Squatting

Stephen E Hunt has produced the definitive account of Street Farm (Graham Caine, Peter Crump and
Bruce Haggart), a London-based collective of anarchist architects working in the early 1970s.
The three friends put together Street Farmer, an underground paper that, alongside mutating tower
blocks, cosmic tractors and sprouting one-way signs, propagated ideas for the radical transformation
of urban living which they called ‘revolutionary urbanism’.
Taking inspiration from Situationism and social ecology, Street Farm offered a powerful vision of
green cities in the control of ordinary people. As well as writing and drawing, the group took part in
street activism and squatting, were exponents of autonomous housing and radical technology and
became rock ’n’ roll architects, going on the road with multimedia slideshow presentations to a
recorded soundtrack of music by the likes of John Lennon and Jefferson Airplane.
In 1972 Caine built and designed ‘Street Farmhouse’ with Haggart and other friends. It hit national and
international headlines as the first structure intentionally constructed as an ecological house,
appearing on an early BBC documentary introduced by a youthful Melvin Bragg. While their fame was
brief, their ongoing influence on prominent green architects including Howard Liddell, Brenda Vale and Robert Vale and Paul Downton has been more enduring.

Questa ricerca è un’analisi dell’arena delle politiche abitative nella città di Firenze. Sono stati tenuti in considerazione due focus principali: da un lato, l’analisi dell’arena delle politiche per la casa, attraverso uno studio delle relazioni fra i principali soggetti collettivi coinvolti, con particolare attenzione ai meccanismi di cooperazione e conflitto fra attori pubblici e altri soggetti; dall’altro il tema dei movimenti urbani, con l’emergenza di una possibile messa in discussione del paradigma dei Nuovi Movimenti Sociali, attraverso la sua integrazione con il concetto di Diritto alla Città (elaborato a partire dalla formulazione originaria di Lefebvre).

A partire dai concetti di regime urbano (come formulato da Stone) e di governance (costruito principalmente seguendo Le Galés), è emerso un quadro che vede i due principali soggetti pubblici (Comune e Regione) come centrali nella produzione delle politiche abitative. Nel periodo in esame, la contrattazione direttamente collegata all’implementazione delle politiche tende a prodursi solamente a partire da un impulso proveniente dal settore pubblico. Intorno a questi attori si addensa un gruppo di soggetti privati, a partire da sindacati e associazioni degli imprenditori. Questi soggetti vengono coinvolti attraverso meccanismi tendenzialmente formali, standardizzati e tecnici. mentre al momento sembrano essere poco presenti le iniziative di carattere politico, di disegno e progettazione degli interventi.

La cooperazione fra altri attori privati e pubblici sembra quindi essere improntata a una instabilità non impossibilitante. Questo significa che, a fronte di una relazione tendenzialmente instabile, non sembrano esserci momenti di rottura talmente forti da far pensare a una fuoriuscita, soprattutto per quel che riguarda i sindacati, dal rapporto dialogico. A differenza di quanto avviene per questi, il locale Movimento di Lotta per la Casa non è considerato come legittimamente inserito fra i soggetti con i quali si può pensare di sviluppare un dialogo. Dal punto di vista del Movimento, il repertorio comunicativo è sviluppato in maniera consapevole ed adattiva. Questo emerge con particolare evidenza nel corso delle azioni di picchettaggio anti-sfratto. Durante gli sfratti con forza pubblica, la presenza fisica degli attivisti ha il triplice obiettivo di impedire lo sfratto, bloccando fisicamente la sua esecuzione; di mandare un messaggio simbolico di forza e unità; e di dialogare con assistenti sociali, ufficiale giudiziario e proprietà per trovare un accordo che impedisca la perdita della casa o che trovi soluzioni alternative soddisfacenti per gli inquilini. Il Movimento allora cerca una strategia che li porta a problematizzare sia il confine fra azione simbolica e azione materialistica e quello fra politica istituzionale-negoziale e politica dell’azione diretta e del conflitto sociale

Un ulteriore aspetto particolarmente interessante che emerge dalla ricerca è la creazione di sacche di esclusione a partire dalle politiche di inclusione abitativa. Nessuno fra gli attori intervistati mette in discussione il fatto che la casa sia un diritto universale, ma nella applicazione concreta delle politiche abitative si trovano diversi elementi che contribuiscono a creare delle distinzioni fra soggetti: quella fra individui “meritevoli” e individui “non meritevoli”; il privilegio accordato ad alcune categorie, con la conseguente parziale esclusione di altre; l’esistenza di soggetti considerati “intrattabili” attraverso l’intervento abitativo.

La ricerca si è svolta nel periodo fra settembre 2015 e giugno 2016 ed è stata caratterizzata dall’utilizzo dei seguenti strumenti: analisi delle dichiarazioni pubbliche e dei documenti prodotti da i principali soggetti in esame; interviste semi-strutturate a testimoni privilegiati; osservazione (semi-)partecipante alle attività del Movimento Lotta per la Casa.

This visual essay explores how architecture can become a site, subject, and agent of cultural protest when it is reclaimed by contemporary urban movements. Numerous urban movements have formed in Brazil and across Latin America to counteract pervasive social injustices related to housing access, women rights, racial inequality , and poverty. Gathering hundreds of thousands of low-income families, homeless movements are among Brazil's most radical and emblematic grassroots movements, occupying numerous vacant buildings and obsolete terrains. How, then, are such movements capitalising on the agency of architecture to protest perceived injustices while simultaneously demonstrating alternative proposals? This visual essay uncovers social injustices through images taken by the author.

Análisis sobre el impacto del movimiento okupa en las polítcas públicas en el Estado español hasta el año 2004. Se comprueba que el impacto en las políticas de vivienda o juventud ha sido más bien bajo. Sin embargo, el movimiento ha tenido cierta resonancia social en su denuncia de la especulación inmobiliaria. Por otro lado se analizan algunas experiencias concretas de negociación para la "legalización" de las edificaciones okupadas.

Πτυχιακή εργασία που εκπονήθηκε το ακαδημαϊκό έτος 2019-20
στα πλαίσια του προπτυχιακού προγράμματος σπουδών του τμήματος Οικονομικών Επιστημών του Πανεπιστημίου Θεσσαλίας.

Βαλιάντζας Ζαχαρίας (Ζάχος)

Επιβλέπων καθηγητής : Αρβανιτίδης Πασχάλης, αναπληρωτής καθηγητής

Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλίας Σχολή Οικονομικών και Διοικητικών Επιστημών

Vor 30 Jahren, am 28. März 1980, fand in der Kreuzberger Cuvrystraße das erste gemeinsame Treffen der sogenannten Instandbesetzer statt. Dort wurden weitere wöchentlichen Treffen vereinbart und ein gemeinsamer „Besetzerrat“ gegründet. Damit war das wichtigste organisatorische Standbein der West-Berliner Hausbesetzerbewegung entstanden, welches die politische Szenerie der Stadt in den 80er Jahren wesentlich prägen und – anders als die zehn Jahre später folgende Welle der Hausbesetzungen in Ost-Berlin – großen Einfluss auf den Wandel der Stadterneuerungsstrategien ausüben sollte.

This article analyses the contribution of housing squats and Housing Rights Movements (HRMs) in Rome in envisioning a new model of public estates that could respond to the surge and complexification of the post-2008 housing crisis. The first part of the article fleshes out the theoretical and methodological framework for investigating the peculiarities of housing squats in comparison to other forms of housing informality and urban squatting. In the second part, it analyses the development and composition of housing struggles since the post-Second World War. It then details the new demographics of the housing crisis in Rome to provide a framework for the innovation in the HRMs' confrontational politics and demands towards a more comprehensive notion of the 'right to the city'. Their emphasis upon the role of city developers and real estate agents, and the opposition towards the exclusionary nature of contemporary social welfare, have in fact redirected squatting actions towards different urban vacancies that are repurposed for habitation. I conclude by suggesting that these practices prefigure a new model of public housing estates that is economically, environmentally sustainable and socially inclusive, whereby it pivots around use value and commoning.

L'articolo presenta il caso-studio realizzato al Quarticciolo, quartiere ERP situato nella periferia est di Roma. In primis si inquadra il contesto di studio e si esamina la composizione sociale degli abitanti e le tipologie di condizione abitativa. In seguito si analizzano le pratiche di accesso informale agli alloggi popolari e le istanze che muovono il "Comitato di quartiere Quarticciolo". Obiettivo della ricerca è comprendere le motivazioni e i significati politici assunti dalle pratiche dal basso nei quartieri in cui il disinvestimento delle amministrazioni pubbliche è alto. Le informazioni sono state raccolte attraverso fonti secondarie e metodi qualitativi, come interviste semi-strutturate e osservazione partecipante.

The squatting of popular housing spaces in Rome. The case study of Quarticciolo: genesis and meanings of a phenomenal collective Abstract The article presents a research on the informal access to public housing and on the instances of the "Quarticciolo neighbourhood committee", in the eastern suburban area Quarticciolo that is a popular housing district. The study examines the context and it analyses the social composition of the inhabitants and the different types of housing conditions. The research objective is to understand the political meanings and motivations assumed by bottom-up practices in neighbourhoods where the public administration's disengagement is high. The data have been collected through secondary sources and qualitative methods.

PUBLISHER: Palgrave Macmillan
DATE OF RELEASE: 23 April 2021

Purchase link here: https://www.palgrave.com/gp/book/9783030708481

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This book tells the story of Metropoliz, a vacant salami factory located in the Eastern periphery of Rome (Italy) that was squatted in 2009 by homeless households with the cooperation of the Housing Rights Movement Blocchi Precari Metropolitani, and progressively reconverted into the house and museum spaces that form the Città Meticcia (the mestizo city). Through a vivid activist-ethnographic account, Margherita Grazioli suggests that Metropoliz exemplifies a practice of grassroots urban regeneration that speaks to the conflicted reconfiguration of real estate urban regimes in a post-crisis, post-neoliberal scenario. Using the contentious reappropriation of housing as a point of departure for claiming manifold rights, Metropoliz represents an alternative model of urbanity and habitation that will inspire contemporary urban social movements concerned with the demand of the ‘right to the city’, as well as those concerned with the ontology of the urban commons.

eBook ISBN: 978-3-030-70849-8
DOI: 10.1007/978-3-030-70849-8
Hardcover ISBN: 978-3-030-70848-1

... Opportunities to secure a regular job and income are of critical importance for integration of the squatter ... [22]Akbar HMD, Minnery JR, Horen BV, Smith P. Community Water Supply for the Urban Poor in ... Article | PDF (144 K) | View Record in Scopus | Cited By in Scopus (6). ...

En questionnant la capacité des acteurs publics à gouverner les squats et les bidonvilles qui persistent dans les régions de Paris et de Madrid, l'ouvrage explique les mécanismes du gouvernement différentiel des illégalismes de logement des années 1960 à nos jours. La recherche montre que les squats et les bidonvilles sont gouvernés, mais de façon discontinue et par des politiques aux formes diverses. Elle démontre que l'ingouvernabilité est construite par les acteurs publics pour justifier le couplage d'une « inaction publique »-que l'auteur conçoit comme stratégique (et non défaillante)-et de politiques de l'exception. L'ingouvernabilité constitue ainsi à la fois un répertoire discursif justifiant le retrait de l'action publique et un mode de gouvernance qui entretient les politiques de l'urgence, policières et humanitaires, et autorise les bricolages partiels et ponctuels. Mais lorsque les acteurs publics y trouvent des intérêts pour se positionner comme leaders de la gouvernance métropolitaine multiniveaux, des politiques publiques autonomes peuvent s'institutionnaliser autour d'administrations, d'instruments et de budgets propres. Dans tous les cas, les politiques sélectionnent et contraignent des bénéficiaires qui sont relogés ou dont l'habitat est temporairement légalisé, tout en refoulant des victimes, expulsées de lieurs lieux de vie sans proposition de relogement. Les politiques produisent autant d'illégalité qu'elles n'en résorbent. Derrière ces invariants, notamment issus des effets propres des instruments, l'ouvrage identifie quatre variables clés pour expliquer la diversité des effets de l'instrumentation des politiques : les niveaux d'institutionnalisation, les logiques sectorielles, les échelles d'action et le comportement des cibles qui contribuent à la conception des instruments, en neutralisent les contraintes et en détournent les ressources. L'ouvrage explicite alors les conditions dans lesquelles des protestataires peuvent faire changer l'action publique.

Abstract

Addressing the issue of ungovernability of squats and illegal settlements in the Capital Regions of Paris and Madrid, the book explains the mechanisms of differential government of housing illegalisms since the sixties. The book shows that squats and illegal slums are governed, but in a discontinuous way and by diverse forms of policies. It demonstrates that ungovernability is built by public actors in order to justify alternatively inaction and policies of exception. Ungovernability is a discursive repertory that justifies the disengagement of policies. But it is also a mode of governance that supports emergency policies, implemented by police agencies and NGOs, and that allows policy makers to set up only local and temporary rehousing and social programs. However, as policy makers are rent-seekers, when they find interests to become leaders of the competitive multilevel urban governance, they activate agendas and implement institutionalized and autonomous policies. They create specific administrations, instruments and budgets. Policies select and constraint beneficiaries and evict victims. Thus, policies produce as much illegality as they resolve it. Beside these invariants produced by the sui generis own effects of policy instruments, the book identifies four key variables whose combinations explain the policy outcomes diversity: the level of institutionalization, the sectorial logics, the scale of actions, and the behaviour of targeted groups who participate to the instruments conception. Squatters and slum dwellers resist, they neutralize constraints and divert resources. Finally, the book elaborates a model that identifies the conditions in which challengers and social movements can change public policies.

In France, 20,000 people live in informal slums. Since the end of the 1990s, they are targeted by systematic repressive policies that have contributed to put them in forced mobility and to racialize poverty. As a consequence, the practice of squatting lands has been depoliticized through the building of the so-called " Roma question ". Thousands of migrants coming from Eastern Europe have been associated with informal slums considered as their " natural " living place and are categorized as nomads. This " Roma question " has constituted an important obstacle in France for social movements to push officials to implement alternative housing and social policies because it constitutes an obstacle against the politicization both of the policies towards slums and the practice of squatting. This chapter analyzes how informal settlements and their inhabitants have been racialized since the 1960s by the state policies and the media, and how this process has impeded the disruptive use of squatting by these groups and their supporters, while NGOS only mobilize conventional resources to stop evictions and claim for new rights, but without using illegality as a disruptive political resource. State policies have created a regime of exception that inhibits the migrants to take risk in collective action. However, the chapter also shows that slum dwellers are able to silently resist to constraints and exploit resources in order to survive in the core of the metropolitan area.

Résumé : En France, 20 000 personnes vivent dans des bidonvilles. Depuis la fin des années 1990, elles sont systématiquement victimes d'évacuations policières qui les ont forcées à la mobilité et ont contribué à la racialisation de la pauvreté urbaine. En conséquent, l'occupation illégale de l'espace urbain a été dépolitisée dans les débats autour de la dite « question rom ». Des milliers de migrants d'Europe de l'Est ont été associés aux bidonvilles alors considérés comme le lieu de vie « naturel » des pauvres et des nomades. En dépolitisant la pratique du squat, la « question rom » a constitué un important frein au développement de mouvements sociaux capables de pousser les élus à mettre en oeuvre des politiques du logement et sociales alternatives. Dans un ouvrage collectif qui cherche à étudier les éventuels liens entre squat et migration, ce chapitre, démontre en quoi la dépolitisation de l'occupation illégale de terrains via le développement de la « question rom » a empêché le développement de mouvements sociaux capables de pousser les élus à concevoir des politiques du logement et sociales alternatives aux expulsions dont les habitants sont systématiquement victimes depuis la fin des années 1990. L'Etat a conçu un régime d'exception qui empêche les migrants et les plus pauvres résidents de bidonvilles de prendre le risque de mener des actions illégales pour réclamer leurs droits et qui cantonne les ONGs à employer des modes d'action conventionnels. Mais le chapitre montre aussi que les bidonvilles sont des lieux de résistance silencieuse et d'exploitation subversive des ressources urbaines.

anarchistische geographien stellt die erste umfassende deutschsprachige Publikation dar, in der geographische Perspektiven und Konzepte mit Kämpfen, Praktiken und politischen Ideen von Anarchismen zusammen gedacht werden. In den Beiträgen des Bandes wird unter anderem an die mit feministischen Positionen geteilten Zugänge zu Wissen und Macht, Diskurse kritischer Pädagogik und die Migrations-, Stadt- und Wohnungsforschung angeschlossen und spezifisch anarchistische Perspektiven auf diese angewendet. Zudem werden ideengeschichtliche und konzeptionelle Debatten der anarchistischen Bewegung und der Disziplingeschichte der Institution Geographie aufgefächert und Anschlüsse an aktuelle akademische Diskurse zum Verhältnis von Anarchismen und Geographieren, wie sie in den letzten Jahren in anglo-, franko-, und lusophonen Sprachräumen geführt wurden, hergestellt.

Eigentum ist nicht, wie es die bürgerliche Ideologie will, Bedingung für den Gebrauch. Im Gegenteil produziert es unweigerlich einen spezifischen Missbrauch: sowohl der Dinge als auch der Menschen.
Inhaltsverzeichnis und Einleitung von "Der Missbrauch des Eigentums", August Verlag 2016

È possibile immaginare una geografia dei margini, ovvero una geografia capace di criticare fortemente la ragion spaziale classica, capace di emergere dai vuoti delle mappe e soprattutto capace di restituire le fluide e conflittuali micropratiche di antropizzazione del territorio?

Cosa accade quando l’antagonismo esce dai centri sociali e incontra la
“subalternità”, quel vasto sottoproletariato caratterizzato da bassi livelli
di istruzione, sospeso tra lavori precari e malpagati, che affolla le città
del Sud? Il volume risponde a questo interrogativo proponendo uno
studio etnografico sull’incontro tra il movimento politico e la
popolazione dei “margini”, uniti dalla lotta per il soddisfacimento dei
bisogni primari e per la casa. Andando oltre i classici temi della
sociologia politica, comunemente centrati sulla conquista dello spazio
pubblico da parte dei movimenti, questo saggio indaga soprattutto le
forme mentali degli attori, le tattiche di penetrazione del gruppo dei
“politici” in quello dei “subalterni”, le forme della pedagogia politica e
quella delle resistenze alla sua azione “civilizzatrice”. Comunismo,
volontà di potenza, mafia e magia, compongono lo sfondo di una lotta
serrata che non condurrà lontani, ma dalla quale, per ragioni diverse,
nessuno degli attori può sottrarsi.
Scritto in un linguaggio che cerca di riprodurre quanto più fedelmente
quello dei protagonisti, "Prendere le case" è una etnografia totale, che
svela gli anfratti della città meridionale e le difficoltà di una pratica
politica antagonista e popolare nella società contemporanea.

""Squatting in Europe aims to move beyond the conventional understandings of squatting, investigating its history in Europe over the past four decades. Historical comparisons and analysis blend together in these inquiries into squatting in the Netherlands, Italy, Spain, France, Germany and England. In it members of SqEK (Squatting Europe Kollective) explore the diverse, radical, and often controversial nature of squatting as a form of militant research and self-managed knowledge production.

Contents:

    Hans Pruijt: Squatting in Europe
    Pierpaolo Mudu: Resisting and challenging Neoliberalism: the development of Italian Social
    Centres
    Gianni Piazza: How activists make decisions within Social Centres? A comparative study in an Italian city
    Miguel A. Martínez: The Squatters’ Movement in Spain: A Local and Global Cycle of Urban Protests
    Claudio Cattaneo: Urban squatting, rural squatting and the ecological-economic perspective
    Andre Holm, Armin Kuhn: Squatting and Urban Renewal: The Interaction of Squatter Movements and Strategies of Urban Restructuring in Berlin
    Linus Owens: Have squat, will travel: How squatter mobility mobilizes squatting
    Florence Boullon: What’s a ‘good’ squatter? Categorization’s processes of squats by government officials in France
    Thomas Aguilera: Configurations of Squats in Paris and the Ile-de-France Region: diversity of goals and resources
    E.T.C. Dee: Moving towards criminalisation and then what? Examining dominant discourses on squatting in England
""

This chapter examines the trajectory of Squatted Social Centres from 1977 to 2016 within the metropolitan area of Madrid. Martínez identifies specific protest cycles and the significant political, historical, urban, economic and social contexts in each period. The data collected and its broader interpretation allow distinguishing the main landmarks in the development of the squatters’ movement. The analytical approach chosen focuses on the structural aspects of urban politics that influence the evolution of squatting, although this is not simply viewed as a mechanistic reaction to housing shortages and high vacancy rates. Squatters in Madrid critically responded to urban speculation but they were also configured in tight articulation with other social movements.

This contribution investigates the action of the Spazio Popolare Neruda, a housing squat where dozens of families of different nationalities cohabit, in the neighborhood of Valdocco. Turin's district of Aurora (where Valdocco is located) is close to the historical center and focus of rapid gentrification processes; it is also characterized by the historical presence of a high percentage of foreigners and by rapid social change. The article proceeds by analyzing the difficult post-industrial transition of the neighborhood, mainly characterized by the loss of industrial working class identity and by international immigration. The attention is then brought on the use of space made by residents, highlighting how the spatial proximity between the different inhabitants corresponds to a deep social distance. We then proceed with the analysis of the strategies and the practices adopted by the inhabitants of Neruda and the housing rights movement, aimed on the one hand at opposing everyday life segregation through mutual and cultural activities, and on the other hand at claiming housing rights and the right to the city. To conclude the article brings forward the opposition to the urban regeneration policies, deemed as responsible for a selective inclusion and exclusionary operation, however promoted by the combination of rhetorics of participatory governance and urban decorum.

This article examines how Algerians negotiate property and public space and how citizens encounter and engage the state. It explores the phenomenon of squatting and appropriation of public space in contemporary Algeria through the lens of the polysemic term beylik, which can be simultaneously used to define the state, public domain, and no man's land. It argues that, in addition to individual motivations for personal gain or out of necessity, squatting and the appropriation of public space is also a silent yet highly political act that reimagines the relationship of rights and obligations incumbent between citizen and polity. The appropriation of beylik is a process that comes from widely-held beliefs that types of unused state property are somehow unnatural, if not illegitimate, or that, as a citizen, one has the right to remodel and re-fashion it for either individual or collective use. In this sense, beylik is an empty space in which citizens re-imagine how the community should be governed. By seizing and transforming beylik, a citizen is simultaneously forgetting (or ignoring) the state, while projecting a different governing order for both private and public spheres. The silent encroachment of citizens into the domains of the state-in occupying and reordering state space-reveals the fluidity of Algerian institutions, inasmuch as it reveals that institutions are themselves negotiated between state and society.

Recensé : Cécile Péchu. Les squats, Paris : Presses de Sciences Po, 2010, 127 pages. Cécile Péchu, spécialiste des squats, retrace la généalogie de ce mode d'action et en analyse les formes de mobilisations, les pratiques et les discours. Inscrivant son analyse dans la théorie des mouvements sociaux, elle montre que, au lieu de s'opposer, les motivations individuelles du squat (trouver un toit) sont liées aux formes politiques de contestation qui s'y développent. Au-delà de son intérêt universitaire, ce court livre s'adresse à un public plus large, et nombreux sont les squatters à l'avoir lu en France et ailleurs.

Hausbesetzungen als Aneignungen von Wohn-, Arbeits- oder Lebensraum sowie als politische Aktionsform gegen die städtischen Eigentums- und Machtverhältnisse haben moderne Städte seit ihrer Entstehung begleitet und geprägt. Sie wurden zum Ausgangspunkt sozialer Bewegungen, als die Ziele, die Mittel oder die Umsetzung der herrschenden Stadterneuerung nicht mehr den Alltagsbedürfnissen vieler Bewohner_innen und den darauf beruhenden Vorstellungen städtischen Lebens entsprachen.

Diese Arbeit befasst sich mit der Besetzung des sog. Heusnerviertels in Bochum ab 1980. Aus einem studentischen Verlangen nach bezahlbarem Wohnraum und den Forderungen der Bochumer Jugendlichen nach einem Soziokulturellen Zentrum entwickelte sich Beginn der 1980er Jahre einer der größten deutschen Besetzerzusammenhänge. Mitten im Ruhrgebiet entstand so ein Ort für politisch aktive Jugendliche, Punks, Außenseiter und Abhängige.
Besonders wird das sog. Heusnerviertel, neben seiner Größe, durch die guten Verbindungen der Besetzer zu anderen Projekten aber auch durch die Probleme, welche die Besetzer mit der Stadtregierung bezüglich der Stadtentwicklung hatten. Eine bereits vor dem 2. Weltkrieg geplante und von vielen Seiten kritisierte Umgehungsstraße führte letztendlich zur Räumung und Abriss des Heusnerviertels.

Diese Arbeit befasst sich sowohl mit der Geschichte, dem Protest und den Nachwirkungen dieser Besetzung. Geht dabei vor allem auf die persönlichen Erfahrungen der Besetzer ein welche über Interviews, graue Literatur sowie eine selbstveröffentlichte Dokumentation eingefangen wurden.

Anàlisi socio-històric del moviment okupa del Baix Llobregat entre els anys 1985 i 2006. El Baix Llobregat és una de les comarques del cinturó industrial de Barcelona i una de les que ha comptat amb un moviment d'okupacions més dinàmic, emblemàtic i popular.

Informality is usually defined as the whole practices that escape from the state and the radar of the administrations. Yet, informality is not invisible and causes conflicts around the way it is possible to produce knowledge about it. The article, which focuses on slums upgrading policies in Madrid (Spain) since the 1960s, sheds light on urban informality by locating itself at the crossroads of two types of literature: the anthropol- ogy of ignorance and the sociology of public policies. It shows how the institutionalization of these resorption policies was based on the constitution of important statistical and mapping devices but that a large part of the phenomenon (the big slum of the Cañada Real Galiana) was deliberately left out of these official public knowledge devices in order to avoid putting on the political agenda what appeared to be a reserve of informal- ity necessary to host of populations evicted elsewhere. It also shows that residents have mobilized to resist this exclusion and produce alternative knowledge about their neighbourhood. The article concludes that shantytowns, and more generally urban informality, are at the crossroads of processes of formalization and informalization that overlap on struggles for the production of knowledge or ignorance.

Squatting as a housing strategy and as a tool of urban social movements accompanies the development of capitalist cities worldwide. We argue that the dynamics of squatter movements are directly connected to strategies of urban renewal in that movement conjunctures occur when urban regimes are in crisis. An analysis of the history of Berlin squatter movements, their political context and their effects on urban policies since the 1970s, clearly shows how massive mobilizations at the beginning of the 1980s and in the early 1990s developed in a context of transition in regimes of urban renewal. The crisis of Fordist city planning at the end of the 1970s provoked a movement of ‘rehab squatting’ (Instandbesetzung), which contributed to the institutionalization of ‘cautious urban renewal’ (behutsame Stadterneuerung) in an important way. The second rupture in Berlin's urban renewal became apparent in 1989 and 1990, when the necessity of restoring whole inner-city districts constituted a new, budget-straining challenge for urban policymaking. Whilst in the 1980s the squatter movement became a central condition for and a political factor of the transition to ‘cautious urban renewal’, in the 1990s large-scale squatting — mainly in the eastern parts of the city — is better understood as an alien element in times of neoliberal urban restructuring.

This contribution has several theoretical aims: to question the implicit aspects of the concept of repertory of action, to propose a typification of the modes of action ; to indicate leads for a joint analysis of the instrumental and discursive repertories implemented by the organizations ; to reconsider the historical ruptures stressed by Charles Tilly ; and finally to think of the organisational and contextual conditions supporting the use of direct actions. This paper is empirically grounded on the study of the genesis of a specific mode of action, squat, between 1880 and 1914, and based on a work on archives and on etymology. We show in particular that the
passage from "resistance" to "contest", in which prevails the "claimed", supposes a particular form of relation to politics which constituted in itself a significant stake of struggles between various groups, at the beginning of this century.

This chapter examines the frequent overlap between punk culture and animal rights/vegan consumption habits.  It is argued that this relationship is most strongly and consistently expressed, and most sensibly understood, in connection with anarchism.  The research is drawn from the UK with participant observation and interviews from 2013/14.

Το Κεφάλαιο Δ' (Μέρος Β') αναφέρεται στην περίοδο Δεκέμβριος 1990-Ιανουάριος 1991 και περιγράφεται η κορύφωση και το τέλος των μεγάλων μαθητικών κινητοποιήσεων της εποχής. Η έκρυθμη κατάσταση στην Πάτρα πριν και κατά τη διάρκεια των εορτών, η δολοφονία Τεμπονέρα, τα μαζικά μαθητικά συλλαλητήρια σε όλη τη χώρα, οι 4 νεκροί στο κτήριο Κ. Μαρούση στο κέντρο της Αθήνας, η υποχώρηση της κυβέρνησης και η νίκη των μαθητών είναι ορισμένα από τα γεγονότα που διαδραματίζονται και αναλύονται μέσα από τις σελίδες του συγκεκριμένου κεφαλαίου.

Actes du colloque international pluridisciplinaire: De la friche industrielle au lieu culturel - Sotteville-lès-Rouen - Juin 2012.
Ce texte montre comment les projets nommés aujourd'hui « friches culturelles » par métonymie, ne seraient qu'un renouvellement contemporain de formes culturelles indigènes à dimension artistique, qui ponctuent l'histoire à toutes les époques ; Des formes culturelles non séparées de « l'expérience ordinaire », de la vie quotidienne ; Des formes et des projets culturels simultanément à l'écart de l'histoire des beaux-arts et des centralités urbaines, mais qui les alimentent ; Des cultures minorées évoluant en catimini, mais des cultures qui, leurs protagonistes additionnés, concernent et impliquent « le plus grand nombre ». « Les oeuvres d'art ayant perdu leur statut indigène, elles en ont acquis un nouveau : elles sont désormais exclusivement des spécimens des beaux-arts. (…). Les objets qui par le passé étaient valides et signifiants à cause de leur place dans la vie de la communauté fonctionnent à présent sans le moindre lien avec les conditions entourant leur apparition. » (John Dewey, L'art comme expérience, Ed. Gallimard, Paris, 2010) Le faubourg est l'endroit où se retrouvent « tout ceux qui ne peuvent se payer la ville ». La convergence en ces territoires urbains de pratiques culturelles non légitimées dans les mondes des arts 1 institués n'a rien d'une nouveauté. Remonter aux bohèmes du 19 ième siècle suffit pour trouver des lieux entièrement semblables aux « friches culturelles » actuelles (MURGER H., 1847). Des lieux et surtout des projets 2 culturels qui se présentent comme les premières résistances à l'académisme, alternatives aux institutions culturelles, mais qui sont aussi des expérimentations sociales et politiques. Des espaces en parallèle pour des cultures « illégitimes » qui, depuis le 19 ième siècle au moins, se situent à l'écart des institutions artistiques tout en les nourrissant. Le 19 ième siècle et les bohèmes illustreraient ce mouvement transitoire entre un régime représentatif ou de mimemis des arts et un régime esthétique entendu comme « la fin de l'art et l'identification de ses pratiques avec celles qui édifient, rythment ou décorent les espaces et les temps de la vie commune » 3. Si le régime de mimesis correspondrait en partie à la trame de la culture quotidienne appréhendée dans ce texte, une analyse de l'art ne suffit pas. Il s'agit d'aller plus loin en interrogeant dans ces projets le lien entre culture et art, leurs statuts respectifs dans « la vie commune ». L'action collective culturelle est alors définie de manière plus large que l'art comme toute action collective qui mobilise de manière centrale, mais non exclusive, le registre esthétique. Cette mobilisation centrale du registre esthétique est toujours articulée en proportion variable à d'autres registres : sociaux, économiques, politiques, éducatifs, festifs, etc. Ces articulations de registres chaque fois originale en fonction de leurs protagonistes définissent autant de types d'actions culturelles collectives. 1 BECKER H.S., Les mondes de l'art, Paris : Flammarion, 1988. 2 Sur la notion de projet utilisée ici voir (p.157) BOLTANSKI L., THEVENOT L., De la justification, Les économies de la grandeur, Paris : Editions Gallimard, 1991. 3 RANCIERE J., Le Partage du sensible, esthétique et politique, La fabrique Editions, 2000.

The Case for Degrowth is a short, accessible—even friendly—exhibition of degrowth history, ideas and proposals. Summarizing the book, the review expresses concern with how the book engages the Green New Deal, ignores anarchist contributions to social struggle and omits squatting as an existing degrowth pathway and form of political struggle.  Despite these concerns, the book is another valuable contribution collectively authored by four leading degrowth scholars.

In this chapter, we propose to follow over several decades the long, turbulent politics of composing an urban order in both its social and material dimensions – a political task that involves debates and confrontations to determine the city’s forms and, more fundamentally, who could live there and how. At stake is a quest for emancipation and the art of governing difference, a dialectic where the city reveals both its liberating and oppressive dimensions. Exploring this dialectic will, in particular, enable us to follow the slow and ambiguous integration of 1970s’ critical ideals into the order of the contemporary city.

The Netherlands has a housing shortage since the 1960s. The estimated demand reaches 845.000 new
dwellings by 2035. Simultaneously, 6% of all the offices and shops are vacant, which possibly increases even
more due to the covid-19 pandemic and due to the rise of freelancers, who generally do not need an office
space. Since the 20th century, and especially since the post-war era, the squatting movement counteracted this
vacancy by occupying urban space to ensure a living and/or working space. This thesis focuses on the historical
framework of squatting practices in Amsterdam starting from the post-war era until now, and how squatting
can be a practice for an alternative, affordable housing system. The thesis brings the disadvantages regarding
the most acknowledgeable development of affordable housing – social housing – to the foreground. The Dutch
housing system is characterized by a strong government involvement. The social housing system is the most
acknowledgeable development regarding affordable housing in the Netherlands. However, the social housing
system has counterparts, as it has very long waiting lists (up to ten year - within the main cities of the
Netherlands) to be allocated to a dwelling, unequal opportunities for middle incomes to obtain a dwelling and
landlord levy’s which diminish the affordable housing production and indirectly passes on to the tenant.
Squatting emerged mainly because of the housing shortage, aswell as the fact that education became
more important after World War II, which led to the increased need of independency and independent housing
for youth. People started to take the matter into their own hands, by appropriating urban space. During the
mid 1970s, the social movement gained broad societal support because of the preservation of the
‘Nieuwmarkt’ (district in Amsterdam) and became an institutionalized practice with the emergence of squatting
agencies, squatting manuals and newspapers. Starting from mid 1980s, the movement declined and lost the
societal support due to conflicts and riots with the authorities. During the following decades, the squatter’s
movement was put under pressure by the authorities through legal actions. In 2010, the squatting practice was
totally banned. The ‘Breeding Ground Act’ (1998) enabled squatted buildings to be legalized in which the
squatters’ ambitions were maintained. Two case studies addressed in the thesis - ‘Plantage Doklaan’ and
‘Overtoom 301’ - are squatted buildings which were legalized and transformed to breeding grounds around the
00s, including affordable dwellings, workspaces and public amenities. These examples, which still exist today,
show to have a positive influence on the city fabric of Amsterdam – both socially and culturally.
The regular housing shortage, the continuing vacancy and the fate of real estate speculation are all
interlinked. Squatting challenges these problems as a whole and opened up the conversation about housing
shortage, vacancy and real estate speculation. There should be an option in which empty office space can be
converted into affordable living space, temporarily or permanent. Governmental zoning plans need to be
changed quicker instead of long-term processes. Then, for example an office space, could easier be
transformed into a (temporary) home, which put less pressure on the building industry. Collective ownership
(for example CLT) could function as a tenure ship in which the needs of the residents are met, instead of
private ownership as a speculative tool from which money is made.

“Art + Squat = X” by Alan W. Moore
Unpublished; submitted
How and why are artists involved with squats and occupied social centers? The artworld is flexible, but squatting is subcultural. Counterculture and exodus are two ways to think about the art/squat relation. Artists' economy does not fully accord with capitalism, nor with conditions of ordinary labor. Artists have lost their low-rent homes in the traditional working class districts of the city. They are therefore inclined towards the radical solutions offered by squatting. The 1970s “free cities” of Christiania and Ruigoord offer positive examples of squatting for artists. The history of the broader movements of the '70s, though, are little known. Artists were closely involved in squatting in New York City in the 1980s and '90s. Who is an artist, and why might they choose to squat? Artists in squats are those who participate in social movement culture. These can be committed activists or not. Punk, hip hop, and experimental cultures all co-exist in squats. Cultural activities sustain squatting, both through personnel and financially. Several famous artists have been involved with squatting. (Discussion of these cases.) Mostly it is lesser known artists who fully identify as squatters. Musicians also have been closely involved with squats. Performing artists are the most closely involved, and some theater groups have come from squats. Squatters also continuously perform their activity for photographs, and in demonstrations. Films document the life and performance of squatters. Sometimes this is spun into fiction, and in one case, a situation comedy. Formally, a squat resembles an art exhibition – much work for a short time open. They also both serve a social function for the participants. One group of artists has used squatting as an element in their work, that is, as a form. Occupied social centers have been called “monster institutions,” in that they are in the process of forming from popular initiative. Considered as a form, then, they can be compared to the vein of art work called institutional critique. They relate as well to the emergent art form of social practice. The bureaucratic negotiations that may lead a squatted social center to legal status are boring. Institutions and private owners imitate squatting strategies. There are better ways for institutions to relate to the “monster institutions,” and they are being explored.
This talk was given to the Faculty of Politics and Sociology at Universidad Complutense, Madrid in 2012. The text has been revised and corrected for an anticipated publication in Brazil, in Estado da Arte, revista de artes visuals of the Universidade Federal de Uberlândia.
– Madrid, October 2021

La première partie de ce travail s’interroge sur la crise du logement à Bruxelles. On y explore les causes et facteurs de la problématique, définit le terme de logement décent et ce que signifie le « droit à la ville ». On s’y intéresse particulièrement aux personnes en situation de grande précarité afin de déterminer le plus grand facteur d’inclusive. L’auteur souligne les carences des solutions institutionnelles menant au développement d’alternatives sur le terrain par des associations citoyennes. La problématique du logement est mis en connexion avec celle du parc immobilier vacant à Bruxelles: Effectivement 2013 ce sont entre 15000 et 30000 logements privés, 2275 logements sociaux et plus de 1000000 m² de bureaux qui sont inoccupés. Et pourtant plus de 2600 personnes sans-abris et mal logés.
Ces conditions favorisent un accroissement du phénomène du squat. Aussi l’auteur pose l’hypothèse qu’à partir de ce contexte un élément de réponse possible émerge: la convention d’occupation temporaire et le développement au sein de celui-ci d’un logement collectif solidaire.
La seconde partie consiste en une étude de cas : Le « 123 rue royale ».
Cet ancien Squat situé dans un immeuble de bureaux de la communauté française est le premier projet en son genre en Belgique. Les habitants, qui signent en 2007 une convention d’occupation temporaire avec le propriétaire, portent un projet de logement solidaire alternatif en autogestion. Celui-ci allie logements a mixité socio-économique, ateliers urbains et projets de récupération. Tous les projets au sein du « 123 » se basent sur les mêmes principes : L’autogestion la solidarité, la participation et le prix libre. Ainsi des habitants récupèrent chaque jour les invendus de divers magasins pour leurs repas et le dimanche organisent une table d’hôte. On peut aussi y réparer son vélo à partir de pièces récupérées. Ce projet qui existe depuis 9 ans au moment d’écrire ces lignes reste néanmoins dans la précarité, car les habitants peuvent se voir expulsés du bâtiment, une fois un acquéreur trouvé, dans un délai de 6 mois. Quant à savoir qui, du bâtiment ou des habitants porte réellement le projet…

« Tiers-lieu », « fab lab », « squat », « artist-run-space », « friche », « ateliers partagés », « lieux off »... : la diversité des qualificatifs choisis par les nouveaux lieux culturels franciliens semble a priori obscure et vertigineuse.

Face à la multiplication de structures aux positionnements proches, tous hérités de la culture alternative, l’enjeu de cette étude est, dans un premier temps, d’analyser ces stratégies, avant d’en examiner l’« au-delà », pour évaluer l’adéquation entre les discours et les mécanismes organisationnels qui les portent. Ce travail se basera sur les cas du FDP, du Shakirail, de la Station-Gare des Mines, des Grands Voisins, du Ground Control et de SALÒ.

Derrière une marque alternative plus hybride et ouverte que jamais – et donc forcément moins identifiable qu’elle ne l’était historiquement –, quelles sont les stratégies mises en place par les nouveaux lieux artistiques du Grand Paris pour se positionner et se démarquer au sein d’un marché en pleine expansion ? Quels sont les enjeux en termes d’image et d’influence territoriale qui y sont associés ?

"Squatting offers a radical but simple solution to the crises of housing, homelessness, and the lack of social space that mark contemporary society: occupying empty buildings and rebuilding lives and communities in the process. Squatting has a long and complex history, interwoven with the changing and contested nature of urban politics over the last forty years.

Squatting can be an individual strategy for shelter or a collective experiment in communal living. Squatted and self-managed social centres have contributed to the renewal of urban struggles across Europe and intersect with larger political projects. However, not all squatters share the same goals, resources, backgrounds or desire for visibility.

Squatting in Europe aims to move beyond the conventional understandings of squatting, investigating its history in Europe over the past four decades. Historical comparisons and analysis blend together in these inquiries into squatting in the Netherlands, Italy, Spain, France, Germany and England. In it members of SqEK (Squatting Europe Kollective) explore the diverse, radical, and often controversial nature of squatting as a form of militant research and self-managed knowledge production.

Essays by Miguel Martínez, Gianni Piazza, Hans Pruijt, Pierpaolo Mudu, Claudio Cattaneo, Andre Holm, Armin Kuhn, Linus Owens, Florence Bouillon, Thomas Aguilera, and ETC Dee."