printed in Arabic types in Ottoman lands, which circulated all over the Middle East. This major cultural event inspired the progressive movement embodied in the Naha (the ‘Arab Renaissance’), contributing to forge the modern Levantine societies.

In the wake of the Syrian conflict that has been ongoing for over five years, key cultural sites in the country have been rampaged including the Old city of Aleppo. Despite the tremendous local and international efforts to observe and document the damage to Syrian heritage, little attention is given to the time gap between the conflict and post-conflict reconstruction periods, during which irreversible damage may be inflicted on the heritage. It is of utmost importance to deliver first aid emergency measures once Old Aleppo is accessible in order to stabilize and secure assets, but also to pave the way for an inclusive post-conflict reconstruction process that meets the needs of the affected  community.

In Aleppo a mosque complex located in the south of Citadel, facing its main entrance is called Khus-ruwiyah. The mosque as the first Ottoman monument of the city is one of the early works of renowned court architect Mimar Sinan at the same time. It was built under the patronage of the fourth vizier of Sultan Suleiman, Husrev Pasha. The main parts of this complex are a mosque and a courtyard with an ablution fountion in its center. In the south and north of the courtyard, madrasa, lodge, guest house and kitchen take place. The complex is surrounded by a wall around. The mosque has five bay arcaded portico and a cubical prayer hall roofed with a low hemispherical dome. This study focuses on the Khusruwiyah Waqf in Aleppo. Information has been given about the functions and income of the foundations allocated to this complex and its expenditures for variety of jobs in the 16th century. Öz Halep'te kalenin güneyinde yer alan ve kale giriş kapısına bakan cami külliyenin adı Hüsreviye Külli-yesi'dir. Halep şehrinde inşa edilen ilk Osmanlı eseri olan bu külliye aynı zamanda Mimar Sinan'ın ilk eserlerinden biridir. Kanuni Sultan Süleyman'ın dördüncü veziri Hüsrev Paşa tarafından yaptırılmıştır. Bir cami ile ortasında şadırvan bulunan avlu, külliyenin ana bölümleridir. Avlunun güney ve kuzeyinde medrese, tekke, mutfak ve misafirhane yer alır. Külliyenin etrafı duvarla çevrilidir. Cami, yarımküre bir kubbeyle örtülmüş kübik ibadet mekânı ve önündeki beş çıkma kemerli revaktan ibarettir. Bu çalışmada Halep'teki Hüsreviye vakfı üzerinde durulmuştur. Külliyenin genel özellikleriyle 16. yüzyıl-da buraya tahsis edilen vakfın gelir ve gider kalemleri hakkında bilgi verilmiştir.

HOUSED IN THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS ARCHIVE at Geneva is a collection of intake surveys from the Rescue Home in the northern Syrian city of Aleppo. These documents record the histories of some 2,000 Armenian girls, boys, and young women who were rescued—or, more often, rescued themselves—from Arab, Kurdish, and Turkish households into which they had been taken during and after the First World War and as a consequence of the Armenian Genocide of 1915.

Peer Reviewer comment: "This is a solid piece of scholarship. It is well-researched and shows an indepth knowledge of the subject. It has a detailed and extensive list of reference, which will be of interest to international researchers."     
The reconstruction of central Beirut after the Lebanese civil war by Solidere is not generally considered a success. It has resulted in a soulless, expensive and exclusive area aimed at tourists and wealthy overseas business people who have generally failed to materialise;
local people tend to go elsewhere, except when protesting (Ilyés 2015). Despite the fact that Beirut was known to be an ancient city with occupation stretching back to prehistoric times, the initial post-war plans were for a modern city centre built on a tabula rasa. Little thought was given to any cultural heritage. Subsequent protest at this planned destruction ensured changes to the original redevelopment plans to incorporate historic building conservation and some archaeological investigation but it was far from ideal, and often became tangled in the ongoing politico-religious conflicts (Sandes 2010).
Aleppo is another such city; occupation can be traced back to the 10th century BCE, and its old city has World Heritage status. The ongoing Syrian war has caused dreadful destruction of the city and its peoples, but in the rebuilding how important will this cultural heritage be considered?
This paper examines the role of the built heritage, particularly archaeology, in the (post-)conflict urban reconstruction process and with reference to Beirut, examines what archaeology has the potential to offer to the rebuilding and rehabilitation of Aleppo and its communities.

ÖZET Merc-i Dabık ve Ridaniye savaşlarından sonra Osmanlı hakimiyetine geçen Mumlûklu toprakları, biri Şam diğeri de Mısır olmak üzere, iki beylerbeyiliğe taksim edildi. Bunlardan Şam beylerbeyiliği başlangıçta oldukça geniş bir alana yayılıyordu. Fakat, XVI. yüzyılın ortalarından itibaren önce Haleb, daha sonra da Trablusşam beylerbeyilikleri teşkil edilerek Şam beylerbeyiliğinin sınırları gittikçe daraltıldı. Şam beylerbeyiliği, diğer klasik eyaletlerde olduğu gibi, sancaklara, sancaklar da kaza ve nahiye adı verilen alt idarî birimlere ayrılıyordu. ABSTRACT After the wars of Merc-i Dabık and Ridaniye, the Ottamans conguested Bilâd el-Şam and Egypt and estabilished two provinces (or beylerbeyiliks) on these areas, which were Egypt and Damascus. At the begining, the province of Damascus (or Şam beylerbeyiligi) included a very broad area. But, afterwards, the provinces of Aleppo and Tripoli were estabilished on the same area. For this reason, the territory of the province of damascus was narrowed. The Province of Damascus divided into the units of administrative, which named as the sanjak, the qadâ and the nâhiye like the other classic provinces in the empire in the sixteenth century.

The Atlas of the Near East offers an in-depth examination of the economic, social, and demographic dynamics of the Arab Near East, defined here as Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, and Palestine, in the period from 1918 to 2010. It discusses the central problem of aridity, the effects of foreign domination, Arab nationalism, Baʿathism, and communitarianism. It addresses the makeup of the population, the region’s development, economic issues, cities, and urban areas. It assesses the partition of Palestine and the geography of the Occupied Territories, and concludes with a chapter on the geopolitics of the Near East. With numerous maps, charts, and data published for the first time, it is key to a comprehensive understanding of the region.

The book is about the unique embroidery of Ottoman city of Marash (currently Kahramanmarash in Turkey). The describes needlework techniques, symbols and their meanings and provides new interpretations to the patterns and symbols. The work is a contribution to the fields of Armenian Needlework and Ottoman History. It is not just noteworthy for the unique materials gathered during several field works in Syria and Turkey but  also a remarkable album of photographs and skillfully drawn old and modern samples of lacework. The book is both in English and Armenian