Advocacy and Activism

Personalisation of care services has the potential of empowering users through maximising their choice of services and improving their control on how such services are provided and by whom; there is some debate, however, of the suitability of such approach to some groups of users and potentially increased risks. Advocacy groups have long played a crucial role in promoting the rights of users whilst ensuring their safeguard. The current seminar presents examples of advocacy work from the UK and Europe that are specific to social services and care provision. It will discuss the role of advocacy that is present at various stages of care delivery from facilitating the input of users in the process of workforce training and qualifications to their involvement in service delivery. The presentation also highlights the role of the wider context of national social policy strategies in establishing the role of advocacy. The discussion will stress the importance of the coordination between training, commissioning and service provision in ensuring access and choice while recognising the need for safeguarding. These are likely to be achieved through the application of a complementary framework of work that involves service users, the workforce, informal carers and independent advocates within current consumer driven systems.

Enacted February 24, 2014 and effective until August 1, 2014, Uganda’s Anti-Homosexuality Act targeted Ugandans of minority sexual orientations and gender identities—many of whom self-identify as 'kuchu'—by imposing life sentences for homosexual sex and same-sex marriage. The original Anti-Homosexuality Bill introduced in 2009 promised even worse for kuchus: it would have mandated that all Ugandans report known homosexuals and threatened execution for serial offenders and other perpetrators of “aggravated homosexuality.” In the context of Ugandan political conflict, emerging international human rights norms, and global asymmetries of power, Uganda has become an ideological battlefront where competing actors—both US-based and Ugandan—advance their respective visions of a just and righteous global society. These factors mandate that US-based activists and organizations painstakingly consider how (or whether) they can advocate responsibly and effectively for international human rights related to gender identity and sexual orientation. Through interdisciplinary lenses and critical analysis, this paper explores three questions:

• How is Uganda distinct from other sites of antigay legislation?
• How have US-based organizations impacted Ugandan discourse and policy toward kuchus?
• How can US-based rights advocates and activists campaign for kuchus without doing them further harm?

In recent decades, civil society organisations (CSOs) have grown both in number and in their impact on policy-making, at European and also non-Member state level. Public institutions, motivated by the need to increase their legitimacy, have increasingly delegated functions to CSOs. Concomitantly, CSOs have expanded their access to public funding. In part because of increased access to public funding, and in part because of a stronger relationship with public powers, CSOs are under pressure to demonstrate that they use the resources they are given in an efficient, accountable and transparent manner, e.g. by adopting policies on fiscal transparency, and by maintaining financial solvency. The EU's interest in regulating CSOs is relatively recent. At present, the legal framework addressing CSOs' financial accountability includes two 'categories' of norms: those that regulate the award of public contracts and the concession of grants, and those norms that address transparency and openness. The first category includes the rules on public contracts and the rules on (co-)financing of CSO projects; whereas the second category includes the Financial Transparency Initiative (FTJ) and the Joint Transparency Register
(JTR). The FTJ gathers all information on EU funding in a single database. The JTR gathers information produced by the various organisations (including CSOs) that are interested in lobbying the EU, and who register voluntarily. Defining the boundaries of CSO fiscal accountability and effectively tackling cases of fraud or financial mismanagement remains a difficult endeavor. On the one hand, the EU still lacks a single overarching understanding (and, consequently, legal definition) of CSOs. This translates into the absence of clear legal definitions, and more generally into
the opacity of the information available on CSOs through EU databases. Moreover, as CSOs are 'private entities', they are not submitted to the same integrity mechanisms and norms that apply to public institutions, including internal and external oversight. Finally, a significant administrative burden imposed on CSOs may, in the end, counter EU efforts to tackle financial mismanagement by CSOs. In many respects, the issue of CSO financial accountability has come to resemble a dialogue of the deaf: EU institution-proposed reforms have been postponed, or have not produced the outcomes expected, or have been fiercely opposed by CSOs. At the same time, the self-regulatory tools (including policies on selecting donors, self monitoring and codes of conduct and standards) developed by CSOs to enhance their
financial accountability have not obtained official recognition from EU institutions.

The NFL protests are only one of many celebrity-fueled political controversies during the Trump presidency. Why is there such a proliferation of celebrity activism? More importantly, does it amount to anything? What does our knowledge of celebrity influence tell us about the recent NFL controversy?

AFTER his release from prison in South Africa and he became inaugural president of the majority rule government with the abolition of apartheid, Nelson Mandela declared in a speech in 1997: "We know too well that our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians. Founding Halt All Racist Tours (HART) leader John Minto invoked these words again several times in Hamilton on Sunday as veterans and supporters of the 1981 Springbok Rugby Tour anti-apartheid protests gathered to mark the 40th anniversary of the historic events. Starting at the “1981” tour retrospective exhibition at the Hamilton Museum – Te Whare Taonga o Waikato, the protesters gathered for a luncheon at Anglican Action and then staged a ceremonial march to FMG Stadium – known back then as Rugby Park – where they had famously breached the perimeter fence and invaded the pitch.

By advocating and lobbying for a particular purpose the Civil Society Organizations may make democratic changes in the society, changes in the policies and the system in order to help the concerned citizens for which they advocate. The CSOs have a great role in creating the public awareness and they publicly advocate for overcoming some of the problems which the citizens face every day. They articulate the needs of the citizens and the advocate for their resolution. In fact, advocating often starts with detecting and defining the problem or issue for which we want to promote, initiate and propose a change in policy, system and practice.There are many concrete steps which a CSO can undertake in creating changes in the public awareness and resolution of some of the problems that the citizens in a country face.Activities through organizing debates, forums, advocating for a certain case, collecting signatures, organizing petitions, public debates, public hearings, testimonies and campaigns can help the CSOs to gain and include more supporters and allies in the process of lobbying and advocating.CSOs advocate for making certain changes, if it is necessary to amend certain laws which will be of use and in function of citizens in overcoming their problems.But, CSOs before starting the process of advocating and lobbying should obtain the mandate and legitimacy by citizens, they should get support by them, only that way they have the power to conspire and advocate.The changes for which the CSOs advocate often are connected with undertaking activities whose purpose is advocating social justice, better justice system vulnerable, marginalized groups and disadvantaged citizens,implementation of human rights in practice.CSOs strive to include the agenda they advocate and lobby for in the public to be part of the agenda of the decision makers. By addressing the issue in relation to the Government and Parliament, by receiving citizen and media support, the initiative of a CSO gets significance and fights for that issue to get more attention in the public space.By receiving public support CSOs become stronger and can ask and insist the decision makers to find a solution to the certain problems. But, it is also important for them to be included in giving suggestions and solutions and continuously to ask for support by the public to implement the solution in practice.In this process of advocacy and lobby CSOs undertake a concrete action and they offer concrete solutions in order to cause a certain change which will help the citizens to improve some situation in society. The CSOs should convince the decision makers that these suggestions and solutions for which they advocate to be in the best interest of citizens.This manual for advocacy and lobby should help the CSOs regarding the issue they advocate and lobby for to succeed in creating policies which will be accepted by the decision makers, therefore directly to help the citizens to resolve real problems which they advocate for.

Dragi Zmijanac Regional Coordinator for Advocacy and Lobbying

Alors que 2010 marque l’année internationale de la biodiversité, les firmes jouent un rôle encore mal connu dans l’élaboration des accords internationaux liés à ce thème. Pour le préciser, cet ouvrage analyse l’influence des lobbies industriels sur les négociations passées et en cours de deux sous-accords de la Convention sur la diversité biologique signée en 1992 dans le cadre des Nations unies. Ces deux sous-accords portent respectivement sur la gestion des biotechnologies, et sur celle des ressources génétiques naturelles. Les firmes ont-elles réussi à imposer leurs préférences lors des négociations de ces accords ? Ont-elles dicté leurs lois, ou, au contraire, sont-elles restées sous le joug des gouvernements ? Seule une analyse empirique détaillée des stratégies d’influence industrielles en amont et pendant les réunions de négociations internationales permet de répondre à ces interrogations. « Une réponse à plusieurs paradoxes du régime de la biodiversité. A ma connaissance, aucune étude ne permet de mieux comprendre le fossé qui sépare la Suisse des Etats-Unis sur le dossier APA, alors que tous deux sont des foyers importants de compagnies biotechnologiques. Cet ouvrage éclaire l’ambivalence du gouvernement américain, suffisamment sceptique pour s’abstenir de soumettre la ratification de la CDB au Congrès, et suffisamment enthousiaste pour défendre à grands cris l’approche contractuelle de la CDB par opposition à une approche réglementaire » Jean-Frédéric Morin, professeur à l’Université libre de Bruxelles. « L’auteur montre bien les limites de l’influence des entreprises au niveau national et international. Ses conclusions sur les nuances à apporter quant au rôle et au pouvoir des firmes sont extrêmement bien étayées et convaincantes » Philippe Le Prestre, professeur à l’Université Laval et directeur de l’Institut Hydro-Québec en environnement, développement et société.

Planung und Evaluation im Public-Affairs-Management (PA) erfordern eine strategische Vorstellung von Ziel-Mittel-Relationen sowie Verlaufs- und Ergebnisinformationen über Veränderungen. Der Beitrag gibt in drei Teilen einen Überblick über Probleme und Lösungsideen dieser Aufgabe, die weniger der schematischen Kontrolle als der Strategiekompetenz und Lernkultur dienen sollte. Der erste Abschnitt umreißt die Ambivalenzen und Grenzen der PA-Metrie und legt dar, wie Werttreiber und Wirkungsmodelle einen Planungs- und Evaluationsrahmen für einzelne Messkonzepte bilden. Die zwei folgenden Abschnitte erläutern praktische Anwendungen: Bewertungstechniken für dauerhafte Verbandsmitgliedschaften von Unternehmen und stärker projektbezogen für das Lobbying bei Einzelvorhaben.

Radio is an old medium that seems to struggle to renew itself. With the switchover from analogue to digital and the necessity to keep up with consumer demand and expectations, radio has been regularly deemed to be obsolete. Radio as a primetime media died, but radio also morphed into something else. During the French occupy movement Nuit Debout in April 2016, people who were walking around Place de la République-the Parisian heart of the protest-might have been surprised to discover Radio Debout ("radio stand up"). Why one should contribute to such a radio when Internet and social networks prevail? With the idea that micro-radio broadcasting holds the potential to empower ordinary people at the local community level, radio-activism is tinkering its way back against the overriding force of computer-mediated technologies. An earlier version of this piece appeared on inaglobal.fr, the online journal of the French National audiovisual institute (INA).

« Revolt on the air - Radio Activism, Protest and French Politics », Explosivepolitics.com, 28/12/2016, http://explosivepolitics.com/blog/revolt-on-the-air-radio-activism-protest-and-french-politics/

Despite increasing public attention to animal suffering, little seems to have changed: Human beings continue to exploit billions of animals in factory farms, medical laboratories, and elsewhere. In this wide-ranging and perceptive study, Lisa Kemmerer shows how spiritual writings and teachings in seven major religious traditions can help people to consider their ethical obligations toward other creatures.

Dr. Kemmerer examines the role of nonhuman animals in scripture and myth, in the lives of religious exemplars, and by drawing on foundational philosophical and moral teachings. She begins with a study of indigenous traditions around the world, then focuses on the religions of India (Hindu, Buddhist, and Jain) and China (Daoism and Confucianism), and finally, religions of the Middle East (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam). At the end of each chapter, Kemmerer explores the inspiring lives and work of contemporary animal advocates who are motivated by a personal religious commitment.

Animals and World Religions demonstrates that rethinking how we treat nonhuman animals is essential for anyone claiming one of the world's great religions.

Recent debates about corporate political speech have focused on the question of corporate personhood and the rights and obligations it implies. But even for those of us for whom the notion of corporate personhood is a crucial concept, it may make sense to think of corporations, in their lobbying activities, as tools of humans with interests, rather than as the holders of interests themselves. This paper examines the corporation not as a lobbying agent, but as a lobbying instrument, and asks whether framing lobbying in terms of the appropriate use of technology can enlighten on a vexed topic.

This session will discuss the Oxfam research backgrounder on "The Rise of Populism and Its Implications for Development", with a specific focus on the challenges posed by the politics of 'post-truth' for evidence-informed influencing. The paper addresses three questions: 

1. What changes in political action and discourse characterize the resurgence of the right? What are the most significant trends and can they be measured? 

2. What explains these trends? Are they primarily a reaction to the impacts of globalization? What are the alternative explanations? What other factors are relevant? 

3. What are the political, economic, and social implications of these developments? What are their implications for organizations like Oxfam and its partners?

The session comprises an overview of data about the political trends, a review of the different explanations for them, and a discussion of their wider implications for development and influencing in particular.

Teološka fakulteta v Ljubljani želi biti dostopna za vse. Hkrati se zaveda, da ne izpolnjuje kriterija o dostopnosti vseh javnih stavb, ki velja tudi v Sloveniji in je zapisan tudi v konvenciji o pravicah invalidov, katere podpisnica je tudi Slovenija.
V ta namen je izdelan elaborat pregleda dostopnosti stavbe gibalno oviranim, ki uporabljajo električni invalidski voziček, opredelitev nedostopnih točk, predlogi rešitev le-teh in narejena osnovna rekapitulacija posegov.
Na podlagi ugotovitev bo fakulteta zaprosila za potrebna sredstva.

Concerns about the criminal justice response to rape have prompted the development of victim advocacy services across a range of jurisdictions, yet research evidence about the nature, meaning and value of advocacy remains limited. This article draws upon a study evaluating an innovative
advocacy model introduced in Scotland to assist reporting rape to the police. Findings from interviews with nine victims highlight the importance of advocacy that is independent of statutory and criminal justice agencies. However, it is argued that this does not mitigate the need for specialization or reform in the criminal justice response to rape and, further, that the distinction between advocacy at an individual and societal level represents a false dichotomy.

Public relations scholars have emphasised the role of the Internet, and in particular social media, as a new and effective way for communication professionals to engage with stakeholders on social issues. However, beyond conceptual papers, there has been limited to no empirical evidence that online spaces are indeed more effective when aiming to engage diverse, dispersed communities. This paper aims to address this gap, by examining the social media activities of two seemingly dissimilar communities: the Australian Asbestos Network and the West Australian Anti Nuclear Movement. The authors conclude that in an online advocacy context, communities create issues, as opposed to congregate around carefully crafted communications messages.

Halifax Refugee Clinic is doing important work with students, and may impact their careers in longlasting ways. This work needs to be
appreciated and studied, and in particular the time and resources such
organizations dedicate to education and enriching our civil society must be acknowledged. However, it is important to retain a critical lens
when discussing the role of refugee service-provision organizations in
education.

Despite the importance of social media as an inexpensive and efficient means of communication, it is not clear to what degree space advocacy groups are making a strong organized effort to use the resources available to them. Moreover, there is no previous literature that specifically examines the use of social media tools by space organizations. This study seeks to start a larger dialog regarding how the space advocacy community can make use of these tools to promote their mission. Using a case study approach, this article focuses specifically on the organization of Yuri’s Night to explore how this group is using social media to accomplish its mission of building general space awareness. In addition, this article evaluates the organization’s social media presence as well as the role social media has played in the organization’s ability to accomplish its mission. Other space advocacy groups can use the lessons learned here to improve their own social media strategies.

This is Part III of a series of essays that explore Palestinian advocacy at the University of Hawaii - Manoa. The possibility that a nexus exists between Hamas and the University, will be analyzed. The University’s involvement in a story that may have concealed the identity of an infamous Hamas terrorist, will also be examined.

Is there a nexus? What role did the University play in promoting ‘The Chicken’ story? The reader will answer these questions.

If AIPAC involves itself in religious conflicts and takes stands on issues unrelated to Israel's security, it will narrow its base of support. AIPAC deserves the wholehearted support of every Jew. As we enter the Three Weeks, during which traditional Jews observe acts of mourning to remember the destruction of the Temple, I am reminded of an incident that occurred 56 years ago at this time. Rabbi Moshe Sherer, the legendary leader of Agudath Israel of America, was invited to meet with president John F. Kennedy regarding an upcoming vote in the United Nations that was unfavorable to Israel.

Miben volt igaza és mit rontott el Geréb Ágnes? Pályakép, stratégiák és elméleti keret a magyarországi szabadszülés-mozgalom történetében.

A vezér elbukott, a háborút megnyerték: az otthonszülés mára legális, de csak kevesen férnek hozzá, a kórházi szülészet pedig borzasztó ütemben javul, ha egyáltalán. Geréb Ágnes lehetett volna ügyesebb, de nem lehetett volna sokkal sikeresebb. Munkaszervezés és ellenállási stratégiák, szakmai érdekérvényesítés és bírósági huzavona: Geréb Ágnes pályaképe a kilenecvenes évek legjellemzőbb vonásait viseli magán.

Ez a cikk eredetileg a Kettős Mércén jelent meg.

Teaching is an art. Some people are born teachers while others acquire the skill. To be a great teacher, one has to have a sense of humor and be very flexible. Teachers will never teach to gain monetary reward. However, they will teach to achieve the best reward - satisfaction that they have an impact on the education of the leaders of the world, the training of CEOs, and the success of new breed of professionals. Teaching is a noble profession.

This paper will argue that wealth and income inequality are among the most pressing issues for contemporary social work. Despite this, social work as a discipline and profession has, in the main, been slow to respond to this growing problem. Critical approaches to social work, however, have always included a commitment to eliminating poverty, promoting equity and addressing both the causes and consequences of socio-economic disadvantage as a core priority. This paper will discuss the contributions critical social work can make to socially informed and ethical responses, particularly through its critical pedagogic, reflective and activist practices in contesting wealth and income inequality.

This article contributes to the emergent literature on the use of social media at advocacy organizations. Much of this existing literature focuses on these organizations’ production of social media information; this article, however, explores the complementary and relatively unexamined consumption of social media information that can form part of advocacy work. By drawing parallels between journalism and advocacy, the article develops two theoretical models of how advocacy organizations evaluate social media information as part of this consumption. These models differ according to the information values at their cores and according to how these values are evaluated in practice; correspondingly, the models interact differently with social media’s affordances. The key information value for the evidence model is the veracity of the information’s metadata, and this is largely evaluated through a time-intensive verification process requiring corroboration and drawing on human expertise. In contrast, the key information value pertaining to the engagement model is participation, which is evaluated by measuring the volume of participants in the information’s production and transmission. The affordances of social media are often hindrances for the evidence model, because they can make metadata more difficult to verify. In contrast, the engagement model capitalizes on social media affordances, because these affordances facilitate participation as well as the evaluation of participation volume using digital analytics. In addition to shedding light on approaches to social media information evaluation at advocacy organizations, this article urges researchers and practitioners to be alive to related barriers to pluralism as they study and use these approaches.

This article examines the Internet’s emergent role in the claims-making process. My central premise is while Internet technology provides lay citizens with a mass mediated platform to dis- tribute claims publically, power dynamics in the public sphere have remained relatively stable: Insiders and lobbyists continue to be powerful cultural voices; the press still functions as a cul- tural gatekeeper of newsworthiness; most people continue to have relatively little social author- ity; and the least powerful risk being completely left out of a digital society. Using the National Rifle Association (NRA) web presence as a case study, I describe the Internet as a vast collec- tion of interconnected public cyber-arenas where problem claims are continuously disseminated, global communication is facilitated via online advocacy networks, and claimants utilize novel cyber-strategies to mobilize supporters. In doing so, I examine how cyber-arenas fundamentally differ from more static traditional claims-making arenas like television, radio, and print publica- tion. I conclude by considering the extent to which historically powerful insider claims-making groups like the NRA are actually best positioned to succeed in a supposedly democratized new media world.