Squatters

In this essay I want to figure out in which ways the Squat Group Kinderen van Mokum fit into what we know about contemporary problems in Amsterdam, especially concerning the youth. In analysing literature and comparing that to the characteristics of the activist group, I want to know in what way the activism of Kinderen van Mokum is a response to the problems that young people face in Amsterdam.

... Opportunities to secure a regular job and income are of critical importance for integration of the squatter ... [22]Akbar HMD, Minnery JR, Horen BV, Smith P. Community Water Supply for the Urban Poor in ... Article | PDF (144 K) | View Record in Scopus | Cited By in Scopus (6). ...

En questionnant la capacité des acteurs publics à gouverner les squats et les bidonvilles qui persistent dans les régions de Paris et de Madrid, l'ouvrage explique les mécanismes du gouvernement différentiel des illégalismes de logement des années 1960 à nos jours. La recherche montre que les squats et les bidonvilles sont gouvernés, mais de façon discontinue et par des politiques aux formes diverses. Elle démontre que l'ingouvernabilité est construite par les acteurs publics pour justifier le couplage d'une « inaction publique »-que l'auteur conçoit comme stratégique (et non défaillante)-et de politiques de l'exception. L'ingouvernabilité constitue ainsi à la fois un répertoire discursif justifiant le retrait de l'action publique et un mode de gouvernance qui entretient les politiques de l'urgence, policières et humanitaires, et autorise les bricolages partiels et ponctuels. Mais lorsque les acteurs publics y trouvent des intérêts pour se positionner comme leaders de la gouvernance métropolitaine multiniveaux, des politiques publiques autonomes peuvent s'institutionnaliser autour d'administrations, d'instruments et de budgets propres. Dans tous les cas, les politiques sélectionnent et contraignent des bénéficiaires qui sont relogés ou dont l'habitat est temporairement légalisé, tout en refoulant des victimes, expulsées de lieurs lieux de vie sans proposition de relogement. Les politiques produisent autant d'illégalité qu'elles n'en résorbent. Derrière ces invariants, notamment issus des effets propres des instruments, l'ouvrage identifie quatre variables clés pour expliquer la diversité des effets de l'instrumentation des politiques : les niveaux d'institutionnalisation, les logiques sectorielles, les échelles d'action et le comportement des cibles qui contribuent à la conception des instruments, en neutralisent les contraintes et en détournent les ressources. L'ouvrage explicite alors les conditions dans lesquelles des protestataires peuvent faire changer l'action publique.

Abstract

Addressing the issue of ungovernability of squats and illegal settlements in the Capital Regions of Paris and Madrid, the book explains the mechanisms of differential government of housing illegalisms since the sixties. The book shows that squats and illegal slums are governed, but in a discontinuous way and by diverse forms of policies. It demonstrates that ungovernability is built by public actors in order to justify alternatively inaction and policies of exception. Ungovernability is a discursive repertory that justifies the disengagement of policies. But it is also a mode of governance that supports emergency policies, implemented by police agencies and NGOs, and that allows policy makers to set up only local and temporary rehousing and social programs. However, as policy makers are rent-seekers, when they find interests to become leaders of the competitive multilevel urban governance, they activate agendas and implement institutionalized and autonomous policies. They create specific administrations, instruments and budgets. Policies select and constraint beneficiaries and evict victims. Thus, policies produce as much illegality as they resolve it. Beside these invariants produced by the sui generis own effects of policy instruments, the book identifies four key variables whose combinations explain the policy outcomes diversity: the level of institutionalization, the sectorial logics, the scale of actions, and the behaviour of targeted groups who participate to the instruments conception. Squatters and slum dwellers resist, they neutralize constraints and divert resources. Finally, the book elaborates a model that identifies the conditions in which challengers and social movements can change public policies.

This paper is really a sorting out of who was squatting where on the NSW/Victora border in East Gippsland. It was a spin off from my research into fire regiems in the Delegate River catchment.

Nowdays much of the research would be undertaken from my computer at home accessing Trove and other databases with on-line maps and plans.

In France, 20,000 people live in informal slums. Since the end of the 1990s, they are targeted by systematic repressive policies that have contributed to put them in forced mobility and to racialize poverty. As a consequence, the practice of squatting lands has been depoliticized through the building of the so-called " Roma question ". Thousands of migrants coming from Eastern Europe have been associated with informal slums considered as their " natural " living place and are categorized as nomads. This " Roma question " has constituted an important obstacle in France for social movements to push officials to implement alternative housing and social policies because it constitutes an obstacle against the politicization both of the policies towards slums and the practice of squatting. This chapter analyzes how informal settlements and their inhabitants have been racialized since the 1960s by the state policies and the media, and how this process has impeded the disruptive use of squatting by these groups and their supporters, while NGOS only mobilize conventional resources to stop evictions and claim for new rights, but without using illegality as a disruptive political resource. State policies have created a regime of exception that inhibits the migrants to take risk in collective action. However, the chapter also shows that slum dwellers are able to silently resist to constraints and exploit resources in order to survive in the core of the metropolitan area.

Résumé : En France, 20 000 personnes vivent dans des bidonvilles. Depuis la fin des années 1990, elles sont systématiquement victimes d'évacuations policières qui les ont forcées à la mobilité et ont contribué à la racialisation de la pauvreté urbaine. En conséquent, l'occupation illégale de l'espace urbain a été dépolitisée dans les débats autour de la dite « question rom ». Des milliers de migrants d'Europe de l'Est ont été associés aux bidonvilles alors considérés comme le lieu de vie « naturel » des pauvres et des nomades. En dépolitisant la pratique du squat, la « question rom » a constitué un important frein au développement de mouvements sociaux capables de pousser les élus à mettre en oeuvre des politiques du logement et sociales alternatives. Dans un ouvrage collectif qui cherche à étudier les éventuels liens entre squat et migration, ce chapitre, démontre en quoi la dépolitisation de l'occupation illégale de terrains via le développement de la « question rom » a empêché le développement de mouvements sociaux capables de pousser les élus à concevoir des politiques du logement et sociales alternatives aux expulsions dont les habitants sont systématiquement victimes depuis la fin des années 1990. L'Etat a conçu un régime d'exception qui empêche les migrants et les plus pauvres résidents de bidonvilles de prendre le risque de mener des actions illégales pour réclamer leurs droits et qui cantonne les ONGs à employer des modes d'action conventionnels. Mais le chapitre montre aussi que les bidonvilles sont des lieux de résistance silencieuse et d'exploitation subversive des ressources urbaines.

This paper focuses on the urban graffiti painted with a political message by different
movements of the Italian political radicalism in the cities of Rome, Florence, Massa,
Carrara, Verona and Udine. For the purpose of this article, during the period from June
2011 to June 2012, a total of 165 graffiti have been photographed, of which 83 painted by
neo-fascist groups, 72 by extreme left groups and 10 by anarchist groups. These three
macro communities, made of different subgroups, emerged as the most active in expressing
their antagonism towards the parliamentary parties with their graffiti that combine semantic
(words) and semiotic (images) elements. An analysis of the collected graffiti’s language
form, meaning and context allows for the identification of the variety of styles of
communication adopted by the different political antagonisms and the different contents of
their communication through graffiti as well as the key elements of their political identities.
Key words: political radicalism, graffiti, linguistics

Co-authored with Mori Mayumi. This essay introduces the stories of four former residents of a municipal housing complex built in the late 1950s in central Tokyo. In the immediate aftermath of World War II, the interviewees and their families had found shelter in and around an abandoned Imperial Japanese Army base. After moving them into concrete housing blocks in order to hide their settlement prior to Tokyo's hosting of the Olympics in 1964, the city moved them again in preparation for the 2020 Olympics. Their stories reveal the ways that war and defeat left the city's population to fend for themselves, as well as the long tug-of-war that ensued between the interests of settlers and those of the municipal and national governments.

Since Myanmar has opened up toward a more urban, industrial, and service-based economy, more people from rural areas leave their hometowns and migrate to big cities to attain formal education and higher-paying work in urban centers. Yangon, the capital city, has had the highest level of migration since 2008. An UN-Habitat study identified 423 informal settlements covering a land area of 1822.31 acres, approximately 1.23 % of the city’s total land area. Consequently, the ugly truth of the capital’s growing proliferation of informal/squatter settlements and poor living conditions has become evident.
This study focuses on determining how architecture attempts to address these informal settlements by exploring the characteristics of better living environments in resettlement areas.
Thus, the thesis question is:  What kind of new system and typologies can create new affordable housing for informal settlers' resettlement both financially and economically?  In this context, affordable low-cost housing is defined as a housing unit that is affordable to low- to moderate-income households, is cost-effective, and can be adopted within a household’s long-term installment budget. Based on the on-going projects and relevant literature, the study of housing with a vernacular identity, informal settlements, and resettlement housing can advance the research on affordable housing. It can help provide a solution to the informal settlements in Myanmar by establishing guidelines for resettling different squatters' different types into their respective locations.
This study can also help to address the squatters according to their needs and desires from a location. While architecture cannot solve everything and has many political, social, and economic problems, this study explores its extent in this particular scenario.
Keywords: Affordable housing, Cost-effective, Informal/Squatter resettlement, Traditional practice,
Vernacular identities, Resettlement housing

An ethnographic study of Smokey Mountain, a dump site community in Metro Manila, Philippines reveals a well-organized ecological niche that sustains people and community.  But because the dump site is a public land, insecurity of home tenure is a major concern as state authorities or private interests can force their relocation to places far from jobs and livelihood. For the time being, Smokey Mountain that over the years is the source of their salvation and the roots of their tragedy as well.

Diese Arbeit befasst sich mit der Besetzung des sog. Heusnerviertels in Bochum ab 1980. Aus einem studentischen Verlangen nach bezahlbarem Wohnraum und den Forderungen der Bochumer Jugendlichen nach einem Soziokulturellen Zentrum entwickelte sich Beginn der 1980er Jahre einer der größten deutschen Besetzerzusammenhänge. Mitten im Ruhrgebiet entstand so ein Ort für politisch aktive Jugendliche, Punks, Außenseiter und Abhängige.
Besonders wird das sog. Heusnerviertel, neben seiner Größe, durch die guten Verbindungen der Besetzer zu anderen Projekten aber auch durch die Probleme, welche die Besetzer mit der Stadtregierung bezüglich der Stadtentwicklung hatten. Eine bereits vor dem 2. Weltkrieg geplante und von vielen Seiten kritisierte Umgehungsstraße führte letztendlich zur Räumung und Abriss des Heusnerviertels.

Diese Arbeit befasst sich sowohl mit der Geschichte, dem Protest und den Nachwirkungen dieser Besetzung. Geht dabei vor allem auf die persönlichen Erfahrungen der Besetzer ein welche über Interviews, graue Literatur sowie eine selbstveröffentlichte Dokumentation eingefangen wurden.

Anàlisi socio-històric del moviment okupa del Baix Llobregat entre els anys 1985 i 2006. El Baix Llobregat és una de les comarques del cinturó industrial de Barcelona i una de les que ha comptat amb un moviment d'okupacions més dinàmic, emblemàtic i popular.

Informality is usually defined as the whole practices that escape from the state and the radar of the administrations. Yet, informality is not invisible and causes conflicts around the way it is possible to produce knowledge about it. The article, which focuses on slums upgrading policies in Madrid (Spain) since the 1960s, sheds light on urban informality by locating itself at the crossroads of two types of literature: the anthropol- ogy of ignorance and the sociology of public policies. It shows how the institutionalization of these resorption policies was based on the constitution of important statistical and mapping devices but that a large part of the phenomenon (the big slum of the Cañada Real Galiana) was deliberately left out of these official public knowledge devices in order to avoid putting on the political agenda what appeared to be a reserve of informal- ity necessary to host of populations evicted elsewhere. It also shows that residents have mobilized to resist this exclusion and produce alternative knowledge about their neighbourhood. The article concludes that shantytowns, and more generally urban informality, are at the crossroads of processes of formalization and informalization that overlap on struggles for the production of knowledge or ignorance.

This is a riveting travelogue that narrates the stories and lives of activist
architects, politicians and radical communities in pursuit of a more
dignified existence for the inhabitants of barrios, barriadas, villas miserias and favelas across South America.
McGuirk visits radical communities, for instance Túpac Amaru in Argentina, he meets with the squatters occupying the Torre David, an empty and unfinished office building in the centre of Caracas. He explores the projects and picks the brains of several activist architects, including Alejandro Aravena of Elemental and Alfredo Brillembourg and Hubert Klumpner of Urban Think Tank.

Sinds 2010 is het kraken van een pand een misdrijf. Na deze verandering in de wet is er ook veel veranderd voor de krakers zelf. Voorheen mochten zij gewoon kraken; nadat een pand een jaar leeg had gestaan, werd de voordeur geforceerd en de politie op de hoogte gebracht. Tegenwoordig staan de krakers een stuk slechter in hun recht: Het is officieel illegaal geworden. Dit onderzoek tracht de maatschappelijke positionering van post-legale Amsterdamse krakers in kaart te brengen, om te snappen hoe gemarginaliseerde groepen omgaan met een stad die steeds minder geografische en legale ruimte geeft aan deze groepen.  Mensen die profiteren van gentrificatie produceren een dominante cultuur die krakers benadeelt. Krakers vertrouwen hierdoor niet op de overheid om alsnog rechtvaardigheid te bewerkstelligen. In plaats daarvan zullen zij autonoom ruimtes creëren om hun rechten en cultuur in te beoefenen uit belang van het beschermen van vrijheid en diversiteit.

This contribution has several theoretical aims: to question the implicit aspects of the concept of repertory of action, to propose a typification of the modes of action ; to indicate leads for a joint analysis of the instrumental and discursive repertories implemented by the organizations ; to reconsider the historical ruptures stressed by Charles Tilly ; and finally to think of the organisational and contextual conditions supporting the use of direct actions. This paper is empirically grounded on the study of the genesis of a specific mode of action, squat, between 1880 and 1914, and based on a work on archives and on etymology. We show in particular that the
passage from "resistance" to "contest", in which prevails the "claimed", supposes a particular form of relation to politics which constituted in itself a significant stake of struggles between various groups, at the beginning of this century.

This essay highlights the main characteristics of the architecture of the Welsh house and provides an analysis of the influences on its design over the centuries. The various terms involved in the field are clearly explained before the discussion is expanded, and pertinent examples are used of different forms of architecture in Wales and their locations, demonstrating effectively the factors that influenced design and its development over the years.

Dall’osservazione dello spazio urbano della città di Roma, effettuato fra gennaio 2011 e giugno 2012, sono stati censiti e documentati 247 graffiti. Ciò che viene presentato in questo saggio è una prima analisi tematica del materiale raccolto. A questa centrale riflessione se ne accompagnano altre incentrate sul contributo che lo studio del graffitismo, osservato e documentato nello spazio urbano e linguistico della capitale italiana, può offrire relativamente a tematiche quali, per esempio, il rapporto diamesico fra lingua scritta e parlata, l’analisi delle varietà giovanili, le interferenze del dialetto e la creazione di neologismi.

L'interesse che muove questo lavoro di ricerca è quello di osservare l'incidenza del fenomeno “emergenza abitativa” sul tessuto sociale della metropoli contemporanea, analizzando nello specifico le soggettività coinvolte nella questione abitativa e le manifestazioni di conflitto sociale ad essa collegate.
Lo scopo di quest'analisi è quello di dimostrare che la problematica della casa è direttamente connessa al modello di sviluppo capitalistico e rappresenta uno dei nodi principali attorno al quale si articolano le rivendicazioni dei movimenti sociali contemporanei; a questo proposito verrà osservata la correlazione tra peculiarità della struttura politico-economica e grado d'intensità del conflitto sociale legato alla questione abitativa in due contesti: quello Berlinese e quello Romano.
La complessità dell'argomento preso in esame e le differenze endemiche ai due casi specifici implicano la necessità di scomporre il fenomeno al fine di isolare gli aspetti che determinano la sua riproduzione, indagando in chiave dialettica il rapporto tra le modificazioni relative al mercato immobiliare, le fasi delle politiche pubbliche in materia di housing ed i cambiamenti nello spazio urbano.
Allo stesso tempo si evince la necessità di contestualizzare la problematica: nella prima parte dello studio verranno quindi ripercorse le tappe che hanno caratterizzato i processi di urbanizzazione, attraverso l'analisi di alcune teorie sociologiche che trattano l'evoluzione della città moderna ed osservano le trasformazioni connesse all'abitare inteso come fenomeno sociale.
La metodologia utilizzata nello svolgimento della ricerca è di tipo qualitativo: lo studio dei casi è stato effettuato tramite un osservazione partecipata dei contesti di movimento supportata dallo strumento dell'intervista non strutturata, contemporaneamente sono stati analizzati i dati statistici e testuali forniti dalle fonti ufficiali in merito alla rilevanza della questione abitativa nei due differenti scenari.

Informal housing communities of semi-autonomous urban migrants emerged rapidly at the margins of Southeast Asian cities and Hong Kong after World War II. Their development constituted an important moment in postwar social history: the dwellers eked out a livelihood on land which initially lay beyond official control, relying on family, kinship and community ties to cope with the challenges of employment, environmental disaster and eviction. What was also historic was the response of the colonial and postcolonial states to the informal housing.
Influenced partly by the advice of international experts on the need for controlled development, the region’s governments criminalised the informal housing as illegal, represented their dwellers as socially inert and warned of the dire impact such unplanned settlement, like a contagion, would have on the character and future of the society and nation. To varying degrees, they also undertook to either resettle the dwellers in emergency public housing or reorganise social life in the settlements through aided self-help. In only the former British-ruled city-states of Singapore and Hong Kong did the authorities succeed in transforming the face and character of the city; elsewhere, the pressure of patronage politics and the preference for “prestige projects’ greatly limited the scope of the actual reorganisation. Drawing upon James Scott’s concept of “high modernist’ planning and social governance, this paper examines the origins and development of informal settlements in urban Southeast Asia and Hong Kong and the different outcomes of state efforts to transform their residents into “squatters’, colonial subjects and, finally, model citizens of new nation-states.

El número de actores involucrados en el comercio en vía pública de la Ciudad de México, teje formas particulares de redes sociales entre comerciantes formales e informales, autoridades y organizaciones. En el desarrollo cotidiano del comercio informal, como una estrategia de supervivencia o como una forma de emprendi- miento y autoempleo, hombres y mujeres establecen redes sociales fundamentales para ingresar y permanecer. Los vínculos fuertes (la pareja, la familia, los amigos) en primer lugar, y los vínculos débiles, en segundo (con el líder y otros comerciantes en vía pública) son los más importantes.

PT:
A presente pesquisa busca revelar a relação entre os modos de produção artística popular e o processo de produção espacial no sentido social, cultural e urbano. Isso, por meio da análise de um projeto de arte insurgente inserido em um contexto específico: a II Bienal de Artes da Ocupação Ouvidor 63, “Outros Mundos Possíveis”. O evento que tem a sua origem em uma ocupação de cunho artístico no centro de São Paulo e habitada por mais de 140 pessoas, se desdobra em outros locais da cidade, próximos ao prédio do Ouvidor 63.
Concomitantemente e por meio do caso de estudo, é abordada a intersecção entre a histórica marginalização dos movimentos de luta por moradia e o surgimento de espaços emergenciais de produção cultural — ora reconhecidos, ora desconsiderado pelo circuito institucional—, onde a integração social e a deselitização da arte são chave. Interessa problematizar se tal cruzamento, observado no caso da II Bienal de Artes Ouvidor 63, pode ser entendido enquanto exercício de micropolítica, ou seja, como dinâmica que opera desde o desejo e a experiência de cada sujeito que compõe um determinado grupo ou modo de organização social, capaz de elaborar uma análise e posterior evolução do mesmo. 
Assim, a pesquisa se divide em três momentos. O primeiro apresenta o estado de arte do objeto — temporalmente situado entre fevereiro e setembro de 2018 — , mediante depoimentos dos atores(as) envolvidos(as), levantamento fotográfico e cartográfico da espacialização de ações e atividades, além de uma seleção de trabalhos produzidos no âmbito da II Bienal de Artes Ouvidor 63. Já o segundo analisa o projeto e seu contexto imediato — a Ocupação Ouvidor 63 —, ao lado tanto de instâncias de invisibilização institucional que atingem diretamente à ocupação, como de distintos projetos artísticos insurgentes desenvolvidos nas últimas décadas em São Paulo. O terceiro momento entrecruza os antecedentes do objeto de pesquisa com o lugar que este ocupa na sociedade. Essa análise é feita mediante a revisão bibliográfica de autores como Suely Rolnik, Gilles Deleuze, Félix Guattari, Moacir dos Anjos e Michel de Certeau. 
Em tempos de crise política, cerceamento perante o campo das artes e da cultura, além de forte demanda de acesso igualitário às zonas qualificadas da cidade, essa pesquisa busca analisar a pertinência dos modos dissidentes de produção artística na ressignificação de espaços urbanos abandonados e como via para a problematização de questões socioculturais, na cidade de São Paulo. 

ESP:
La presente investigación busca revelar la relación entre los modos de producción artística popular y el proceso de producción espacial en el sentido social, cultural y urbano. Esto, mediante el análisis de un proyecto de arte insurgente inserto en un contexto especifico: la II Bienal de Artes da Ocupação Ouvidor 63, “Otros Mundos Posibles”. El evento que se origina en una ocupación de caracter artístico, localizada en el centro de São Paulo y habitada por más de 140 personas, se despliega en otros puntos de la ciudad, cercanos al edificio de Ouvidor 63.
Paralelamente y através del caso de estudio, es abordada la intersección entre la histórica marginalización de los movimientos de lucha por la vivienda y el surgimiento de espacios de producción cultural en situaciones de emergencia — en ocaciones reconocidos, en otras ignorados por el circuito institucional  —, donde la integración social y la deselitización del arte son clave. Interesa problematizar se tal cruce, observado en el caso de la II Bienal de Artes Ouvidor 63, puede ser entendido como ejercicio de micropolítica, es decir, como dinámica que opera desde el deseo y la experiencia de cada sujeto que compone un determinado grupo o modo de organización social, capaz de elaborar un análisis y posterior evolución del mismo.
Así, la investigación se divide en tres momentos. El primero presenta el estado del arte del objeto —  situado temporalmente entre febrero y septiembre de 2018 — , mediante testimonios de los actores(as) involucrados(as), levantamiento fotográfico y cartográfico de la especialización de acciones y actividades, además de una selección de trabajos producidos en el marco de la II Bienal de Artes Ouvidor 63. El segundo, analiza el objeto y su contexto inmediato — la Ocupación Ouvidor 63 —, junto tanto a instancias de invisibilidad institucional que afectan directamente a la ocupación, como a proyectos artísticos insurgentes desarrollados durante las últimas décadas en São Paulo. El tercer momento entrelaza los antecedentes del objeto de investigación con el lugar que este ocupa en la sociedad. El análisis se realiza a través de la revisión bibliográfica de autores como Suely Rolnik, Gilles Deleuze, Félix Guattari, Moacir dos Anjos e Michel de Certeau. 
En tiempos de crisis politica, de opresión en el campo de las artes y la cultura, además de una fuerte demanda por la igualdad de acceso a las zonas mejor equipadas de la ciudad, esta investigación busca analisar la pertinencia de los modos disidentes de producción artística en la resignificación de espacios urbanos abandonados y como camino para la problematización de asuntos socioculturales, en la ciudad de São Paulo.

This article puts forward two main arguments. First, it highlights the relation between different phases of neoliberalism in Morocco together with the specific methods and techniques of urban government that were deployed in efforts to govern the slums and their populations. A period of roll back neoliberalism during the 1980s generated reforms that tried to increase government control over the urban territory to compensate for the negative social outcomes of structural adjustment. The subsequent period of roll out neoliberalism coincided with the attempt to manage and regulate the slum population as such, through new modalities of state intervention. Secondly, while evolutions in neoliberal government reflected a gradual process, this transition in Morocco was accelerated by security concerns following two severe moments of urban violence: the 1981 riots and the 2003 suicide bombings in Casablanca. Therefore, Morocco’s recent political transformations cannot be understood in terms provided by the mainstream narrative linking economic liberalization to democratization. Rather, it reflects a profound shift towards intrinsically authoritarian modalities of neoliberal government which are clearly revealed at the urban scale.

El següent article pretén reflexionar sobre un dels
actors que ha denunciat de manera més
contundent i continuada el problema de la manca
d’habitatge i d’espais de sociabilitat no
mercantilitzats. L’okupació d’immobles abandonats
és un fenomen antic, però la seva constitució en
tant que moviment social es remunta a la dècada
dels 70. És durant aquesta dècada quan es
popularitzen les okupacions a països com
Alemanya, Holanda, Itàlia o Gran Bretanya. Al
nostre país, però, no és fins al 1984, quan es
produeixen les primeres okupacions reivindicades
en el barri de Gràcia a Barcelona. De fet, no és fins
al 1996 amb la conjunció de diversos factors
d’oportunitat (criminalització de l’okupació a través
del Codi Penal, okupació i desallotjament violent
del Cinema Princesa, acumulació de forces del
propi moviment) que aquest moviment no dóna el
salt a l’Agenda Pública. A continuació presentarem
breument el context sociopolític on es desenvolupa
el moviment; apuntarem els principals impactes
que ha tingut el moviment en les polítiques
públiques i acabarem amb un reflexió comparada
de cara a abordar la temàtica de l’okupació des de
les institucions.

Starting from the observation of the paucity of comparisons between Northern and Southern squatting, this chapter analyzes the obstacles to such comparisons and tries to open pathways to develop a comparative research agenda beyond regional studies. Squatted settlements are bigger in the South, squatting policies are much more institutionalized in the South, forms of collective action diverge, and local contexts are extremely different. However, we believe that conceptual, methodological and contextual problems can be overcome by adopting a political economy approach emphasizing toleration and formalization policies as a common point of departure in order to address the puzzling question of persistence of illegal housing in both hemispheres. We identify three main reasons that explain the persistence of squats and slums in the 21 st century, not only due to policy failures. Firstly, public administrations contribute to create illegality by planning the city for growth and attractiveness. Secondly, they strategically tolerate illegal housing to defend economic and political interests. Finally, both Northern and Southern squatters collectively organize to resist evictions and to survive in cities in times of crisis. Behind these common results, we argue that each research tradition can learn from the other and their synthesis mutually contributes to the improvement of our knowledge of illegality, informal housing and urban policies.

The ongoing refugee streams that derive from the recent conflict in the Middle East are a central issue to the growing socio-political debate about the different facets of contemporary crisis. While borders, in the era of globalization, constitute porous passages for capital goods and labor market, at the same time they function as new enclosures for migrant and refugee populations. Nevertheless, these human flows contest border regimes and exclusionary urban policies and create a nexus of emerging common spaces. Following the recent spatial approaches on " commons " and " enclosures " (Dellenbaugh et al., 2015; Harvey, 2012; Stavrides, 2016) this paper focuses on the dialectic between the refugees' solidarity housing commons and the State-run refugee camps. Particularly, I examine the case of Greece, a country that is situated in the SouthEast End of the European Union close to Asia and Africa; hence it is in the epicenter of the current refugee crisis and I pinpoint in the case of Athens, the capital of Greece and the main refugee transit city.

Squats are of notable importance in the punk scene in Poland, and these spaces are a key aspect of the relationship between anarchism and punk. However, the overlap of squatting, punk, and anarchism is not without its tensions. This article, drawn from ethnographic research carried out between 2013 and 2014, explores the issues around punk and anarchist squats in Poland, looking at: criticisms levelled at punk squats by 'non-punk' squatting activists (e.g. Przychodnia in Warsaw); instances of squats as a hub for a wide spectrum of anarchist activity (e.g. the 'anarchist Mecca' of Rozbrat in Poznań); and the repression of squatting in Poland through eviction and legalisation (affecting all squats in some form). (Other squats and social centres mentioned here include Elba and ADA Puławska in Warsaw, Wagenburg and CRK in Wrocław, and Od:zysk in Poznań.) Among the various squats, there were tensions around approaches and tactics identified as 'more anarchist' or 'less anarchist' – this speaks to the supposed 'workerist'/'lifestylist' dichotomy within anarchism more widely, but the lived experience of the squatters is shown here to be far too complex to be encompassed in any false binary.

This thesis addresses Punk, a youth subculture based on music, and analyzes its emergence and development in Portugal. Through previous international context, the paper aims to highlight, by analyzing the impact of Punk and its various substyles had in our country, that the dynamics of globalization, although predominantly economic and financial, are also of cultural and artistic.

The dissertation analyzes the main factors of this urban tribe and the contributions given by it to the Portuguese culture, ending with the case study of the earliest punk band
currently in activity, Mata-Ratos.