Economic and Social Rights

The purpose of this chapter is to delve into housing rights as expressed in national constitutions. We report on all 189 constitutions of UN member states, describing and evaluating them in terms of what they say about the right to housing. As a benchmark for evaluation, we turn to the UN’s main interpretation on adequate housing, known as comment No. 4 to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights [ICESCR] of 1966 (UN General Assembly). This document stipulates seven criteria of adequate housing. <br><br>The chapter opens with current knowledge about the comparative right to housing, followed by our own contribution. We then expand on each of the seven criteria of adequate housing: legal security of tenure, availability of services and infrastructure, affordability, habitability, accessibility, location, and cultural adequacy. These criteria serve as our benchmarks for evaluating the constitutional right to housing (CRtH) in the wording of all th...

Subsistence minimum guaranteed to each individual by the public authorities may be perceived as a human right under the constitutional law. That right becomes even more important when the ability to question social and economic rights is limited. That was the case in the Polish constitutional system, among others. Because of the restrictions on the ability to question ESC-rights, the Polish Constitutional Tribunal found “subsistence minimum” as a special type of constitutional value inferred from human dignity which is guaranteed to every person under the Constitution. While giving its judgment, the Polish Constitutional Tribunal made reference to the case law of the Federal Constitutional
Court of Germany which inferred “The fundamental right to guarantee a subsistence minimum that is in line with human dignity” from the German Basic Law. That right is of special importance for individuals who live in extreme poverty.

Специальный доклад Омбудсмена (Акыйкатчы) Кыргызской Республики: «Новостройки г. Бишкек: право на достаточное жилье и иные социальные, экономические и культурные права». Бишкек, 2017 г.
Специальный доклад подготовлен в соответствии с п. 7 ст. 11 Закона КР «Об Омбудсмене (Акыйкатчы) Кыргызской Республики» от 31 июля 2002 года №136.
Институт Омбудсмена (Акыйкатчы) Кыргызской Республики выражает благодарность эксперту  Наталье Утешевой за содействие в сборе данных и систематизации материалов доклада.

El Estado Social sigue en crisis. Ha empezado a estar en crisis desde quizá el momento mismo en que, paradójicamente, gozaba de legitimidad. El Estado de la justicia social ha nacido cuestionado (e impugnado) por aquellos sectores del derecho, de la economía y de la política que flamean hipócritamente la bandera del Estado mínimo. Vivimos en un escenario mundial de profundización de un capitalismo salvaje, insostenible y suicida, y de una imparable deslegitimación de la clase política y de la democracia, sumado a altas tasas de corrupción política y financiera, nacional e internacional, y enormes dosis de cinismo generalizado desde los grandes organismos financieros internacionales e incluso de algunos que pregonan la supuesta defensa de los derechos humanos. A la vez, surgen nuevos actores sociales en este teatro social mundial de autoritarismo político, de conservadurismo moral, recortes y violaciones de derechos humanos sociales, económicos y culturales, pero también de derechos individuales, civiles y políticos. Nuevos movimientos sociales y políticos, la ciudadanía en génesis democrática hambrienta de justicia social, de derechos sociales y también de libertades ciudadanas, deseosos de refundir nuevos modelos democráticos, coherentemente democráticos, procesal y materialmente igualitarios y libres.

En este contexto, el objetivo de este libro es pensar en estos procesos sociales, políticos, económicos y democráticos desde el prisma de los derechos sociales. Este trabajo conjunto de profesores e investigadores de derechos sociales y de derechos humanos de la Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, Argentina, y de la Universidad Carlos III de Madrid, pretende posibilitar debates, prácticas, estudios y políticas sobre los derechos sociales, desde el convencimiento de que la calidad de vida y el pleno disfrute de los derechos sociales (y también de los derechos liberales), no tiene por qué ser una utopía. O que, quizá siéndolo, son éstas las utopías que deberían guiar la práctica, el ejercicio y la exigibilidad de los Estados de Derecho modernos.

Por ciudadanos y ciudadanas del mundo libres de temor y miseria.

Basta de Genocidio Trans (Stop the Trans Genocide) is a report that introduces and classifies the main human rights violations against the trans women of Latin America and the Caribbean based on the information gathered in 2018 by thirteen NTROs (national transgender rights organizations) from Argentina, Belize, Bolivia, Chile, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala, Mexico, Panama, Paraguay and Uruguay.

Na análise da questão social, podem-se visualizar duas
contradições que tanto se localizam em níveis diferentes, como estão
em relação de dependência. No nível mais fenomênico, que remete às
instâncias ideológicas e estatais, tem-se a contradição entre a igualdade
jurídica abstrata e a desigualdade social. Na base econômica, ocorre a
contradição da igualdade entre as trocas de mercadorias com a desigualdade econômica derivada da produção. Estas contradições referendam-se em movimentos distintos e consubstanciados em relações de equivalência e de não equivalência. Objetivou-se, neste capítulo, apresentar brevemente algumas destas características. (In the analysis of the social question, one can see two contradictions that are both located at different levels and in a relationship of dependence. At the most phenomenal level, which refers to ideological and state instances, there is the contradiction between abstract juridical equality and social inequality. On the economic basis, there is the contradiction of equality between the exchange of goods and the economic inequality derived from production. These contradictions are referenced in distinct movements and embodied in relations of equivalence and non-equivalence. The purpose of this chapter is to briefly present some of these characteristics).

This paper focuses on the urban graffiti painted with a political message by different
movements of the Italian political radicalism in the cities of Rome, Florence, Massa,
Carrara, Verona and Udine. For the purpose of this article, during the period from June
2011 to June 2012, a total of 165 graffiti have been photographed, of which 83 painted by
neo-fascist groups, 72 by extreme left groups and 10 by anarchist groups. These three
macro communities, made of different subgroups, emerged as the most active in expressing
their antagonism towards the parliamentary parties with their graffiti that combine semantic
(words) and semiotic (images) elements. An analysis of the collected graffiti’s language
form, meaning and context allows for the identification of the variety of styles of
communication adopted by the different political antagonisms and the different contents of
their communication through graffiti as well as the key elements of their political identities.
Key words: political radicalism, graffiti, linguistics

El 24 de abril de 2012 la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación (en adelante, CSJN) dictó sentencia en un interesante caso contra el Gobierno de la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires (en adelante, GCBA). Allí no solo fijó algunos alcances del contenido del derecho a la vivienda adecuada sino también cuestionó duramente la lectura que ha venido dando en su jurisprudencia constante sobre la materia el Superior Tribunal de Justicia de la Ciudad (en adelante, STJ).
En el presente trabajo se analizará, en un primer término, el reconocimiento que ha recibido el derecho a la vivienda adecuada en el derecho internacional, en la Constitución Nacional y en la normativa de la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires (en adelante, CABA).
Posteriormente, se esbozarán las principales líneas argumentativas de los fallos “Alba Quintana c/ GCBA” y “Q. C., S. Y. c/ GCBA”.
Por último, se hará referencia a uno de los requisitos principales al momento de evaluar una política pública en materia de derechos económicos, sociales y culturales, como es la utilización del máximo de los recursos disponibles, y su aplicación concreta al caso del derecho a la vivienda adecuada en la CABA.

Сьогодні серед конституційних держав найбільш поширеними є два підходи до розуміння природи та сутності соціальних прав, які імплементуються, з одного боку, в ліберальних, а з іншого - в соціальнихдержавах.Залежно від обраної концепції соціального захисту, в ліберальних та соціальних державах присутнє різне бачення природи й сутності соціальних прав та ролі держави в їхньому гарантуванні, проте, так чи інакше, взаємозв’язок таких прав із людською гідністю є незаперечним. Більше того, людська гідність є відправною точкою конституційної інтерпретації таких прав.

Síntesis: Se advierte, como un fenómeno creciente, la insuficiencia de los moldes procesales clásicos para dar debido tratamiento a las cuestiones emergentes del problema de la vigencia de los derechos sociales. En dicho sentido, la adecuada revisión de estructuras burocráticas disfuncionales o aún de políticas discordantes con los estándares constitucionales y de respeto de los Derechos Humanos, abren necesariamente un espacio para el litigio de derecho público ciertamente distinto del que puede suscitarse entre particulares, donde por cierto se vuelve necesaria la revisión del rol de las partes y del poder judicial, así como del funcionamiento del proceso. En el entendimiento de que estos son los supuestos que hoy deben ser definidos como constitutivos de la tutela diferenciada, se impone pasar revista previa al cuadro de situación ordinario para poder determinar los rasgos de la tutela colectiva que la hacen justamente diferenciada y el análisis de las razones por las cuales los DESC imponen este tratamiento particular.

This chapter examines the experience of the Colombian and Chilean Courts in their attempt to enforce social and economic rights (SERs) and to navigate tensions present in LASC constitutions. We evaluate the prospects of SER litigation and the processes of deliberation and popular participation set in motion by courts. We address whether two seemingly conflicting commitments – inclusive citizen participation at the grassroots level and new forms of judicial activism – can be reconciled. Are SER enforcement processes in which unelected judges wield considerable power compatible with participatory and deliberative democracy? We conclude that Colombian and Chilean courts are most effective in the role of dialogue igniters, shaking up the political process directly (as in Colombia) or indirectly (as in Chile). A key precondition for their success is effective inclusion of citizens at the grassroots level, as opposed to simple promotion of inter-branch dialogue.

This volume examines the legal dimension of the ILO's action in the field of Child Labour. The authors investigate the implementation of the relevant legal instruments and assess the effectiveness of the ILO supervisory system. All relevant instruments are considered while particular attention is given to Convention 182 on the elimination of the worst forms of child labour.

Child Labour in a Globalized World describes the ILO's activities concerning the eradication of child labour whilst assessing and evaluating the effectiveness of the relevant legal framework and functioning of the supervisory system. This book contextualizes the issue of the eradication of the worst forms of child labour in the recent doctrinal debate on the nature of labour standards and the transformation of the ILO.

Hunger is needlessly killing millions of our fellow humans, including 3.1 million young children every year, condemning many others to life-long exposure to illness and social exclusion. With the dominant no money-no food rationality, hunger still prevails in a world of abundance. This paper argues this narrative has to be re-conceived and a binding Food Treaty, based on a commons approach to food, will create a more appropriate framework to work together towards a fairer and more sustainable world. The eradication of hunger no later than 2025 would be the main objective within a broader framework whereby food and nutrition security shall be understood as a Global Public Good. Within the treaty framework, those governments that are genuinely determined to end hunger (a coalition of the willing) could commit themselves to mutually-agreed binding goals, strategies and predictable funding. The paper presents the rationale to substantiate the treaty, as well as objectives, provisions and a possible route map for the process.

President Kennedy was wrong. You may ask what you can do for your country, but you should also ask what your country can do for you. In celebrating the Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA) one factor has been overlooked: the HRA is strangely silent over the rights of the poorer and more vulnerable sections of the community. The basic philosophy underpinning human rights is that human rights are universal and indivisible,1 yet the HRA seeks to sever this unity by incorporating only civil and political rights and excluding economic, social and cultural rights2 Together civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights underpin the right to dignity, often unexpressed in Bills of Rights but which is the grundnorm of human rights.
 
As individuals we are defined by our relationship to each other. In human rights it is not simply a question of Descartes--”I think, therefore I am”--but rather “I am because you are”.3 We are all social beings and the United Kingdom’s constitutional structure in the twenty-first century ought to reflect contemporary social relationships.
 
The role of constitutional law to forge relationships is acknowledged in the European Union’s Charter of Fundamental Rights, which emphasises “solidarity” as a European constitutional value.4 Hence law should support as well as penalise and constitutional law should be enabling as well as restrictive. Yet in the United Kingdom, amidst a society of plenty, 12 million children live under the poverty line and two out of five children are born into poverty. It is *P.L. 457 only the most myopic who believe that the poorest is made equal to the richest, by granting to them both the right to freedom of speech.
 
Economic, social and cultural rights include the right of everyone to the highest attainable standard of health5; the right to an adequate standard of living6; the right to adequate housing7 and the right of everyone to enjoy the benefits of scientific progress.8 Obviously these rights apply to everyone but they have particular relevance to marginalised and disadvantaged groups, including many women, who have less access to adequate housing, to health care services and to healthy working conditions. As Charlesworth and Chinkin observe:
 
The primacy traditionally given to civil and political rights … is directed towards the protection for men within their public life--their relationship with government. The same importance has not been … accorded to economic and social rights which affect life in the private sphere, the world of women.9
 
An Act enshrining economic, social and cultural rights would also help correct the unfortunately widely mistaken impression that human rights are just for criminals. This is not to minimise the HRA, which is also an important symbol. It is part of a progressive, contemporary, constitutional continuum. The HRA is the next stage, symbolising the development of a constitution of citizens’10 rights rather than a constitution of the government.
 
Yet despite this progress, the poverty gap is growing and new remedies and new thinking are urgently needed. Constantly referring to the same seventeenth century histories, to Dicey and the same self-restraining judicial dicta, does not move the United Kingdom forward. The incorporation of a human rights treaty into English law represents a significant departure from tradition, and economic, social and cultural rights represent the next constitutional dynamic. It is a dynamic which contradicts the view of the U.S. Supreme Court Justice, Justice Scalia, who argues that “the whole purpose of a constitution, old or new … is to impede change or pejoratively put “to obstruct modernity”’.11 Fortunately the British constitution is changing with devolution, very limited reform of the House of Lords and calls for a Supreme Court. The changes to the British Constitution change expectations of the *P.L. 458 constitution, and social justice should be at the heart of the changing constitutional architecture.
 
The redress of structural inequality is a constitutional legal, as well as an electoral, political question. Administrative law was not designed to achieve structural change and structural change is unlikely to occur with the HRA, so a new legal mechanism is needed to ensure that economic, social and cultural rights are fully protected by English law. This has been recognised by the U.N. Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights which commended the United Kingdom for incorporating the European Convention on Human Rights, but recommended that it is also necessary to incorporate the U.N. Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights into English law.12 An economic, social and cultural HRA would set standards and benchmarks by which legislation, practice and the delivery of essential services could be measured. It would help engender a culture of justification and would also protect the rights from the cold winds of party political discretion. As Paine argued this is “not charity but a right, not bounty but justice”.13

This essay highlights the main characteristics of the architecture of the Welsh house and provides an analysis of the influences on its design over the centuries. The various terms involved in the field are clearly explained before the discussion is expanded, and pertinent examples are used of different forms of architecture in Wales and their locations, demonstrating effectively the factors that influenced design and its development over the years.

Este livro é a antítese da agenda econômica dominante no Brasil. Professores e pesquisadores revelam como a agenda da austeridade é anacrônica ao negar o papel da política fiscal como indutora do crescimento e do emprego e é cruel ao propor sacrificar as garantias constitucionais do financiamento dos direitos sociais. Seus capítulos denunciam as consequências sociais dos cortes de gastos e mostram como o discurso da austeridade fiscal é ideológico, falacioso e dogmático. Além disso, o livro aponta para o futuro e propõe uma nova agenda econômica para o país que reafirma os direitos sociais, o papel do Estado no provimento desses direitos e a política fiscal como ferramenta para o crescimento, preservação ambiental, redução das desigualdades sociais, regionais, raciais e de gênero, em direção a um projeto de desenvolvimento transformador da realidade brasileira.

This volume focuses on Social Economic Rights codified by Kenya's historic 2010 constitution. Assuming that what legal scholars write about what courts do, or should do matters especially new democracies where jurisprudence on new rights is absent, this early academic effort aims to conceptualize and parse social economic rights as codified in comparative perspective. It provides perspectives on content of rights, remedies, the role of judges and public interest litigation.

The European Convention on Human Rights does not explicitly protect the right to work; nevertheless the ECHR case law protects aspects of this right. The paper summarises the content of the right to work and then demonstrates how the case law protects aspects of it. Article 8 can be used to protect the right to seek employment, while Articles 6 and 8 can be used to combat unfair dismissal. Other ECHR Articles prohibit discrimination. The paper concludes with some suggestions as to how to develop this trend in the case law. First, Article 8 should be recognised as protecting the negative aspects of the right to work. Second, the relationship between Article 8 and Article 14 needs clarification. Third, there is scope to develop positive obligations in relation to the right to work

This work aims to contribute to the debate on the role of the State and the Economic and Social Rights in Argentina from the analysis of the capital accumulation process and the structural changes that have taken place in the country in recent decades. First, we define the work within the debates on the role of the State and economic and social rights. At the core of the work, we present our own contribution, based on our previous research and other authors' works. First, we highlight some transformations on the capital accumulation process in Argentina. Then we analyze the role of the State through some of the most important social policies in the last years but we also add the consideration of some government's regulatory, fiscal, monetary, and labor-market policies. Finally, we develop our interpretation about the role of the State on the fulfillment of economic and social rights in the last decades. Resumen Este trabajo pretende contribuir al debate sobre los derechos económicos y sociales y el rol del Estado en Argentina a partir del análisis del proceso de acumulación de capital y los cambios estructurales que han tenido lugar en el país en las últimas décadas. Al comienzo encuadramos el trabajo en los debates actuales sobre el papel del Estado y los derechos económicos y sociales, y luego presentamos nuestra contribución, basada en desarrollos propios y en trabajos de otros autores. Primero destacamos algunas transformaciones en el proceso de acumulación de capital en Argentina. Luego analizamos el papel del Estado a través de algunas de las políticas sociales más

It is possible for African countries to combine trade liberalization, economic growth and human rights within the framework of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). Moreover, they can reap political and economic dividends from doing so. This is one of the conclusions of this study of the AfCFTA in 2016-2017 by the United Nations Commission for Africa, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung.

The study analyses different sectors with a particular focus on agriculture and informal trade, to conclude that taking human rights into account in the development of economic development strategies makes it possible to better understand the distributive effects of these strategies and thus avoid discriminatory repercussions against the most vulnerable populations. A human rights-based approach also makes it possible to design flanking and compensatory measures to help those who may be adversely affected.

The report also sets out recommendations for ongoing monitoring of the AfCFTA during its implementation and operational phases, as well as institutional to promote the promotion of human rights in the context of trade liberalization in Africa.

The doctoral thesis attempts to build a legal regime for the right to culture, which is an individual right with an important collective dimension. The aim of the doctoral thesis is to enable the right to culture to exert all its effects. The fog that still veils the right to culture, despite its fundamental importance and its growing engagement in political discourse, has fuelled a desire, which is the source of my doctoral thesis, to clarify the sources, the content, the obligations and the legal guarantees of the right to culture. To conduct a rigorous definition of the legal right to culture, three majors themes were chosen : the arts, the cultural heritage and the lifelong education. The research has mainly been devoted to constitutional law and international human rights. However, legal evolutions and problems have been clarified and examined by using an interdisciplinary approach, including the disciplines of legal theory and political philosophy. The whole thesis is devoted to the demonstration that the right to culture is a legal, an effective and a legitimate reality. Two hypotheses underlie the doctoral thesis. The first central hypothesis is that the right to culture, if defined, can be considered as a fundamental right because it comprises the eight constitutive elements of every fundamental right (sources, object, democratic values as fundaments, prerogatives, obligations, debtors, titulars and justiciability). The right to culture it entails a full legal regime that implies precise obligations for the State, which are guaranteed by concrete mechanisms. The right to culture is related to a precise content: the diversity of cultural expression and cultural heritage. This right implies concrete prerogatives: the right to artistic freedom of expression; the right to conservation, development and diffusion of culture; the right to access to cultural life and to cultural information; the right to take part in cultural life; the right to freedom of choice in cultural matters; the right to participate in the elaboration on and the implementation of cultural policies. This right can be hold against its debtors. It deploys itself at different levels of effectivity and of justiciability. The second central hypothesis is that the construction of the legal regime of the right to culture and the legitimacy of this right depends on its capacity to manage a permanent balancing between three of its elements which appear to be antagonistic in nature: on the one hand, artistic freedom, and on the other, equality and participation in cultural life. Especially in the theoretical justification of cultural policies, in the mutual enrichment between the different sources of the right to culture, in the definition of the object of the right to culture and in the definition of the elements of this right, this balancing occurs. Two ideas are determining for the whole doctoral demonstration. The first one concerns the definition of the right to culture’s legal regime on the basis of a conception of « culture » . This conception is limited to the diversity of cultural expressions and heritages. This first stance is explored by means of five methodological steps. First, a philosophical exploration of the concept of culture has authorized to discover that this concept has to be understood mainly in reference to the work on meaning that culture build and embodies. Subsequently, the peculiar conditions under which the legal system can apprehend the concept of culture have been identified: the legal concept of culture has to be understood in reference to the embodiment and the materialization of the work on meaning constructed by the « culture » in the anthropological sense of the word. Afterwards, on the basis of a historical analysis of the right to culture’s interpretation, it was observed that, in international law, the interpretation that is sometimes constructed, i.e. what the right to culture concerns, has been taken outside the limits of the legal systems. Indeed, the right to culture, after being set free from a very limited and academic approach of culture by an opening to the diversity of cultural expressions wherever they come, has been constructed in connection with cultural identities. Next to this analysis, this conception of the right to culture was evaluated from a critical point of view, and eventually rejected,, because its fundaments are too weak and because it denatures the right to culture and poses a threat to its effectiveness. Cultural identity is a particular dimension of the right to culture but cannot be its main object. The right to culture is concerned with the protection and promotion of cultural identity even if protection and promotion of cultural identity is not the actual content of the right. Finally, a definition of the right to culture’s object has been developed in connection with the diversity of works, methods, spaces and practices which express, from a critical and creative point of view or as a heritage to transmit, the work on meanings operated by culture in the anthropological sense. This apprehension of the right to culture can disappoint those who see in this right a « magical » right, capable to touch culture in its complexity and to solve all the problems posed by the multiplicity of cultural identities and by the so called « Clash of Civilizations ». But this restriction in the definition of the right to culture’s object is in fact a necessary condition for deploying it in the legal world. Here we come to the second determining stance, which concerns the identification of the effectiveness and of the justiciability of the right to culture, de lege lata et de lege ferenda. Constructing this right in connection to the diversity of cultural expressions and heritages lets us identify the prerogatives that the right to culture implies and the obligations that can be recognized for its debtors. This definition of the right to culture has enabled us to define this right as a justiciable right, i.e. as a right that individuals can seize and that judges can use in their legal reasoning. The justiciability of the right to culture varies of course from one element to another. But, the important finding is that all elements of this right could be recognized as justiciable. For certain elements, as the right to artistic freedom, the right to culture benefits already from “direct effect” in a narrow sense. This is also the case for the right to access to cultural diversity without barriers. Other elements of the right to culture have been contextualized in the legal system in such a degree that they could benefit from direct effect sensu stricto. This contextualisation is visible in for e.g. the right to be protected from abuses of copyrights when using artistic freedom: this particular right is so detailed in Belgian law that a judge already asserted that it has a direct effect, without conflicting with the separation of powers doctrine. Moreover, de lege feranda, a whole range of elements of the right to culture could be recognized as entailing direct effect sensu stricto, quod non today. The other elements of the right to culture donot have “direct effect” and benefit only from a “direct effect” in a broad sense.. For these elements, the standstill obligation is the determining factor because it indicates the compatibility control realized at the “contentieux objectif” by authorizing the judges to compare the litigious norm with the right to culture as it is materialized in Belgian law. Even if the right to culture is defined as it is suggested in the doctoral thesis, it remains a weak right and its effectiveness is far from being confirmed. This a-typical and ambivalent right can only be subjected to legal rationality when permanent conceptual efforts to apprehend this right in a legal way are made. However, the situation isn’t hopeless for all. Firstly, the right to culture opens great possibilities to defend, at the legal and philosophical levels, cultural policies and ways to rethink the conflict between economic law and cultural policies and laws. Furthermore, in a more positive way, the right to culture opens up new ways to rebase and re-legitimate the public law on culture and the cultural policies. These policies could indeed, thanks to the substantial and procedural elements of the right to culture’s legal regime, get a new lease after being out of steam for a long time.

There have been significant conflicts in constituting both civil & political and economic & social rights. While some advocate the civil and political rights as primary rights, others claim that civil and political rights are nothing without social and economic regulations. In this paper, the emergence of these rights, their characteristics, the divisions and interdependence between them will be viewed in general terms. The ambiguous distinction between two sets of rights and the opposition to these rights will be analysed from different points of view. Related to the economic and social rights, the impact of globalisation and the role of international organisation will be explained by referring the WTO and TRIPS. Consequently the interdependence between both sets of rights will be detailed generally by referring Fredman and Sen. Öz Medeni ve siyasi ile ekonomik ve sosyal hakların oluşumu ve içeriği geçmişten günümüze tartışmalı bir konu olagelmiştir. Kimi yazarlar medeni ve siyasal hakları daha temel ve öncül olarak görürken, diğerleri bu hakları sosyal ve ekonomik düzenlemeler olmaksızın işlevsiz olarak görürler. Bu çalışmada, bu hakların çıkış noktaları, içerikleri, farklılıkları ve karşılıklı bağımlılıkları genel olarak incelenecektir. Bu iki farklı hak kümesi arasındaki muğlak ayrım ve bu haklara karşı geliştirilen argümanlar farklı bakış açılarından açıklanacaktır. Ekonomik ve sosyal haklarla ilintili olarak, küreselleşmenin etkisi ve ulusüstü kurumların rolü, DTÖ (Dünya Ticaret Örgütü) ve TRIPS'e (ticaretle bağlantılı fikri mülkiyet hakları anlaşması) atıfta bulunarak tartışılacaktır. Ayrıca, her iki hak kümesi arasındaki bağımlılık genel olarak Fredman ve Sen' in argümanları çerçevesinde detaylandırılacaktır.

The present article draws on a critical theory of law ‘from below’ and a range of
archival sources to account for the contested role and significance of economic and social
rights in the making of the 1937 Irish Constitution. That socio-economic rights featured so
prominently in the constitution-making process owed, as elsewhere, to constitution-makers’
concerns for ‘class-abatement’ during the Great Depression. During various agrarian,
labour and women’s struggles in 1930s Ireland, republicans, communists, feminists and
trade unionists created a diversity of constitutions and programmes. In response to these
mobilisations, state constitution-makers articulated a highly selective form of ‘Catholic
social’ constitutionalism. The 1937 Irish Constitution thus left the existing laws of the
market unchanged but provided for a distinctly ‘national’ family law, an outcome defensive
of the country’s peripheral agrarian political economy and of the state’s outsourcing its comparatively
minimal welfare effort to the Catholic Church.

İşçi ve işveren, iş ilişkisinin birbirlerine ihtiyaç duyan, ancak çıkarları karşıt taraflarıdır. Bu ilişkiye devletin hiçbir biçimde müdahale etmediği durumlarda güçlü taraf olan işverenin sadece kendi menfaatleri doğrultusunda hareket etmesi sık karşılaşılan bir durumdur. Tarihsel süreçte, işçilerin bu sebeple hak arama mücadelesine yöneldikleri ve zamanla bu çabalarını örgütlü bir biçimde sürdürdükleri görülmüştür. Günümüzde bu yöndeki girişimler ve bu çerçevede kullanılan araçlar hukuki değer taşımakta ve işlevsel olamamaları halinde devlet, işçi ve işverenin, iş ilişkisini sağlıklı bir biçimde tanzim edemeyecekleri öngörülmektedir.
Sözü edilen mücadele araçlarının ceza hukuku korumasına tabi tutulması ihtiyacının sonucu olduğunu düşündüğümüz ve çalışmamızın konusunu teşkil eden “sendikal hakların kullanılmasının engellenmesi suçları”, ilk defa 5237 sayılı Türk Ceza Kanunu’nda ihdas edilmiştir. Tezimizin birinci bölümünde, her iki suç bakımından kurulu bir sendikanın bulunması gerektiği için sendika kavramı üzerinde durulmuştur. İkinci bölümde sendikal faaliyetler, sendikal hak ve özgürlükler ekseninde açıklanmış, üçüncü bölümde ise suç incelemesi yapılmıştır. Çalışma çerçevesinde sosyal ve ekonomik haklar nosyonunun ceza hukukuna esas alınmamasının sonuçları bu suç ekseninde değerlendirilmiştir.

After a tortured journey of 20 years, perhaps longer, Kenya adopted and promulgated a new constitution on 27th August 2010. Before the adoption and promulgation of the constitution, the highly controversial and long standing constitutional review process had been the subject of debate and inquiry for years, including in earlier editions of the State of Constitutionalism reports. The review process encompassed the aspiration of Kenyans who sought to address multiple constitutional and governance problems that had blighted constitutionalism and Kenya’s democratic evolution for decades. Kivuva captures these aspirations aptly: 

[…] those clamouring for a new constitution did not just want to restructure the government and redefine their relationship to it, they also wanted to solve a number of governance problems associated with the country’s previous governments. These included: rethinking the logic of state power vis- à-vis the citizenry; re-asserting the correct relationships between the three branches of government; reforming state institutions; re-defining the relationship between the central (or national) government and the sub- national (or regional) governance structures; and instituting a new culture of leadership oriented towards redressing social exclusion.

In summary, it can be stated that Kenyans yearned for a more inclusive, accountable and caring government founded on the rule of law. Arguing that the aspirations expressed during the review process have been achieved, largely with the adoption of the new constitution, this chapter documents the state of constitutionalism, democratic evolution and governance in Kenya for the year 2012. As emerges from the report, significant milestones were achieved. Other than the year 2010 when the constitution was adopted and promulgated, it can indeed be argued that 2012 was perhaps the most critical year in Kenya’s evolving constitutionalism. This is the year when the implementation of the constitution gathered steam as the country prepared for the 2013 general elections, the first under this constitution. Other than outlining key features of the new constitution, the report outlines key timelines, legislative developments, key policy decisions and major court decisions related to the evolving constitutional and governance project in Kenya.

The emerging issue is how the land laws and regulations especially the expropriation and the compensation laws are applied. This dissertation examines and intends to examine the law and practice relating to compulsory land acquisition in Tanzania specifically in examination of compensation coverage during evaluation process of the land to be acquired, and legal challenges of compulsory land acquisition, evaluation procedure and the preservation of economic rights.

This study was conducted at Kurasini area- Shimo la Udongo in Dar es Salaam where land was acquired in the years 2006 and 2007 for port expansion purpose, though compensation paid was not enough to cover all economic rights violated.

The process of compulsory land acquisition has more often been complained of by the general public for failure to carter on the rights of the victims most especially economic rights. The dissertation revealed a wide disparity between the coverage of evaluation during compensation process and the rights violated. Moreover, The Land Acquisition Act, Cap 118 (RE 2002) is not fair and just to people holding land under deemed right of occupancy as it restricts compensation to un exhausted improvements on the land which covers only property rights excluding a lot of economic rights like right to adequate standards of living, right to work and right to adequate income. This situation has not been rectified by any legislation till to date.

The dissertation recommends among others that, in order to have a peaceable society, wider and adequate evaluation which is to cover all rights should be made. So both the policy makers and local governments should revise the land laws and the human rights bill especially on the expropriation and the consideration of the rights violated in such a way that it would define economic rights for the victims since a “reasonable compensation” must be paid to them which is to cover all rights.

El artículo da cuenta de una serie de obstáculos en la producción y acceso a información pública en Argentina, que repercute en la efectiva determinación del cumplimiento de la obligación estatal de garantizar el Derecho a la Alimentación Adecuada (DAA).

En el análisis efectuado se tienen en cuenta las siguientes directrices voluntarias de FAO vinculadas con aspectos institucionales y de rendición de cuentas: “Directriz 1: Democracia, buena gestión pública derechos humanos y el estado de dere-cho”; “Directriz 5: Instituciones”;“Directriz 7: Marco jurídico”; “Directriz 17: Vigilancia, indicadores y puntos de referencia”; “Directriz 18: Instituciones nacionales de derechos humanos” y “Directriz 19: dimensión internacional” (Sistemas Universal e Interamericano de Derechos Humanos).

Una especial atención merecen también los “Indicadores de progreso para la medición de derechos contemplados en el Protocolo de San Salvador”, en tanto los Estados que han ratificado dicho Protocolo (como es el caso de Argentina), debieron presentar sus informes nacionales sobre el agrupamiento de derechos que incluye al DAA en el año 2016.

Referencia:
Carrasco, M, Pautassi, L., Aragón, J., Antoniou, F, Arcidiácono, P., Bestard, A., Balardini, L, Bermúdez, A., Carmona Barrenechea, V., Gamallo, G., Messina, G., Piasek, G., Royo, L. y Straschnoy, M. (2016). Derecho a la alimentación adecuada y acceso a la información pública en Argentina. Desafíos y oportunidades a partir de los Indicadores de progreso para la medición de derechos contemplados en el Protocolo de San Salvador. Cuadernos de Difusión del Centro de Estudios Internacionales de la Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile (11), pp. 119-142.