Modern Media, Modern Audiences: Mass media and social engineering in the 1930s Swedish welfare state (diss.)

Tillgängliggjord av Stockholms universitet enligt avtal med avtalslicensverkan som ingåtts med medlemmarna i den kollektiva förvaltningsorganisationen Bonus Copyright Access. Får användas i enlighet med gällande lagstiftning. Provided by Stockholm University by extended collective licence in agreement with the members of Bonus Copyright Access. May be used according to current legislation. iW o ilc n i A k ilia M odern A u d ie n c e s M ASS M E D IA AND E N G IN E E R IN G S W E D IS H YLVA HABEL IN S O C IA L THE W ELFARE 1930s STA TE M odern M edia, M odern Audiences: M ass M edia and Social Engineering in the 1930s Swedish W elfare State Akademisk avhandling som för avläggande av filosofie doktorsexamen vid Stockholms universitet offentligen försvaras i Föreläsningssalen, Filmhuset, Borgvägen 1-5, Stockholm, lördagen den 21 :a december 2002, kl. 10.00 av Ylva Habel Filmvetenskapliga institutionen Stockholm 2002 102 51 Stockholm ISBN 91-628-5507-7 Abstract The dissertation straddles the interface of mass media, social engineering and advertising in 1930s Stockholm. Its twofold objective is firstly to outline their cultural output, targeting predominantly feminine audiences. Discussions oscillate between intertextual and contextual levels, and elucidate the spaces providing the respective settings for these media. Advertising is claimed to establish spatiotemporal spheres where the everyday meets with the semifictional framework of films or tie-in contests, which are thereby expanded in multifarious ways.The study also argues that newsreels visualize history overlooked in canonized history writing, by providing documentary and navigatory instruments in urban milieus now lost. Secondly, the study encircles two sets of discourses underpinning the mass media of the nascent welfare state, the former encompassing advertising, hygiene and eugenics.The latter is a prismatic construction of the public — highlighted as citizens, consumers and patients. Exhibitions and non-fiction films often encouraged spectators to compare their life projects, medical profiles and lifestyles with those of object lessons or newsreels, channeling imperatives into them by elevating their everyday experiences and concerns to issues of national importance. The methodology is partly drawn from early film and visual culture theory, partly from feminist early film scholarship on filmgoing and the problematic of feminine mobility in consumerist culture. Contrary to the conceptualization of feminine flânerie as contained by patriarchal capitalism, the dissertation holds that a gender-coded framework docs not nullify the value of women’s mobility, or reduce it to capitalist goals. A wider understanding of consumerist spaces and venues entails treating them as spheres simultaneously harboring commercially homogenizing and polysémie capacities. Chapter 1 highlights the Stockholm Exhibition 1930, presenting the grounds as a literal and conceptual panorama of architectonics, objects and issues. In contrast to several analyses of its reception, this concerns the modes of spectating adopted or rejected by audiences and critics, and the sensory and bodily implications of disorientation or discomfort brought about by glass architecture.The film Brokiga Blad is regarded as an instance of film-mediated reception, involving a gaze precipitated by a mixture of awe and rural skepsis towards functionalism. Chapter 2 presents case studies of media with the welfare effort and the eugenics program as a backdrop. The exhibition “Mor och Barn” specifically targeted female visitors, who were called on to reflect on their part in the nation’s dwindling birth rates. This and other media events concretized the eugenic ideology’s vision of a healthier human type, and provided training grounds for opening up the private sphere to scrutiny, and the spectators themselves to civic soulsearching and introspection. Chapter 3 accounts for marketing policies, elucidating the interrelationship of exhibitions, films, contests and discourses on advertising. To reconstructs filmic arenas offering readers a peak at their local stars, or to learn screen dance, a few periodicals and film-related ephemera are presented. Chapter 4 first discusses buildings offering women architectonic, cinematic, and commodity-trapped attractions. The second part is devoted to the moral outrage expressed by social reformists, worried by the perceived expansion and fusion of degenerating urban pleasures.They believed that the lifestyles of Hollywood films would jeopardize young women’s sexual virtue by, putting “ideas” into their heads. Nevertheless, indications are given that some girls were in fact attracted to the commodity values of urbanity, to the point of transgressing sexual norms to attain a desired lifestyle. Chapter 5 focuses upon the movement Hälsa genom Nakenkultur (HgN) and its alternative to urban popular culture: nudism. If the imagery carried the strongest rhetorical force for spreading the nudist credo, the exposure of nakedness was a delicate matter. To contain the potentially expansiveness of sexual connotations, the dissertation argues, nudity was screened with acculturating codes, and a repertoire of legitimizing poses, gestures and activities. Chapter 6 discusses exhibitions launched as lobbying tools for putting the Vacations Act into operation, and the formulation of the issue as a social, economic and cultural problem. Visual culture theory is the framework for teasing out the educational aspects of displays and tableaux. From its overall topography down to vehicles, tents and books, “Fritiden” is likened to a Heideggerian toolbox, providing a connection between eye and hand, necessary for achieving an embodied understanding of the vacation and its attributes. Keywords: Swedish 1930s cinema, advertising, civicfosterage, eugenics, exhibitions, hygiene, newsreels, prostitution, social engineering. Modern Media, Modern Audiences A V o d c n i A le d in , A l o d e n i A u d i e n c e s M a s s M e d ia and S o c ia l E n g in e e r in g in t h e S w e d is h Y lv a 19 3 0 s W e lfa r e S ta te H abel ISBN 91-628-5S07-7 ©Ylva Habel, 2002 Aura Förlag, Stockholm Tryckeri: Edita Norstedts Printed in Sweden C o n ten ts Acknowledgements : Introduction 1. . 9 Background Research ___________________ 11 Methodological Framework ______________ 15 Negotiating Feminine Experience — Or Not? 18 Newsreels as Flistory 19 Ephemera, Audience Contests and Contexts Disposition ____________________________ 22 21 A Vision of Modernity: The Stockholm Exhibition 1930 and Its Reception____________________________________________29 In the Grounds ___________________________________________________ 29 Advertsing Galore ________________________________________________ 35 Architectonic Poem or Messy Poster Show? Aspects of Critical Reception _ 38 Excursus, or a Film Excursion by Car to the Stockholm Exhibition ______ 46 The Problematics of Eye Vision and (Failed) Transparency _____________ 51 2. “The Measure of a Nation s Standard and Culture:” The A-Child Contest and Other Eugenic Phenomena______________ 59 Eugenics and the Population Issue __________________________________ 60 The “Mother and Child” Exhibition _________________________________ 65 Healthy Film Beauties, A-People and Milk Propaganda ________________ 74 3. Viewing, Reading and Dancing One 's Way Through Stockholm and Its Outskirts __________________________________ 91 A Romantic Landscape of Consumption: Under False Flag _______________ 94 Tie-ins, Mannequins and Fashion in The Girl From the Department Store ____ 97 Readable Films and Collectibles ___________________________________ 104 Versatile Reading: SF W eekly ____________________________________ 110 The Film Image and Its Contests ______________________________________ 112 Transpositions of Advertising: Advertise and Fie, She, and the M oney _______ 119 4. “Centrum is The Centrum for All Ladies!” Housewives, Flâneuses and Street Girls in Stockholm's Modernized Filmscape __ 129 A Functionalist Manifesto: Flamman _______________________________ 129 Centrum House: “The New Focal Point of Stockholm”_______________ 137 SF s Filmic Landscape ___________________________________________ 144 Heterotopian Cinema and Foyer Events for Flâneuses and Housewives __ 149 Kungsgatan and its Street Girls, or the Problems of Urbanity and Visual Pleasure _____________________ 152 “Vulgarization Through the Eye”___________________________________ 159 5. Health, Beauty, Character: The Ramifications of Nudism, Body Culture and Hygiene _____________________________________ 167 The Launching and Reception of Nudism: Lachendes Leben and Nudist Camps _________________________________ 171 Naked — Decent? Nudist Journals and Their Legitimizing Strategies _____ 175 Rhythm ical Girls _________________________________________________ 181 Hygienist Ideology: Gymn ________________________________________ 184 6. Learning to Handle “Modern Leisure”________________________ 195 Presenting the Leisure Problem ___________________________________ 198 “Modern Leisure” and Eye-Pedagogy ______________________________ 203 Vacation 1939 and Womens Preparedness for War___________________215 Conclusion__________________________________________________________223 Films ________________________________________________________________ 227 Bibliography_________________________________________________________ 229 Index________________________________________________________________ 243 F örord Avhandlingsskrivande medför ovillkorligen studieskulder av olika slag. Nog sagt om de monetära, men de mer angenäma skulder jag samlat på mig genom åren ska jag med glädje redovisa här. Stort tack till min handledare Jan Olsson, som med snabbhet läst utkast och haft kloka idéer och kommentarer — och som dessutom har förmåga att på ett tidigt stadium ge positiv kritik på ett sådant sätt att arbetet sedermera drivs av viljan att förtjäna den. Hans breda filmteoretiska utblick och infallsrikedom har varit ovärderliga för avhandlingen. Tack också till alla mina seminarickolleger; er vakna respons har spelat en väsentlig roll, i synnerhet som jag ibland har frågat mig om reklam och filmrelaterade tävlingar verkligen kan vara så intressanta som jag fått för mig. Tack till Vreni, Louise, Malin och Annika, vars diskussioner, upmuntrande gester och tillrop betytt mycket. Mats Björkin har titt som tätt delat med sig av sina senaste bokfynd och idéer, och under åren har vi talat en hel del om just reklam, filmvisningskontexter och den svenska filmbranschen. Pelle har också delat med sig av berikande litteratur, och läst stora delar av utkastet med kritisk, men välvillig blick. Under arbetet med den här avhandlingen har jag på många sätt varit lyckligt lottad. Trots att Filmvetenskapen i Stockholm är en liten institution, har vi som är verksamma här knappast saknat internationella kontakter. Tack till Tom Gunning, Annette Kuhn och Michael Renov, som på olika sätt gjort synliga avtryck i texten. Förutom att de, och en mängd andra gästlärare hållit givande kurser, har ett flertal konferenser här gett möjligheter att ventilera idéer. William Uricchio, Donald Crafton och John Sedgwick har gett värdefull respons. Jag vill även tacka Trond Lundemo, som i ett av dessa sammanhang öppnade mina ögon för den Heiddeggcrska händighetens betydelse. Jag har under åren fått tillfälle att bevista ett antal utländska konferenser, vars impulser varit viktiga för avhandlingen. Patricia Zimmermann, Elizabeth Cowie och Richard Chustcrman har givit värdefulla kommentarer under några av dem. Jag är också djupt tacksam för den hjälp jag fått med film-, bild- och arkivmaterial. Tack till Margaretha Nordström, som tillät mig botanisera bland filmprogrammen i Svenska Filminstitutets gömmor (det är annars ingen självklar ynnest). Jag är stort tack skyldig Ulrika och Bengt på Tevearkivet, som låtit mig se så mycket journalfilm, och Lasse Nilsson, som gett mig möjlighet att överföra några av dem till stillbilder. Tack till Lars Kihlström på Stockholms Stadsarkiv, som nästan tog två arbetsdagar i anspråk för att tyda och diskutera biografritningar. Hans Permbo på Ystads konstmuseum lät mig generöst avfotografera bildmaterial från utställningen Fritiden, och gav mig dessutom en snabbguidning över vad som borde ses i Ystad under ett endagsbesök. Gunnar Wieslander på Ystad Stadsarkiv har också låtit mig få tillgång till både bild- och textmaterial kring utställningen. Tack till er alla. I slutminuten av avhandlingsarbetet fick jag via Gunnar kontakt med Hans-Erik Olson, som delat med sig av sitt fritidsvetenskapliga perspektiv, och som betraktar samma utställning som en idémässig trampolin in i framtiden. Ekonomisk har avhandlingsarbetet till övervägande del möjliggjorts genom stipendier frän Holger och Thyra Lauritzcns stiftelse för främjande av filmhistorisk forskning, Håkanssons stipendiefond och Kungliga Gustav Adolfs Akademien för svensk folkkultur. Filmvetenskapliga institutionen bidrog till målgången. Stort tack! Många skulle säkert hålla med om att man i ett avhandlingsarbete sätter ord på, och realiserar intressen och preferenser man burit med sig sedan länge, kanske sedan barnsben. Det gäller även den här avhandlingen. Genom min familjs nostalgiska berättelser om dansoch biokvällar i Stockholm, har mitt intresse för svunna kulturmiljöer och nöjesformer inpräglats nästan komiskt tidigt. Mina fosterfarföräldrar Astrid och Bengt hade som tonåringar kommit till Stockholm från landsorten på trettiotalet, och av deras minnesbilder och rumsuppfattning att döma, dröjde den kartan av innerstaden kvar hos dem, som en slags dubbelexponering av tid och rum. Från en sjuårings horisont verkade det även som om deras hem och närmaste omgivning tillhörde det förflutna (jag blev så till den grad historiskt inkännande att jag trodde att en gammal radioapparat jag fått av dem skulle spela radioutsändningar som motsvarade appartens tillkomstperiod). De bodde i ett äldre trähus på Beckholmen — den lilla ön bakom Gröna Lund — och att komma dit var som att stiga in i en tidskorridor. Öns skrotiga landskap och skeppsdockor var mitt eget och ständigt lika tacksamma arkeologiska projekt. Och det faktum att Bengt basat över upptagningen av Wasaskcppet i en av Beckholmens dockor bidrog till charmen. Inomhus fanns Astrids berättelser, samlingar och högar av veckotidningar. Hennes garderob utgjorde en hel liten modehistoria, och gåvorna därifrån grundläde mina egna samlartalanger. En del av avhandlingen har sitt ursprung där. Jag är glad över det stöd och intresse jag fått från min mamma Inger, min rara mormor Elva, och min tuffa moster Anita. Tack också till min svärmormor Stina, som berättat om trettiotalets Stockholm, och som liksom Lotta och Ann-Britt även har läst en del av texten. Min bästa vän Annica tog med dödsförakt med sig ett ganska ofärdigt manus på en av sina otaliga resor över Atlanten. Ett sådant intresse är verkligen ett moraliskt stöd... liksom hennes och min bror Johans ständigt återkommande och näsvist rättframma fråga “Och när blir du klar, då?” De har även accepterat att jag varit så gott som omöjlig att träffa de senaste månaderna. Mitt varmaste tack går till min livskamrat Staffan, som inte bara lagt ned stort arbete på att scanna bilder till, och formge den här avhandlingen, utan som även outtröttligt diskuterat den med mig, fotograferat under materialinsamlingsutflyktcr, och varit en stadig klippa i alla avseenden. Därför tillägnas den honom. Perpetua. Stockholm i november, 2002 I n tr o d u c tio n For many reasons, the 1930s were a momentous decade in Sweden, particularly when we look at the upsurge in retrospective academic inquiry into areas such as the formation and policies of the welfare state. A salient topic in relation to this is the rise of the Swedish functionalist movement, which aspired to speed up progressive social policies by showing housing solutions and lifestyles that were affordable and revolutionizing, first and foremost launched at the Stockholm Exhibition in 1930. Yet another critical element was the late urbanization of Sweden, and the somewhat prolonged cultural ambivalence towards the modernization that accompanied it. Furthermore, the abundance of writing produced during the decade bears close scrutiny. My dissertation attempts to capture something of these self-defining features in the 1930s film publicity and intertexts. In contrast to the densely populated industrial European cities, as little as one third of Sweden's 6 million population were city-dwellers in the 1930s. The anthology Franßygdröm till Swingscen. Ungdom och modernitet på 1930-talet, states this, presenting a background picture of the youthful population of Stockholm, and their leisure habits and working conditions. Between 1931 and 1935, an average of 17,000 people moved to the cities annually; 60 percent of these newcomers were women from agricultural areas, seeking employment as maids and housekeepers. Moreover, the inroads made by industrialization and urbanization were nonsynchronous; therefore, as women were not as involved in industrial production as were men, their number in the cities as well as their adjustment to urban modernity appeared to be greater. Although in badly paid jobs working long hours, womens employment situation was often better than the men's. The anthology states that according to statistics covering 1930 to 1933, the employment rate for women dropped by only 1 percent during the depression, as compared with 14 percent for men. According to the national censuses of 1930 and 1940, the proportion of young women involved in agricultural work during the decade dropped by 75 percent, but their new urban occupations did not appear in the figures, since their employment was often based on an oral agreement. In many instances, the working conditions for girls and young women between the ages of 15 and 25 were informal, making the distinction between unpaid work and non-work unclear.1 Ulf Boëthius et al. claim that despite the increasing mobility and urbanization of the work force, identity with an agricultural lifestyle and life structure lingered as the mental picture in the minds of the new city dwellers, maybe more strongly than was justified by its actual role in the national economy. Stockholm in the 1930s was a small capital, whose constant influx of provincials comprised a dynamic field where urbanity was in a constant process of upheaval and re-articulation. In addition to the breakthrough of functionalism, the dynamic speaks to the prominent and multitudinous character of the modernity discourse of the decade. My point of departure for this dissertation is the interface at which film, visual culture and commercial publicity merged in 1930s Stockholm. My objective is twofold: firstly, to outline the film industrys transposition and production of consumerist culture targeting mainly women; and secondly to interpolate these with examples of points of reception and the ensuing debate, such as the failure to accept functionalism, the moral panic concerning popular culture, and skepticism of advertising. I will exemplify using activities offered to women by the entertainment and consumer industries, and outline the real, semi-fictitious and fictitious spaces that provided their respective settings in the Stockholm cityscape. Other discussions gravitate around the commercial idiom addressed to a general public via films, exhibitions and more or less state-initiated campaigns concerning public health issues, social engineering and eugenics. The study does not aspire to draw an all inclusive map of the mass media of the time, but employs a multifarious strategy that involves singling out case studies of cultural phenomena and events given significance during the period by virtue of their cross-cultural makeup, with discussion oscillating between textual, intertextual and contextual levels. Constituting slices of time, the chapters predominantly unfold in a non-diachronic fashion, although their contexts do allow a degree of seepage between topics and types of events. In Foucauldian terms, the chapters make up an “archipelago” of more or less clearly defined but interconnected islands. Instead of emphasizing the outcomes, results, and ideological turns that hindsight may grant us about some of the historical nodes surfacing in each, the discussion predominantly limits the focus to the objectives and conceptual interconnections within and around the contemporaneous media dialogues themselves. This disparate, archipelagian makeup of topics hinges on two sets of instrumentalized discourses underpinning the welfare effort. The first encompasses advertising, hygiene and eugenics, which will all be touched upon in the first chapter, then further discussed separately. The second relates to the media contexts, involving a prismatic construction of the anticipated points of reception — the public addressed as citizens, consumers and patients/clients. While specific disciplines, such as architecture, medicine and marketing discourses addressed their audiences from their respective perspectives, I will argue that the popular media related to them were both invested with, and itself propagated an interdisciplinary energy that assumed uniquely imperative qualities. Often, there was a conflation of interests in these modes of articulation, where audiences were given authoritative advice and guidance. I do not aspire to estimate their ideological effects; rather, the discussions focus on media where audiences were ideally addressed from several perspectives simultaneously. Conversely, many of them entailed a reflexive highlighting of the spectators themselves. The audiences' preset encounter with the media in question was structured not only by modernist and progressive guidance, but by an anticipated mimetic relationship between what was shown in the medium context, and what was experienced outside of it. Spectators were encouraged to compare their life projects, medical profiles and lifestyles with those of the object lessons on display, or the subject matter of newsreels. In contrast to earlier forms of popular visual culture, I would claim that the educational articulations of 1930s exhibitions inclined more towards dialogue with audiences, mainly by anticipating spectator interactivity. Another caveat should be issued here. Even as my understanding of the context does not deny a basically hierarchic discursive grid, the interlocutive situation of the exhibitions utilized a less authoritarian mode, channeling imperatives into enthusiastic visitors by elevating their everyday, embodied experiences and domestic concerns — dwelling solutions, child-rearing, vacation issues and matters of health and proper nourishment — into issues of national importance. Although a presentation of each chapter will follow later, the spillover between them requires some introductory explanation here. Repeatedly I have been struck by the apparently homogenous idiom in brochures, programs, pamphlets, printed speeches, advertisements and periodicals during this decade, especially in their most performative modes. The concept of hygiene oversteps the limits of the sanitary and medical realms to surface in discourses on architecture as well as entertainment and the arts. In the same way, advertising arguments move into public health issues and architecture, hooking up with governmental policies. Eugenics oscillate between several political nodes and social contexts. Together with hygiene, the concept acquires an almost self-explanatory validity that was tapped into by various profiles and interests. To make analytical use of such regularities and conceptual grids is a decidedly ambivalent activity, since they are made instrumental both in metaphor and practice. Following Foucaults claim about the unlruitfulness of separating the verbal and practical aspects of a discourse, I have tried to convey their multiple articulations and practices within a flexible context. On the one hand, it can be rewarding to study the circulation of advertising, hygiene and eugenics, since one is repeatedly reassured of the validity of one s observations: these concepts surface regularly and frequently in all kinds of public contexts, forming interesting intertcxtual clusters. On the other hand, it becomes a curse. Similar articulations and idioms jump at you from every page and public event, constantly threatening to nullify any attempt to delimit topics or apply stringency to arguments, reducing them to a discourse of the same. Furthermore, in the background lurks the danger that the multiplicity of contexts and applications may result in a sense of inflatory proliferation of the concepts. What can he explained by looking at the discursive circulation of hygiene, for example? I have wavered between playing down or accepting the steady flow of these concepts and applications and have, I hope, reached a balanced compromise. Consequently, the text as a whole contains numerous cross-references, where, for instance, socio-political topics are often situated in grids of interrelated concepts and discussions. Moreover, to enable the reader to encounter the idiomatic flavor of this discourse, some quotations are extensive. Background Research While the 1930s arc certainly represented in the Swedish body of film writing, the volume of scholarly works devoted to this decade is limited in comparison to what has been produced regarding silent cinema. In the following, studies and hooks covering the 1930s arc briefly presented. Between the 1930s through the 1990s, Gösta Werner, Rune Waldekranz, Bengt Idestam-Almquist, Fcif Furhammar and Torsten Jungstcdt have produced an ample number of comprehensive historical surveys and filmographies.2 Waldekranz’ Filmen växer upp. Femtio års utveckling / The Film Grows Up. Fifty Years of Development adopts an evolutionary perspective on the medium, while Carl J. Björkman s Kampen om ßlm en. Filmens sociologi /The Struggle over Film: A Sociology of Cinema is based on statistical, film-cultural, sociological and qualitative issues concerning both the domestic and international film industries, as well as discussions about audience preferences and genres.' Idestam-Almquist s Filmen som konst /Film as Art includes discussions of aesthetics, dramatization, and production issues.4 Furhammar s unpublished Stockholmspublikens biopreferenser under 1930-talet /The Preferences of Stockholm's 1930s M oviegoers is a survey offering statistics and analytical discussions. In the anthology Nordic National Cinemas, Tytti Soda's section on Sweden offers a comprehensive picture of Swedish film history as well as an overview of Swedish film research.5 Arne Borncbusch, Jurgen Schildt and Gösta Rodin have published popular accounts of 1930s cinema; Schildt s book Det pensionerade paradiset focuses particularly on the alleged artistic shortcomings of the decade s film production.1’ Although it is not the first dissertation to consider this period, nor defined as a study of the 1930s alone, Jan Olsson s Svensk spelfilm under andra världskriget /Swedish Feature Films During the Second W orld W ar remains a pioneer work with its wide grasp of the domestic film industry, its production, and ambivalent political sympathies with Third Reich Germany.7 In comparison to Rochelle Wright s far less contextualized, somewhat alarmist discussions of Jewish stereotypes in Swedish feature films in the dissertation The Visible W all: Jews and Other Ethnic Outsiders in Swedish Films, Olsson s discussion of activities within Svensk Filmindustri / the Swedish Film Industry that were in sympathy with Third Reich Germany provides a soberly complex analysis of the nebulous borderland between pro-German policy and unacknowledged anti-semitism.8 Kjell Jcrselius Flotade reservat. Spelfilmerna med Edvard Persson / Imperiled Sanctuaries: Edvard Perssons Feature Films is mainly a textual analysis of the singing actor Edvard Perssons films. While formulating an ideological critique of these films and Persson s persona, Jerselius refers only fleetingly to the actual political setting of the decade. On the other hand, he finely elucidates the tourist appeal of the films, which had acquired a local following in Scania during the mid-20s before Persson s breakthrough on a national scale.9 Tytti Soda's dissertation Kvinnors ansikte. Sterotyper och kvinnlig identitet i trettiotalets svenska filmmelodram / Women's Faces: Stereotypes and Female Identity in the 1930s Swedish Film M elodrama is among the pioneer works in Swedish feminist film research. Adhering to an Anglo-Saxon “images of women” approach, Solia offers a psychoanalytical reading of heroines and supporting women characters in feature films, leading up to a gallery of twelve feminine stereotypes formed in accordance w ith patriarchal gender norms. Arguing that the melodramatic depiction of women constructs them as objects rather than subjects of the narratives, Soila still traces a beset and fragmented feminine counter-discourse. Although the psychoanalytical grid appears problematic, her focus on types speaks to the 1920s and 1930s Hollywood-related and highly marketable beauty types that dominated the moviestar systems as well as womens magazines. Moreover, even if she does not link her discussion to the prevailing Swedish taxonomy of personalities or human types — those formed within Swedish social psychology and social engineering at this time —her set of types tics into them. Soda's later article, “Thalias magra bröd”/“The Meager Bread of Thalia” moves from a psychoanalytically defined focus to a discussion based on studies of costume contracts between players and the film industry. Here, she points to typification as being almost a prerequisite for film actors. Except stars, all had to provide their own costumes, and however financially difficult this may have been during the depression, it was critical for them to show that they could “look the part” in a fiercely competitive market.10 Per Olov Qvist's Folkhemmets bilder. M odernisering, motstånd och mentalitet i den svenska 30-talsfilmen /Images of the Swedish Home. M odernization, Resistance and M entality in Swedish 1930s Cinema is the most exhaustive study on the decade. Its merit lies in its wide grasp of Swedish feature film, and recurring discussions of reception. However, while Qvist repeatedly elucidates the clash of modernity with tradition in film narratives, his discussion tends to dichotomize the two, which mostly remain non-theorized in relation to modernity discussions within film and visual culture theory. With its many headings and topics, the book's purposes are split between the analytical and the filmographical in ways that are not easily reconciled. Similarly, his article “Ungdom av idag” about the moral debate regarding popular youth culture veers towards a polarization of old and new values." According to Soila, Swedish publicity has long been characterized by “storms of opinion,” due to the many active, reformative-minded popular movements formed around the 1900s.12 As part of my interest in film-related events, I allow discussions to gravitate around such debates concerning the cultural status of the medium. Instances of conflict are methodologically useful not only because they reveal that the issues of the desired role of film and the screening context were not yet resolved, but because how fears and fascinations expressed from the advent of film still had an impact on 1930s public debate. Jan Olsson's anthology I offentlighetens ljus, /In the Limelight of Publicity and the article “Svart på vitt: film, makt och censur”/“Black on White: Film, Power and Censorship” showcase the gradual formation of censorship norms, which were repeatedly triggered by press debate focusing on the allegedly “unsound” influence of film on audiences, particulary on children. Some of the prominent profiles expressing their views as critics of the medium in the 1910s, mainly the film censors Gustaf Berg, Walter Fevrcll and Marie - Louise Gagner, argued for film as a potentially more sound medium if put to educational ends rather than remaining as a vehicle for mere entertainment.1® Even if discussions about censorship spun out into the more liberal and generally defined topics of film culture — repertoire, screening standards and audience behavior — these views were still on the agenda two decades later. However transformed, the sanitizing discourse remained a vital part of the official film industry identity, mostly visible in the trade journal Biografiägaren/The Exhibitor. Mats Björkin's dissertation on 1920s Swedish film culture and reception, Amerikanism, bolsjevism och korta kjolar /Americanism, Bolshevism and Short Skirts offers productive ways of teasing out the industry's and the critics' identification of their roles and practices as well as their audiences through articulations of conflict.14 He repeatedly focuses on controversies over films and screening practices within the film industry and its peripheries; conflicts that 1 would claim lingered well into the 1930s. Mostly, they lay beneath the surface as subtexts, but were repeatedly reactivated by triggering topics, such as advertising issues, the Exhibitors Association's competition-regulating efforts, and debates about film's cultural prestige. Moreover, these conflicts show that film and other image-based media were still thought to exert a more immediate influence on audiences than text. Turning to another aspect of the contested status of film, nearly all accounts of 1930s cinema take up the controversy over the allegedly miserable state of the decade 's domestic film production, epitomized by the 1937 Concert House debate. Qvist rightly claims that in retrospect, this conflict has routinely been depicted as a symptom of the bad quality of 1930s Swedish film production, hereby passing the judgement on as a given.15 The denigrating nickname “pilsnerfilm” has indeed come to be understood as synonymous with the decade 's light comedy genre. Given that the 1937 debate was preceded by other rounds of protest and misgivings, its significance has been overemphasized, he claims. One of the first controversies was triggered by the revue film Brokiga Blad/ Colourful Pages (Edvin Adolphson, 1931 ). The debate took place at Klara Folkets Hus, initiated by the authors Gustav Sandgren and Artur Lundkvist, who castigated Swedish film production for its largely miserable, shallow or melodramatic output. Another, “The Kronprinsen Battle” between writers and representatives from the film industry, was held at the restaurant of the same name, in 1933.16 As is well known, the subsequent Concert House debate — also broadcast on radio — was initiated by the Swedish Authors Association, who invited representatives from the film industry to discuss Swedish film production. Carl Björkman, chairing the event, opened the sessions with the oft-quoted challenging address Svensk ßlm — kultur eller kulturfara? /Swedish Film — Culture or a M enace to Culture?, published shortly afterwards. The pamphlet was countered with a compilated protest ditto from the film camp, listed as Frågan blev med ne] besvarad! Svensk ßlm är icke kulturfara. /The Answer to the Question was Nay! Swedish Film is Not a M enace to Culture in which SF's Chief Executive [COE] Olof Andersson was one of the most eloquent defenders.1 A short summary should be given of this unbalanced, high-strung debate, which was partly triggered by the release of the film Pensionat Paradiset (Weyler Hildebrand, 1937). Björkman claimed that throughout its thirty-year existence, film had grown into an indispensable cultural and artistic force, only not in Sweden. His severest critique concerned the light comedies, the “pilsnerfilm” on account of their jovial, often alcohol-related romantic plots and gallery of stock characters. Nevertheless, he singled out a handful of more or less recent film titles that — however flawed by false pathos and artificiality — somewhat counterbalanced the “riff-raff mentality” of the bad films with “elegance,” attempting to banish the “bad odor” and “dirt” with “hygiene” and “polish.” These were Johan Ulfstierna (Gustaf Edgren, 1937), Intermezzo ( Gustaf Molander, 1936), K oißikt (Per-Axel Bränner, 1937) and På Solsidan ( Gustaf Molander, 1936) whose subject matters revolved around existential problems.18 To a large extent, the Concert House debate spoke of a unanimously felt shortage of good manuscripts. In 1933, Svensk Filmindustri had launched a manuscript contest open to all interested, regardless of professional background; by the time of the debate three years later neither the winning script, nor any of the runners-up had been filmed.19 Vilhelm Moberg, belonging to the newly recognized generation of working class writers, was one out of several professionals whose scripts had not even ranked among the ten best, which in his opinion was evidence of the jury s failure to appreciate literary merit.20 Björkman s inaugural address had emphasized that while Swedish film production needed to establish contact with authors, it would be a mistake to demand of the films that they become more literary or educational. And if authors wanted to venture into screenwriting, they must develop a greater ability to dramatize in filmic rather than literary terms.21 Otherwise, judging by the response from director Carlo Keil-Möller, one of the industry s champions, the “lamentable” discourse exposed the literati 's curiously unbalanced contempt for Swedish film. According to some of them, domestic films did not even merit a visit to the cinema. How could Swedish writers then even begin to cooperate with the film industry under such circumstances? he asked . “To make this possible, gentlemen of the Swedish Authors Association, you must pull out that thorn of conceit embedded in your hearts, climb down from your high horses and approach the Swedish film with a sympathetic and benevolent interest.”22 Among others, Per-Axel Branner asked why the authors so readily assumed that they should have a given place within film production; since their position was not a disinterested one, it was not a very well chosen strategy to blurt out such a generalized and exaggerated accusation.23 Several newspaper articles quoted in the pamphlet similarly regarded the writers ' contributions to the debate as boastful and self-serving.24 According to Arvika Tidning, the mere thought of Moberg's and Ivar-Lo Johansson's very vocal ambition to raise the quality of Swedish film plots by offering their works as material for manuscripts made the article writer blush with embarrassment : If Moberg s advice is taken ad notam, we will have the pleasure of watching free love from all imaginable angles and perspectives from the cinema stalls this fall, rejoice in the bog-house as the foundation of literary compositions — view Ivar Lo -Johanssons latest masterpiece — and revel in the procession of bugs up the laborer's cottage wall, currently a favorite motif in the most advanced camp.25 The debate was evidence of a clearly hierarchical culture unable to deal with high and low. The quote above exemplifies that the writers later to be called “the 1940s generation” literary movement were even here felt to have plunged below the low status of pilsnerfilm. Woven around the romanticized neighborhoods in the heights of southern inner Stockholm and its population of small enterprise, shoemakers, artisans and laborers, the light comedy was despised in cultured circles, but enjoyed a widely legitimate and established popularity in the form of both outdoor theater plays and films. In comparison to these, Lo-Johansson's and Moberg s austere narratives and motifs translated as dirty in more senses than one. According to Qvist, the Concert House debate failed to address the issue at hand because the event to some extent was used as a prestigious framework and springboard for profiles wanting to make a name for themselves in the minds of the contemporary cultural public. He even argues that the debate spoke more of a emblematic tendency during the decade to stage big public meetings to make oneself visible, rather than address real issues.26 While I will not engage in the Concert House controversy as such in the following, it provides a referential backdrop for the moral, cultural and class-related conflicts that surface in connection with the social concerns addressed by films and exhibitions, or triggered by them. Methodological framework My methodological frame of reference is partly drawn from scholarly work on early film and visual culture, one topic being the exhibition and its performative presentation of modernity. Tom Gunning's texts are often the most pervasive and pertinent analyses of the phenomena, not only for bringing such a contextualized and sensitive understanding of modern experience in the media landscape, but also for elucidating the interconnections between mediation technologies — those of modern transport — and the upheaval brought about by urbanization. His observations about the individual 's encounter with modernity as Simmelian-Freudian shock in “The Whole Town Gawking: Early Cinema and Visual Experience of Modernity” is valid as a frame of reference well into the 1930s, especially as the slower-paced rural experience provided a lasting and constantly re-infused component in the urban makeup of Stockholm's population.27 Additionally, Gunning's “The World as Object Lesson” and Mark B. Sandberg s “Effigy and Narrative: Looking into the Nineteenth-Century Folk Museum” are useful for a comparative conceptualization of 1930s visual culture.28 As Sandberg shows, the memory of a rural identity remained with the new Stockholmers, for which the open air museum tableaux nostalgically depicted the lifestyles and tools they had just left behind as “ethnographic” spectacles.29 Anders Ekström's dissertation Den utställda världen. Stockholmsutställningen 1897 och 1800talets världsutställningar /The World on Display: The Stockholm Exhibition of 1897 and The World's Fairs of The 1900lh Century as well as his essay “Konsten att se ett landskapspanorama. Om åskådningspedagogik och exemplarisk realism under 1800-talet”/“The Art of Looking at a Landscape Panorama: Object Lesson Pedagogy and Exemplary Realism in The 1900th Century” analyses the encyclopedic and performative aspects of “opening up an arena for reflection.”30 Especially in the latter piece, Ekström points to the prescribed process of inner reform ideally produced in the pedagogically inscribed act of spectating. The 1930s exhibitions ' discourses relied heavily on “the object lesson,” here updated by the viewers being increasingly incorporated into displays, tableaux and authentically rendered milieus. Within this wider interdisciplinary and cross-culturally defined context of visual culture, the most salient methodological influence is drawn from the works of predominantly feminist early film scholars discussing filmgoing and the problematics of female mobility in consumerist culture. While adopting several strands of Anglo-Saxon theory, my interest is not primarily oriented towards Hollywood culture or feature film as such, but the Swedish publicity generated around domestic and international films. This means that newsreels and articles surrounding a particular film or star often constitute the body of information. Some of the case studies transpose discussions ofthe mutual power of early modernity's media landscape and the department store to mobilize the female spectator within and between their respective arenas. This approach presupposes a re-engagement with a much discussed subject, female flânerie, or as Anke Gleber and Susan Buck-Morss would have it, its impossibility. With due persuasiveness they have claimed that the Benjaminian flâneurs “botanizing on the asphalt” figures as a male privilege; women in the terrains of Parisian and Weimar modernity could not loiter aimlessly for risk of being taken for prostitutes.31 While there is no questioning the basic accuracy of this gender relationship in the urban landscape, the women in their respective texts are to some extent reduced to pacified victims. Gleber's later book The Art of Taking a W alk: Flânerie, Literature and Film in W eimar Culture still adheres to this determinist line of reasoning, in some respects, fn reference to Anne Friedberg, she states: “Reduced in its potential to the purposefully limited and capitalistically promoted license of shopping, the early ‘department store flâneuses' who roam the interiors of capitalist consumption represent little more than a bourgeois variant of domesticized ‘flânerie.’”*2 To me, such a critique rings of an unfeasible impulse to separate “genuine” forms of mobility from those circumscribed by capitalism. As Jane Gaines has argued, there are hardly any non-commodified relationships to theorize.” The fact that we are consumers docs not nullify the value of mobility, nor can the uses we make of it be reduced to capitalist goals. In accordance with Vanessa Schwartz argument in Spectacular Realities: Early Alass Culture inßn-de-siècle Paris, I would claim that, particularly within mass culture, flânerie should be considered as a relational activity, where context can bring as much to bear on mobility as gender; the “flâneur is not so much a person asßänerie is a position of power — one through which the spectator assumes the position of being able to be part of the spectacle and yet command it at the same time.”14 If flânerie is to be useful as a concept, it should additionally be applied in a local, historically defined context. In her discussion, Gleber makes rather vast claims about both past and present, partly on rather flimsy evidence. Giuliana Bruno's Streetwalking on A Ruined M ap: Cultural Theory and the City Films of Elvira Notari is useful for its suggestive, panoramic view of Italian film and interrelated media.” Additionally, her theorization of feminine flânerie within the actual and cinematic urban landscape finely evokes women's desire for mobility. Shelley Stamp's M oviestruck Girls: W omen and M otion Pictures after the Nickelodeon offers insights into controversies over women's increased mobility and visibility in the urban landscape in mid-1910s America.**’ By taking steps in a risqué direction, Lauren Rabinovitz’ For the Love of Pleasure: W omen M ovies and Culture in Turn-of-the Century Chicago in one of her chapters provides a bolder approach to women's flânerie, juxtaposing the defiant, assertive attitude of the Chicago prostitutes figuring in several of the Ash Can school painter John Sloan's works with contemporary film culture.*7 Much as Anne Friedberg's discussion of the rise of female flânerie in the Parisian department stores in W indoivshopping,'l> Erika D. Rappaports's Shopping For Pleasure visualizes the rise of consumerist female flânerie within Selfridge 's department store, which catered to all “female” tastes and appetites by its luxurious environments, delicious sweets and visual attractions;*9 in a contemporary American context, Janet Staiger s book Bad W omen theorizes women's desire for mobility as channeled into a moderated consumer milieu.40 From a Swedish perspective, Orsi Husz “ Drömmar och kompetens. Kvinnor i det tidiga 1900-talets varuhus” / “Dreams and Competence: Women in the Department Store in the Early 1900s” discusses the department store NK as facilitating women's mobility.41 As a frame of reference for tie-in fiction, events and contests, Annette Kuhn s, Janet Ward's, Shelley Stamp's, Ben Singer s and Mark B. Sandberg s research all provide valuble facets of the expanded experience of film culture. Flighly important is also Yuri Tsivian s Early Cinema in Russia and its Cultural Reception, which describes the Russian rise of the theater foyer as a locus for a variety of extra-ci nematic events and activities. Taking tea in comfortable foyer spaces, or watching exotic plants or exhibitions there, constituted an attractive part of the moviegoing experience. In 1930s Stockholm, SF offered a variety of foyer events: hangings of art, photos or cartoonists' works, film posters, or advertising displays. Inspired by the connections made between the attractions of the silver screen, the shop window and the department store, I propose to show material examples of their metaphorical intcrlinkage, and to exemplify how cinema often seeped back into these spheres through tie-in practices. These studies play into the discussions of 1930s Stockholm female moviegoers, and their focus on the medium as extending beyond the theater into the cityscape offers a wide understanding of these spheres as simultaneously harboring commercially homogenizing and polysemical capacities. Negotiating Feminine Experience — Or Not? As has been shown in various contexts, feminist uses of the concept negotiation have opened up productive ways to theorize about women's strategies — as spectators and as consumers — for getting access to pleasure and self-fulfillment within patriarchal social settings. In my hypotheses about women's experiences in the urban Stockholm environment, I will, however, refrain from using the concept in a general sense. Firstly, given that these structures are in place, they differ according to cultural-geographical parameters; negotiation strategies within an American or English context may not necessarily apply all that well to the film culture in Stockholm. The images of gender that female audiences encountered in the auditoriums must have constituted one such discrepancy. More than in domestic films, the gender-relation discourse in Hollywood narratives was predicated on strict demands on sexual virtue and propriety of gender behavior. While late marriages and declining birth rates were regarded as a long-standing societal problem in Stockholm, the accepted convention of non-formalized courtship and commonlaw partnership, i.e., the long-established “Stockholm-marriage” may additionally have accorded women a certain amount of mobility and freedom of action in the capital.42 This is not to say, however, that they enjoyed a freedom that was significantly greater than their sisters in an Anglo-Saxon culture, at least not from the perspective of their total life span. My hypothesis is that their relative freedom — defined by ambivalent, but sometimes capacitating moral codes — was concentrated to periods or pockets of time. Secondly, going back to the concept of negotiation, it is problematic to apply because of the apparent unknowability of how and when such negotiations take place in individual relationships with a given norm, what variables of subjectivity, ethnicity and sexuality are involved, and thus complicate, if not thwart, the theorization of such discrete processes. A third objection implied is that the negotiating connotes effort, i.e., that the subject must interrupt the flow of intellectual-cognitive everyday experience to think about how best to satisfy individual needs and desires without losing points to patriarchy. Not that I naively think that either spontaneity or pleasure are unambiguous, non-reflected or unmediated states, but such an approach does not always sit well with the pleasurable framework of cultural consumption. As Lynn Spigel shows by juxtaposing nascent TV with contemporary discourse about the uses and cultural significance of the medium in magazines and journals in her book M ake Room for TV: Television and the Family Ideal in Postwar America, negotiations need to be placed within a local and specific framework of agency in order to be useful.4’ Judith Mayne's discussion in “Paradoxes of Spectatorship” is in tune with this strategy, and she questions the tendency to overestimate the radical potential of negotiations. As there are no pure modes of subversion or compliance, activity or passivity, she argues, the concept must be problematized in relation to “just what is being subverted and for what. ”,4 Instead of treating negotiation as an ever-present but somewhat abstract reception process, not really accountable for in its minute details, I limit the use of the concept to a few concrete, locally defined situations. One example is Chapter 4, where I argue that young women arriving in Stockholm were more or less subjected to the impulse to renegotiate their identities and sexual conduct, when challenged by the imperatives of urban life and consumerist patterns. Chapter 3 offers a short entry on the call for negotiating assumed gendered consumer roles within the publicity expert forum, here exemplified by the trade journal Futurum's special issue, where writers argued that in a general market, “Mrs. Customer” had been neglected or misconstrued by advertising discourse. Newsreels as History During the last two decades or so, historians have shown a growing interest in film, but have been reluctant to acknowledge film material as an independent historical source category. In the early 1980s historian Pierre Sorlin stated: “Newsreels themselves are questionable pieces of evidence. What can be gleaned from an analysis of them? ” since they were allegedly inherently flawed, only capable of showing the world “as the filmmakers would like to see it’.’4S Obviously, the claim does not concern newsreels alone, but could be indefinitely expanded to embrace all technologies of mediation. Michèle Lagny later posed the film-as-history problem as insoluble, partly on disciplinary, partly on methodological grounds.46 Firstly, historians tend to reduce film to illustrative or complementary functions in relation to already established historiography, partly because film studies lack the long-established academic prestige of the historical discipline. Secondly, the studied film object cannot be subjected to conventional methods of text-based source critique without “falling apart” at the hands of the scholar. Being products of mass culture, films defy the search for original, unadulterated, authentic source material. As Paolo Cherchi Usai claims in a similar vein, this fact must be taken into account.47 Historian Robert A. Rosenstone's Visions of the Past: The Challenge of Film to Our Idea of History recurrently focuses his discussions on historical feature films and their problematic relation to textual historical accounts, claiming that both feature and documentary films establish an ostensibly transparent, window-like relation to the past. While granting films — predominantly avantgarde or independent films treating history “as experiment” — a certain degree oflegitimacy, he sets canonized, text-basedhistorywritingas the standardofreliability. Rosenstone says little about newsreels; only that their obvious indexical relation to history is deceptive, saturated as they are by “prepackaged” emotions of nostalgia, which distance us from, rather than give us access to the past depicted in them.,# If newsreels can be deemed a particularly nostalgic genre at all, they obviously only become so in retrospect. This, too, I would claim, should be something they share with other audiovisual media. Without fully addressing either Rosenstone 's rather simplified line of argument, or his failure to take into account the current inquiries within documentary film theory here, I hold that, in his insistent search for veracity, and historian-specific, scientific zeal, he disregards the variety of possible approaches to film within cinema studies. Like John Corner, I find it unfruitful to adopt: the kind of criticism which rests content with ‘suspicion’ and which seems to find its fulfillment in exhaustively proving the fraud and deceit of the documentary practice. For not only does such an intellectual endeavor quickly become repetitive, it also has the habit of becoming insensitive to the variety of documentary form and to the specific and often highly modifying (i.e. de-universalizing) circumstances of production and reception.41’ Corner rejects any easy distinction between fiction and non-fiction film; on the other hand, he observes, we should not therefore ascribe all films a fictional status, which would be to disregard their individual address, context of production and stylistics. “[T]he fact/fiction argument has often had a ‘see-saw’ character in which untenable claims for factuality have been countered by broad ideas about fictionality.”50 Michael Renov's “Towards a Poetics of Documentary” has proven critical to subduing this see-sawing, most significantly for his refusal to separate the artistic, political, and persuasive impulses of documentary filmmaking.” If, as Renov claims, “there is no ontological purity at stake,” it would be unsatisfying to scrutinize the documentary s persuasive and narrative traits without paying attention to the film's rhetoricalaesthetic orientation, its historical context, and its discursive stance.” To return to the historian arguments such as Rosenstone's, not only does it frustrate attempts to penetrate the expanded field of research that film has to offer historians, it is also somewhat lopsided, since it docs not engage in more than summary discussions about the apparent constructedness of all mediation, history writing included. Speaking with Philip Rosen, conventional historiography unavoidably involves a narrativized, sequential manner of writing.53 Without more than fleeting reflection, Rosenstone acknowledges this, but claims that the iconographie representation ( sound is not accounted for here ) in film has a greater, seemingly less mediated impact upon viewers than texts: “ [Ojur presence in a past created by words never seems as immediate as our presence in a past created on the screen.”54 Sorlin's approach involves a greater, but still critical, interest in newsreels. While arguing that they surely had larger audiences than contemporary newspapers had readerships, and were regarded as audiovisual newspapers,55 he claims that in retrospect, their brevity and editing patterns detract from their historiographical value. He imagines a scenario where text-based history is destroyed, and we would only be left with newsreels as sources. What a peculiar image of the past that would give us, he states, pointing to the fragmented, politically non-provocative and event-oriented subject matter of the films: exhibitions, sports contests, festivities, military parades or in-chamber footage of Prime Ministers. Here, the politically dynamic and contested points of history are left out, he argues. If these were the only pieces of historical evidence, they would lead us to believe for instance that the period of Third Reich Germany was relatively uneventful, and that Nazis were only interested in politics. “ Even if much of Sorlin's rhetoric is directed towards a straightforward deprecation of newsreels, his comparison between them and textual historiography indirectly encompasses the undeniable and possibly unique merits of newsreels. He acknowledges that the background milieus and on-screen audiences of otherwise “non-valuable” footage may indeed convey ethnographic information that could not be gathered elsewhere: milieus, postures and ways of interaction. And while his following statement comes close to rejecting newsreels on the basis of their apparent constructedness, he involuntarily pinpoints their performative qualities: “We are obliged to treat newsreels as ‘distorted’ or rather as ‘directed’ images of society. Events that were of little importance at the time are endowed with a greater significance through repetition.”” As I will argue, historical significance can also be found in the margins, and the repetition of certain images or topics are in themselves useful lead-ins for analysis. In “Historie og levende billeder — et anvendelseperspektiv’7 “History and Moving Images: Perspectives on Application” historian Carsten Tage Nielsen proposes that historians interested in film should refrain from a misplaced application of conventional historian source critique and categorization, and instead consider in what ways film material can be used as historical source qua film. In taking this step, he writes, historians consequently must not reject types of sources that do not correspond to established norms of accountability, but allow for an expansion of what constitutes the material for historiography.ss I am not the first to argue that non-fiction as well as fictional film material has the power to convey aspects of history overlooked or neglected in canonized history-writing. Newsreels are particularly potent sources for gathering information about filmgoing practices, foyer events, premiers, and advertising strategies; more generally, they constitute documentary and navigatory instruments in an urban landscape that is at least in part irretrievably lost. As I will argue, the juxtaposition of newsreels, non-fictional shorts, exhibitions and popular press offer historical entries yet unexplored. In Stockholm, popular exhibitions were regularly covered in newsreels; in several instances, the daily and popular press additionally contributed to turning the event into a intertextually dynamic field of engagement for their audiences, which were encouraged to move between different media contexts and sites. Such a perception of the Stockholm landscape was further underscored by a long newsreel tradition of visualizing the city, its important buildings and beautiful natural surroundings as tourist views, as shown by John Fullerton and Pelle Snickars.59 Adhering to this convention as a structuring device, many 1930s newsreels and short films depended on the journey through the city, the nearest neighborhood or just the street leading to an event. These films must have created a specific sense of orientation for audiences, meaning that film coverage of events and exhibitions could draw as much attention to the setting as the attraction at hand. Ephemera, Audience Contests and Contexts While there is no way of gaining precise information about the female target groups for the sights, media, products and services offered in 1930s Stockholm, film culture, department stores and exhibitions, their sheer abundance show that they were well attended, sometimes even over-exploited or abused. Moreover, existing articles, brochures, leaflets and pamphlets help to situate them to some extent. As mentioned, feature films, newsreels, popular press, advertising and these readings offer entries to non-canonized histories. In the absence of Swedish sociological studies similar to M ass Observation at the M ovies, Sociology of the Film and M iddletown, such material indirectly conveys something about the make-up of audiences and their cultural consumption patterns.60 More importantly, these media address women to a degree that, for example, the film trade press do not. Apart from random passages in the writings of film critics in the daily press, it is difficult to know much about audiences and their interaction with film and other instances of audiovisual culture. Thereby, noteworthy discrepancies arise between the commercial interests of exhibitors, film marketing strategies, and their joint target group, which in many cases translates as the female constituency. Ever since I embarked on this project, I have come across so many contests in popular magazines and the daily press that they very quickly grew on me, eventually making it impossible to leave them out. As soon as I let them into my overall account of filmic events, they constantly led me astray, however; that is, they often led me away from the screening situation as such, in return offering valuable insights into film culture in its widest sense, the commodified trappings of moviegoing and the marketing strategies behind tie-in events and products. Additionally, they indirectly revealed interesting aspects of audience activities and preferences. The rules, designs and results of contests certainly say something about reception that regular popularity statistics do not. And, most importantly, these contests make up a body of intertext, as they were often launched and covered in several media. Across the board as it were, specific attention is therefore devoted to contests taking place in connection with exhibitions, current issues, films premieres and gimmicks in the popular press. Obviously, as there is no way of knowing how much importance and attention were accorded to them in hindsight, I have let myself be guided by their media presence, following their intertextual and conceptual chains, this to convey something of the contests ' own articulations about their scope and importance. Rhetorically, the commercial sphere of contests and advertisements make up a telling field of discourse, where the constructions of, and expectations on participants can reveal information about what forms of amusements and social activities were current during the period. Advertising moreover has the capacity to establish spatiotemporal spheres where the everyday meet with the fictional, or semi-fictional framework of a film premiere, or a film-related dance contest. In this respect, the film context could be almost indefinitely expanded so as to include the street outside, the neighborhood, or other spaces, such as the department store, or conversely, the domestic sphere. Disposition Taking the Stockholm Exhibition 1930 as its point of departure, Chapter 1 highlights the media intertext linked to the official Swedish breakthrough of functionalism. As a discursive material manifesto, the event not only heralded the modem, but offered a literal as well as conceptual panorama of issues and objects that continually resurface in other public fora and context over the decade; one being the controversy over advertising. The functionalist movement brought a broad, revitalized focus on the problematic living standard, inclusive in its engagement with spatial solutions, furnishing, home utensils and the promotion of new, de-domesticated lifestyles entailing more spare time for women. If functionalism was not a new phenomenon in 1930, the conceptualization of the Stockholm Exhibition as novelty and catalyst of socio­ cultural upheaval still carried a strongly rhetorical force. As is widely known, its reception engendered a great deal of resistance among established cultured circles, who found it hard to accept the dethronement of ornament. While several scholarly works have concentrated on the controversy over the aesthetic-political aspects of architectural lines, my discussion concerns the modes of spectating adopted or rejected by audiences and critics, and the sensory and bodily implications of disorientation or discomfort brought about by glass architecture. Furthermore, the film Colourful Pages is proposed as an instance of film-mediated reception, involving a gaze precipitated by a mixture of awe and rural skepsis towards the modernity expressed by the Stockholm Exhibition. Given that the inclusiveness and eclecticism of exhibition discourse complicates its capacity to serve as a unified case study, these very traits encompass topics and objects awarded importance, its topography moreover elucidating conceptions of their desired associations and interrelations. During the early to mid-1950s, the “population issue” acquired great currency, mainly via Alva and Gunnar Myrdal s well-known study Kris i befolkningsfrågan /Population in Crisis.6' Medical professor and sexual education promoter Johan Almkvist was one of those who anticipated their work, and whose role in Swedish social engineering has not been given much attention. Chapter 2 opens with a short overview of the affinities between his and the Myrdals” views, as well as sketch of the political setting for eugenics in our country. This part presents minor case studies of popular media conceptualized with the welfare effort and the eugenics program as an ideological backdrop, exemplified by the family-stimulating film Nya människor / New Human Beings ( 193S ), the exhibition “Mor och Barn”/“Mother and Child” ( 1936), A-people's discourse in milk-propaganda, and events such as The A-Child Contest (1938). “Mother and Child's” mixed media displays specifically targeted female visitors, who were offered statistics on birth rates and infant mortality as well as sex education and childrearing principles. Most importantly, women were called on to reflect on whether they had a part in the nation's dwindling birth rates. In many ways, these media concretized the eugenic ideology 's vision of a new, healthier human type; more generally, they provided training grounds or arenas for opening up the private sphere to scrutiny, and the spectators themselves to civic soul-searching and, possibly, medically connoted introspection. Chapter 3 takes advertising as its starting point for a broadly defined account of the media landscape, referring to contemporary marketing strategies and policies within and around Swedish film culture. An introductory discussion is devoted to calls for more modern uses of tie-in strategies, and the contemporary debates in advertising congresses advocating a fusion of advertising, consumer information and public health issues. Here, too, the interaction of exhibitions, films, contests and contemporary public discussion fora are highlighted, and a few periodical publications are singled out for analysis, the popular film magazine Filmbilden / The Film Image, the advertising trade journal Futurum, film-related ephemera, and the film repertoire pamphlet SF Veckoprogram/SF Weekly. With this overview, I attempt to reconstruct film-related arenas — sports events, contests, and tie-in beauty pageants — offering readers a peak at their local stars, or to learn the latest screen dance. Other textbased media, like the film novel and the film novella, offered their predominantly female readership contemplation over stars and film narratives. Regarded as open-ended, semi­ independent narratives, they allowed the film experience to be retrospectively fragmented, or “stop-motioned” by the individual reader. The fourth chapter moves from the readerly defined filmscape to districts of its actual equivalent, reconnecting with the functionalist visions and aesthetics described in Chapter 1. Initially, the discussion encompasses a sample of the movie theaters, buildings and areas owned or dominated by SF. For a short period, they offered first and foremost women filmgoers architectonic and commodity-based attractions. The Flamman movie theater, one of the material functionalist manifestos predating the Stockholm Exhibition 1930, not only revolutionized movie house building paradigms with its open lightness of glass architecture, but fused the domestic with the public by offering moviegoers the use of a kindergarten situated at the building's top terrace. Thereby, Flamman showcased the progressive intent of the movement, facilitating the mobility of parents generally, but most of all mothers, the prime carers around the clock. At the crossroads of Sveavägen and Kungsgatan was the newly built Centrum House, a business palace housing SF's Head Office, among others. Even if the building did not include a public movie theater, SF gave it a filmic appeal by furnishing the SF lounge for the lady shopper and moviegoer. Nearby, the movie theater Röda Kvarn had commercial matinee screenings and foyer exhibitions and product demonstrations for housewives, who could combine the pleasures of flânerie, moviegoing and domestic labors. If these commercial spheres offered women increased mobility, it was in part conditioned and legitimized by a prescribed housewifely, orderly and monogamous femininity. The last part of the chapter engages with instances of moral outrage over the perceived expansion and fusion of degenerating urban pleasures — thought to jeopardize and destroy the sexual virtue of young women, especially those coming from rural areas. Reform workers believed that the luxurious outfits and lifestyles of Hollywood films would put “ideas” into the girls' heads, and even lead them to prostitution. Of course, there was nothing new about this moral concern; what makes it interesting is that it appears as the downside of the sanctioned feminine consumer mobility. Regardless of the ingredient of moral panic in the writings of social reformers, it is indicated that many young women coming to the capital from rural areas, often getting employment as badly paid maids, were in fact attracted to the commodity values of urbanity, some of them to the point of transgressing norms of sexual behavior, to attain a desired lifestyle. Practices may have ranged from accepting the assumed codes of being treated to venues and objects by a steady or temporary male escort, to outright prostitution. Chapter 5 returns to one of the high profile critics of urban popular culture, Johan Almkvist, who proposed offering a healthy alternative: nudism. His movement, Hälsa genom Nakenkultur/Health through Nude Culture, was inaugurated in the early 1930s, and received increased attention when a newsreel shot at their summer resort on Ingarö was included in the screening program for the German Nudist film Lachendes Leben /Back to Nature (H. Schoyer, 1933) on its premiere. The first part of the discussion is devoted to Almkvist 's nudist philosophy as well as the reception of the film. Even if the imagery carried the strongest argumentative force for spreading the nudist credo, the visual exposure of nakedness was a delicate matter, since it was often misunderstood as either pornographic or ridiculous. The greatest problem nudists had to solve was framing or layering nudity with acculturating codes to contain the potentially dangerous expansiveness of sexual connotations. As can be observed in the film and journal material, there is a repertoire of legitimizing poses, gestures, activities and attributes to nudist practice. The chapter moreover includes references to contemporary body culture as expressed in film shorts and the feature material of the body-culture journal Gymn. Edited by Carl-Ernfrid Carlberg, this periodical is representative of a basically fascist ideology, which was only partly acknowledged by collaborators however, of which many came from higher circles in society — Almkvist being one of them. The discussion in the sixth and final chapter oscillates back to the imperative spirit of exhibition discourse, namely “Fritiden”/”Modern Leisure” and “Semestern 1939”/ “Vacation 1939” which were launched as lobbying tools for putting the 1938 Compulsory Vacations Act into operation. Initially a contextualizing account is devoted to the policies preceding the first exhibition, the propaganda campaign, and the rhetoric in brochures and catalogues, frequently formulating the vacation issue as a social, economic and cultural “problem” for society and its citizens to solve. In connection with these exhibitions, several Swedish women's organizations brought attention to the fact that housewives and mothers in practice lacked leisure. “Modern Leisure's” displays amply illustrated this fact, as well as presenting solutions in charts, tableaux and model vacation apartments. As in the first chapter, early visual culture theory constitutes a comparative framework for teasing out the “eye-pedagogy” of the displays and tableaux. From its overall topography down to such vacation objects as vehicles, tents and books, “Modem Leisure” is further likened to a Heiddeggerian toolbox, and I discuss the anticipated connection between eye and hand as part of the process of achieving an embodied understanding of the vacation and its attributes. A description of the exhibition grounds additionally focuses on the composite approach, where visitors were addressed in their multiple capacities as vacationers-to-be, consumers and modern, responsible citizens. 1 Från Flygdröm till Swingscen. U ngdom och m odernitet på ed. Mats Franzén, Arkiv, 1998, 19fF, 37f Bengt Idestam-Almquist & Ragnar Allberg, Film . Igår, i dag i m orgon, Bonnier, 1932, Gösta Werner, D en svenska filmens historia. En översikt, Norstedts, 1978, and Kam eran går, Stensvik, 1944, Rune Waldekranz, Film ens historia. D efirsta hundra åren, Norstedts, 1986, Leif Furhammar, Folklighetffabriken. Porträtt av ett svensktßlm bolag, Pan /Norstedts, 1979, Furhammar, Film en i Sverige. En historia i tio kapitel, Svenska Filminstitutet, ( 1991 ) 1993, Svenskßlm ograß, 19291939, (ed.) Lars Åhlander, SFI, 1982 Rune Waldekranz, Film en växer upp. Fem tio års utveckling, Hugo Geber, 1941, Carl J. Björkm an, 1930-talet, 2 3 Kam pen om ßlm en. Studie ißlm ens sociologi, 4 5 6 Skriftställareförbundets förlag, 1945 Bengt Idestam-Almquist, Film en som konst, Natur och Kultur, 1946 Tytti Soila, “ Sweden,” ( eds. ) in Tytti Soila, Astrid Soderbergh Widding, Gunnar Iversen, Nordic N ational Cinem as, Routledge, 1998, 142-232 Arne Bornebusch, D e lever ett rikt liv. Filmdiktare, Bonnier, 1935, Gösta Rodin, D en svenskaßlm ens glada 30-tal, Nordisk Bokindustri, 1976, Jurgen Schildt, 700 berättelser söka enßlm regissör, Seelig, 1935 20 Frågan blev..., 14f 21 Björkman, Svenskßlm ..., 2Of 22 (my transi. ) “Ett råd till författarna: studera god film! ” in Frågan blev. ..,21 23 Ibid., 18f 24 Ibid., 32-33, see reprinted comments from M orgontidningen, Kristianstads Läns Tidning, 34 Nya W erm lands Tidningen, 35f Sm ålandsbygdens Tidning, 38 Sm ålänningen, Svenska D agbladet 25 (my transi. ) Frågan blev..., 39 26 Qvist, Folkhem mets... 131 27 Tom Gunning, “The Whole Town's Gawking: Early Cinema and the Visual Experience of Modernity” in The Yale Journal of Criticism , Vol. 7, No. 2: 1994, 189200 28 Gunning, “The World as Object Lesson,” in Film H istory, Vol. 6, No. 4: 1994, 422-444 29 Mark B. Sandberg, “Effigy and Narrative: Looking into the Nineteenth-Century Folk Museum” in (eds.) Leo Charncy & Vanessa R. Schwartz, Cinema and the Invention of Modern Life, University of California Press, 1995, 320-361 30 Anders Ekström, D en utställda världen. Stockholm s­ utställningen och 1800-talets världsutställningar, D et pensionerade paradiset. Anteckningar om svensk 30- Thule, 1970 In part, Olsson s discussions of governmental international policies and the Germany-dominated International Film Chamber (IFK) take Arne Svensson s dissertation D en politiska saxen and Uno Asplund s book Chaplin i Sverige as point of departure. Rochelle Wright, The Visible W all: Jews and O ther Ethnic O utsiders in Swedish Film s, (diss. ), Acta Universatitis Upsaliensis, 1998 Kjell Jcrselius, Flotade reservat. Spelßlm erna m ed Edvard Persson, (diss.), Filmförlaget, 1987, Tytti Soila, “Thalias magra bröd,” in (ed. ) Tytti Soila, D ialoger. Fem inistiskßlm teori i praktik, Aura, 1997, 2237 Per Olov Qvist, “Ungdom av idag. Ungdomstiden i svensk 30-talsfilm,” in Frånßygdröm ..., 240-286 Soila, “Sweden,” in N ational..., 144-145 Jan Olsson, I offentlighetens ljus. Stum film ens affischer, kritiker, stjärnor och m usik, Symposion, 1990, Olsson, “Svart på vitt: film, makt och censur," in Aura. Film vetenskaplig tidskrift, Vo\. l,No. 1: 1995, 14-46 Mats Björkin, Am erikanism , bolsjevism och korta kjolar. Film en och dess publik i Sverige under 1920-talet , (diss. ), Aura Förlag, 1998 See for instance, (eds. ) Lars Thomas Braaten, Stig Kulset, Ove Solum, Inledning tillJilm studier. H istoria, teori och analys, Studentlitteratur, 1997, 207-110. Gösta Werner finds only two titles worth discussing from an artistic perpective, K arriär and Ett brott, Kam eran går, 100-103 Qvist, Folkhem mets..., 106-108, 121 Carl J. Björkman, Svenskßlm— kultur eller kulturjära?, Stockholm, 1937, Frågan blev m ed nej besvarad! Svensk ßlm är icke kulturfära, Svensk Filmindustri, 1937 Björkman, Svenskßlm ...,8-13 The contest was documented by Nils Beyer in the book Nordiska Museet, 1994, Ekström, “Konsten att se ett landskapspanorama. Om åskådningspedagogik och exemplarisk realism under 1800-talet” in (eds. ) Martin Bergström, Anders Ekström, Frans Lundgren, talsfilm , 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 Publika kulturer. Att tilltala allm änheten, 1700-1900, 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 UppsalaUniversitet, 125-170 Susan Buck-Morss, “The Flaneur, the Sandwichman and the Whore: The Politics of Loitering,” in New G erm an Critique, No. 39:1986, 99-140, Anke Gleber, “Women on the Screens and Streets of Modernity: In Search of the Female Flaneur,” in (ed. ) Dudley Andrew, The Im age in D ispute: Art and Cinem a in the Age of Photography, University of Texas Press, 1997, 55-85 Gleber, The Art of Taking a W alk: Flânerie, Literature and Film in W eimar Culture, Princeton Univerity Press, 1999, 174 Jane Gaines, “ Introduction : Fabricating the Female Body,” in (eds. ) Jane Gaines, 8c Charlotte Herzog, Fabrications: Costum e and the Fem ale Body, Routledge, 1990, 15 Vanessa Schwartz, Spectacular Realities: Early M ass Culture inßn-de-siöcle Paris, University of California Press, 1998, 10 Giuliana Bruno, Streetwalking on A Ruined M ap: Cultural Theory and the C ity Films of Elvira N otari, Princeton Univerity Press, 1993 Shelley Stamp, M oviestruck G irls: W om en and M otion Picture Culture after the Nickelodeon, Princeton University Press, 2000 Lauren Rabinovitz, For the Love of Pleasure: W om en, M ovies, and Culture in Turn-of-the-C entury Chicago, Rutgers University Press, 1998 38 Anne Friedberg, W indow Shopping: Cinem a and the Postmodern, University of California Press, 1994 39 Erika D. Rappaport, Shopping For Pleasure: W omen in the M aking of Londons W est End, Princeton University No t Press, 2000 40 Janet Staiger, Bad W omen: Regulating Sexuality in Early Princeton University Press, 1995 Orsi Husz “ Drömmar och kompetens. Kvinnor i det tidiga 1900-talets varuhus” in Kvinnovetenskaplig Tidskrift, No. 4:1999, 36-54 42 see Yvonne Svanström, Policing Public W om en: The Am erican Cinem a, 41 Regulation of Prostitution in Stockholm 1812-1880, 44 45 46 47 47 48 49 50 51 (diss. ), Atlas, 2000. On the relative freedom of rural courtship, see Alva Myrdal, Folk ochfam ilj, Stockholm, 1944 Lynns Spigel, M ake Room for TV: Television and the Fam ily Ideal in Postwar Am erica, University of Chicago Press, 1992, Judith Mayne, “ Paradoxes of Spectatorship,” in (ed. ) Linda Williams, Viewing Positions: W ays (f Seeing Film , Rutgers University Press, 1994, 171f, 179 Pierre Sorlin, “How to look at an “Historical” Film, in Marcia Landy (ed. ), The H istorical Film: H istory and M em ory in M edia, Rutgers University Press, 2000, 33 Michèle Lagny, “Debatt: Historia eller film?” (“Querelles: Historie ou cinéma?” in H ors Carde 7, 1988-89 transi. Astrid Soderbergh Widding,) in, (ed. ) Astrid Soderbergh Widding , Flyktighetenfångad. A tt skr iva filmens historia, Aura, 1996, 167-170 Paolo Cherchi Usai, The D eath of Cinem a: H istory, C ultural M em ory and the D igital D ark Age, BFI, 2001, 111-127 Robert A. Rosenstone, Visions of the Past: The Challenge of Film to O ur Idea of H istory, Harvard University Press, 1995,52,54 John Corner, The Art of Record: A Critical introduction to docum entary, Manchester University Press, 1996, 3-4 Ibid., 5 ... something that Brian Winston s study of the Griersonian documentary insists on, Claim ing the Real: The D ocum entary Film Revisited. The G riersonian BFI, 1995 52 Michael Renov, “Towards a Poetics of Documentary” in (ed. ) Renov Theorizing D ocumentary, Routledge, 1993,29 53 Philip Rosen, “ Document and Documentary: On the Persistance of Historical Concepts,” in Theorizing D ocum entary, 70. Like Hayden White, he claims that narrativization is inscribed in retrospective articulations of knowledge. But in contrast to White s earlier suspicion against narrativity as expressed in Tropics of D iscourse, he holds that it does not put the validity of the account into question. White has later moderated his claims, see “The Modernist Event, ” in (ed. ) Vivian Sobchack, The Persistence of H istory : Cinem a, Television and the M odern Event, Routledge, 1996,17-38 54 Rosenstone, 55 55 See Raymond Fielding, The Am erican Newsreel, 19111967, University of Oklahoma Press, 197, 220, and Luke McKernan, Topical Budget: The G reat British News Film , BFI, 1992, 6f 56 Sorlin, 32 57 Ibid., 34 58 Carsten Tage Nielsen, “Historie of levende billeder D ocumentary and its Legitim ations, es — et anvendelseperspektiv, in (eds. )Carsten Tage Nielsen & Mads Mordhorst, Fortidens spor, nutidens ojne — kildebegrepet til debat, Roskilde Universitetsförlag, 2001, 21 Off 59 see John Fullerton, “Seeing the World with Different Eyes, or Seeing Differently: Cinematographic Vision and and Turn-of-the Century Popular Entertainment,”in (eds. ) Jan Olsson & John Fullerton, Nordic Explorations: Film Before 1930, Aura, 1999, 163-186, and Pelle Snickars, Svensk film och visuell m asskultur 1900, (diss.), Aura, 2001 60 Jeffrey, Richards, Dorothy, Sheridan M ass O bservation at the M ovies, Cinem a and Society, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1987, Jacob P. Mayer, Sociology of the Film , Faber & Faber, 1946, Robert S. Lynd, M iddletown: A Study in Am erican Culture, Constable, 1929 61 Alva & Gunnar Myrdal, Kris i befolkning frågan, Bonnier, 1934 P The advertising mast, the Stockholm Exhibition 1930 A V is io n o f M o d e r n ity : T h e S to c k h o lm E x h ib itio n l9 3 0 a n d Its R e c e p tio n In various forms, the object of this study is the intersection between Swedish modernity, audiovisual culture and film. By transferring the analytical grid of silent film and visual culture scholars to a Swedish 1930s context, I propose to tease out the media aspects of modernity that, although considered in Swedish research on the decade, have not yet been studied in relation to film. A case in point is the inclusive cultural event, the great exhibition, which smoothly brought together the landmarks of architecture, visual culture, and modern technology with medicine, education, and recreation in a condensed landscape. However, apart from the apparently less grandiose scope of Swedish exhibitions, a difference between the Stockholm Exhibition 1897 and the Stockholm Exhibition 1930 was that the latter emblematized political aesthctic upheaval.' In Sweden, Germany represented a long-established paragon of cultural and intellectual achievement; therefore it is not bold to assume that, counting from the late 1920s, our country s interest in exhibitions also carried a German influence.2 As significant and recurring events with intertextual ramifications for the mcdiascape, Stockholm 1930s exhibitions frequently interacted with and spilled over into newsreels and the popular press, all three media complementing and advertising each other. This interplay created a dynamic field of interest to attract audiences, who could go from the movie theater to the exhibition site or the other way around — in a more or less temporarily conjured up continuum ; conceptually, culturally, and geographically. The Stockholm Exhibition 1930 was a particularly clear instance of this, not only by virtue of its enmeshment with and dissemination in various media, but by virtue ol its capacity to manifest the beginning of a modern era with far-reaching and lasting authority. Apart from following these intertextual strands, I will refer to the conceptual circulation of hygiene, advertising and welfare principles, which were all rhetorical facets of the functionalist idiom. Far Irom aspiring to give an exhaustive description and analysis of the Stockholm Exhibition 1930 and how it was received, I offer highlights, or a bird s eye view of cultural phenomena that reassert themselves in other arenas and ideological agendas, resurfacing in the chapters that follow. In the Grounds As Tom Gunning has pervasively shown, world exhibitions had the singular power of formulating modernity anew. And regardless of the actual newness of the exhibits displayed in any given case, the specific discourse permeating the exhibition exerted a specific and incomparable attraction on contemporary visitors by virtue of its sheer totality. He vividly describes the World's Fairs promoted as literally live three-dimensional encyclopaedias of the world, object lessons neatly arranged and classified in chapter-like sections. Shifting between a contextually detailed focus on the grounds, the interrelations of attractions and exhibits, he extrapolates the performative dimensions of the exhibition, i.e., not only how modernity was materially represented, but the utopian pledges made about it. The “object lesson” offered viewers a spatially and temporally condensed survey of their nation and empire, and simultaneously educated their consumerist gaze. Gunning writes: The World s Fair Exhibitions in which the ability to purchase goods was replaced by their purely optical consumption, imaged the commodity as spectacle. As such it served as one of the great training grounds and laboratories for a new commodity-based visual culture. It raised the art of spectating to a civic duty and a technological art. These spectacles, designed to be both entertaining and educational, served several semiotic functions: they provided an image of the world wide power of capitalism, they transformed a market place into a symbolic landscape that not only celebrated but exemplified modernity; and they formed a spectacle in which commodity provided the entertainment, and the commodity form sought not simply to gather the marvels of the world but to sort them into a schema which would demonstrate man's technological progress and the world wide dimensions of modern production.* Similarly, Anders Ekström s The W orld on Display conceptualizes the Stockholm Exhibition 1897 as a landscape providing education and civic fosterage.4 In a later essay, Ekström s cultural historian focus on the educational aspects involved in visiting exhibitions and panoramas offers a kindred entry to the subject, his interest circulating around the spatial positioning of the viewer and the construction of visuality, contemporaneous with the appearance of “eye-pedagogy” in Swedish nineteenth-century discourse on teaching. He elaborates on a complex relationship in which viewers should not merely learn by edifying modalities of looking, but be fundamentally reformed — “become someone else” — in the embodied act of gazing.s Even if it did not match the size or range of the fin-de-siècle World's Fairs and panoramas, the Stockholm Exhibition 1930 indeed shared much of their reformative-educational qualities as well as iconographical conventions. Given that thirty-odd years and a different ideological climate separate the World s Fair and the Stockholm Exhibition, 1 would claim that Gunning s and Ekström s observations are vital to the discussion at hand. Within a 1930s Swedish context, the modernist imperative framework made the “object lesson” acquire a new, but kindred set of signifiers; only here, the transformation of the spectator was not only expected, but absolutely required. And while the turn-of-the-century s exhibition display mapped objects and landscapes in the form of living encyclopedias, ideally situating audiences — whose interaction with sites and exhibits were mostly conditioned by their role as spectators, however mobile — their 1930s counterparts increasingly blurred the distinction between performance, display and reception. The Stockholm Exhibition 1930 intensified ideologically important aspects of earlier exhibition scenarios, opening up a landscape for watching and interacting with items that were not solely on display, but for sale. The site itself was defined as part of a coming era where consumption was granted to all, and this was one of the most salient parts of its utopian A Vis io n of Mo d h r n it y promise. In that respect, the prescribed awe for the commodity spectacle that Gunning and Ekström elucidate had been transformed into a viewing situation where the exhibits increasingly had come, or at least were coming within the financial reach of the spectators. The overarching goal of the exhibition was to promote ideas for bettering the dwelling standard of the urban working classes, whose housing conditions were often dismal. It constituted a strong and joyous imperative for the visitors to literally take a step into modernity; by looking at and interacting with functionalist architectural design, furnishing and lifestyle attributes, they would learn the principles of rational, practical and hygienic living. Even if the functionalist movement had started in the 1920s among a group of Swedish architects inspired by Le Courbusier 's Pavillion de L Esprit Nouveau at the Paris exhibition in 1925, the Stockholm Exhibition 1930 marked the official breakthrough for architectural modernism in Sweden.6 According to the initiator of the exhibition, Gregor Paulsson, president of Svenska Slöjdföreningen/The Swedish Handicrafts Association, it was meant as a far-reaching educational event, raising “the taste and cultivation of our entire population.”7 The Stockholm Exhibition 1930 was located at the meadowy waterline area of Ladugårdsgärdet / The Cow Barn Field and Djurgården, connected by a temporary bridge. All in all, the major walking routes of the area made up roughly 1.4 kilometers. A few descriptive highlights are offered here, some of which I will return to later. Entering the grounds between rows of bright orange ticket booths, one came upon the exhibition 's main street, the corso, adorned with flags. Apart from the planetarium and the transport facilities hall, most of the pavilions along the initial section were devoted to saleable exhibits, such as furniture and household utensils. Assembly-line items and their luxury equivalents were displayed separately. Further along the walk were halls for musical instruments, jewelry, crafts and textiles. Interspersed among these were kiosks, some indexically linked to, or embodying their own product.8 One subsequently reached the Festival Plaza with its seventy-four meter high advertising mast, carrying the exhibition emblem “The Wings of Progress,” erected on a terraced slope, and encircled by rows of benches. Close by was the modernistic, asymmetrically shaped main restaurant, “The Paradise,” of three floors, with seating capacity for a thousand guests. Overlooking the water and the Plaza, its nine-meter high sheet glass façade allowed reciprocal visibility for dining and dancing guests and outside visitors, especially at the rounded corner, which had been given double ceiling height. ’ After the opening, Asplund would observe that contrary to his expectations when constructing the building (“art is order”), the dancing public refused to stay on the balcony-like dance floors adjacent to each of the three restaurant floors, but preferred to see and be seen by everybody on the crowded main dance floor at the bottom level."’ Having passed the restaurant, one came upon the pavilion “Svea Rike”/“The Land of Sweden a separate indoor exhibition presenting an overview of the population and production capacity of the nation. The interior of the building was constructed in line with the intended trajectory to be followed by visitors: entering at the bottom floor, and slowly moving upward, finally exiting from the top floor via flights of steps along the rear side. “The Land of Sweden” aimed to give a total picture of the Swedish population, ranging from household and income statistics to sports, media and cultural institutions, the education system, natural resources and their exploitation. Moreover, state institutions such as the Post Office, the Telegraph service, the telephone network, the hydroelectric board, and large corporations and their products were represented here. The composition of visual material was dense. Drawing on Ferdinand Boberg s Statisticon, a popularized presentation of statistics at the 1909 Stockholm exhibition, “The Land of Sw'eden” integrated and translated data into entertaining object lessons by way of sciopticon images, photo montages, models, films and maps." The circular top floor housed a rotunda devoted to a pedagogical wall panorama of the press illustrating the production trajectory from an event occurring to the finished newspaper reaching its readers.1' For pedagogical reasons there was a marked preference for visual over textual material, since it was believed that “pictures engrave themselves ... in the memory” to a greater extent than text.” “Medclson” was a display presenting the interests and habits of the average citizen, visualized as a corpulent, middle-aged man in a suit.14 On entering, the visitor could read the following: “ What have we made of Sweden and what are we going to do? Follow the red thread! SEE! PONDER! LEARN! ”IS Initially, the history of Sweden was visualized in broad outline, leading to racial biologist Herman Lundborg's section about the bloodlines of the Swedish people. A photo collection of “racial types” illustrated the facial features of people from different provinces. Some of the photos were replicated from Lundborg's 1919 book Svenska folktyper/ Swedish Racial Types while others were more recent photos of the types from it.16 Two sculptures, the bronze “Father and Son” (Olof Ahlberg) and an equivalent female (unidentified) figure were placed as an emblematic framework of human beauty for the photo gallery. Placed on two successive landings, this part constituted one of the first upward steps in the evolutionary trajectory of the whole of Svea Rike, wall panorama ( Stockholms Stadsmuseum ) “The Land of Sweden” In this way, instead of serving as mere points of transition, the very staircase landings between the floors constituted distinct sections, playing a significant role in establishing a symmetrical relationship between the evolutionary overall design of the displays and the visitors' bodily ascendance. “As the viewer moved from one historical montage to another, from one panorama of more recent developments to another, and from one thematic display of present circumstances to another, separate tales of linear progress were interwoven into a single narrative of progress” Pred claims, showing how visitors were also encouraged to insert their own deeds into this seemingly linear, total history.17 “Svea Rike's time as a great political power ended 200 years ago, but during the last 100 years its economic power has been slowly built up. Sweden [today] is a leading industry country ... industry, urban life, international connections demand an intellectually and morally mature people... especially since the World War Sweden has been drawn into what is Svea Rike (Stockholms Stadsmuseum) Svea Rike, Medelson (Stockholms Satadsmuseum) called A-Europe, or industrial Europe, the nucleus of the world.”18 “With the support of this people,” the exhibition book claims, “schooled, educated, well-fed, well-dressed, organized, disciplined, free, healthy and goal-oriented, the Swedish Nation goes out into the world to get a place in the sun on peaceful terms.”1’ Correspondingly, spectators must be made aware that they themselves played an important role in creating national prosperity: “ [I]f Svea Rike is to reach the goal which is the meaning of its entire history — to rise higher and higher in the world 's respect — it depends on every man and woman in the country. Fellow countrymen! Brothers! Sisters! The creation of Svea Rike s future depends on YOU!”30 In the panorama context, Ekström defines this prescribed viewing position as simultaneously encyclopedic and reflexive. Spectators should both take in the panorama and witness their own situation within its landscape. The central podium litcralized the sovereign perspective of the viewers, who were metaphorically elevated in equal measure to the accumulation of knowledge they acquired.31 By contrast, as a more or less sequential montage of various media, “The Land of Sweden” did not establish this relationship instantaneously: instead visitors actively contributed to their ascendance, adding together different media and modes of presentation as they climbed the stairs. It should be noted that the exhibition later received a great deal of international as well as domestic praise for its educational lucidity. 33 Afterwards, “The Land of Sweden” was claimed to have been visited by 300,000 spectators.3’ The next part of the exhibition was a model apartment building built by the Swedish Cooperative Wholesale Society, and the Tenant Organization (HSB). Following the functionalist agenda of facilitating women's liberation from heavy and time-consuming domestic work, it was furnished with a modern laundry room and a collective playhouse for the children of working mothers.24 Kitchenettes and wardrobe beds were space saving details in the relatively small apartments, allowing for more freedom of movement for the family. The most important part of the exhibition was the large sections for tenant apartments and small houses, which came next. While aiming to influence a general public at the Stockholm exhibition, the functionalist aesthetic had manifested itself most strongly in model buildings with architectural solutions for family dwelling, and to a lesser degree, kindergartens and collective housing.35 To estimate the level of ambition for design, the constructions were preceded by a social survey of means and an income category analysis by architects Uno Åhrén and Gunnar Sundbärg.36 Further down the walk, there was a school exhibition demonstrating a model classroom with light, movable furnishing, adaptable to modern pedagogical principles where group work and practical assignments were becoming increasingly central. In contrast to the traditional teaching situation, this was intended to stimulate and promote the pupils' own activity and curiosity. Apart from textbooks, maps, natural history specimens and wall charts, the classroom contained technological equipment for film screenings and sciopticon images.37 Having come this far, one could basically turn in one of two directions. Towards the bridge on the right there was a milk bar, which played a part in the propaganda for spreading healthier habits, especially targeting women and young girls, the prime coffee consumers. Going straight on, one first encountered the hospital exhibition, then the section for houses and villas. Situated at the far end of this walk was an amusement park, the realization of which had caused some controversy. This park was open after hours and offered rides, dancing and dining, trick mirrors, a variety show and a magic theater. The restaurant “Funkis” on the premises could seat two thousand guests, and the two dance floors nearby could take fifteen hundred couples.28 The committee did not look kindly upon the amusement park, as it competed with other, more culturally prestigious festivities on the grounds. Later, the committee chief of entertainment, Rolf de Maré, opined that he thought it uncalled-for. He lamented that two of his committee's suggestions for amusements, a theater boat and a pontoon dance floor in the middle of the bay, “Island of Bliss,” had been turned down in favor of outdated “merry-go-round culture.”29 What is interesting here is not only the committee's reluctance to include traditional sights and attractions in a landscape of modernism, but their somewhat jealous glances at the amusement area, which drew large crowds after the exhibition's opening hours. Similar to the exhibition topography Gunning describes, the amusement park area was accorded a somewhat marginal placement, and an ambivalent treatment by the exhibition committee.,0 If one chose instead to cross the bridge by the milk bar at the intersection, one reached the exhibitions for tombstones, the cartoonists' parlor, and camping and sports equipment. By the shore one could hire pedal boats, gondolas and rowing boats for a turn on the bay. Rows of benches facing the swimming stadium were placed adjacent to it, giving an overview of an electrified, multicolored fountain. When swimming competitions or other water events took place, the seats would function as a temporary sports stadium together with the Festival Plaza's benches on the opposite shore, thus constituting a temporary spatial unity across the water. On the opening day, daytime fireworks shot against the bright blue skies over the bay and the shore of the Plaza, the spots of smoke transforming into tiny figures and parachutes raining down over the heads of the audience. This was a truly modern event. Advertising Galore Advertising is the password of the times. Folkets Dagblad Politiken, May 16, 1930 The exhibition's advertising apparatus may have been one of the first of the decade to conflate societal concerns with public health, welfare and consumerism, but not the last. In this as well as some of the following chapters such a polysemous conflation of advertising plays an important role. According to Pred, the Stockholm Exhibition was preceded by the most elaborate advertising campaign ever mounted in Sweden up to that point. To attract as many foreigners as possible, brochures were printed in fourteen languages,11 and posters in sixteen, which were then disseminated widely, in travel agencies, or the dining cars of European luxury express trains. Neon advertising signs, posters or flags were also set up in central points in the capitals of England, France and Germany; in the US, travel agencies linked to the Swcdish-America Transatlantic Line marketed the event massively. The campaign in Sweden was equivalent in scale and tourist-oriented. Several illustrated books were issued as guides to the capital s major attractions and beautiful surroundings, not least Djurgården, around the exhibition site.32 Georg Enders wrote an Exhibition Waltz with lyrics in Swedish, English and German.33 Advertising material about the exhibition was distributed daily to all newspapers, and mail passing Stockholm was postmarked “Stockholmsutställningen 1930” almost a year before its opening. As early as in December 1929, gift vouchers for all-season exhibition entry cards were sold." Moreover, in parallel to the building plans taking shape and construction works prior to the exhibition, several press conferences were held to keep the public up to date about the progression of the project.13 One publicized event was the raising of the advertising mast, attended by an audience of two hundred.!6 Functionalism involved an unprecedented legitimization of advertising, which became an integral part of the overall architectonic expressions of the buildings in the exhibition area. The PIX Pastilles kiosk, for example, was a high cylinder of aluminum and cardboard, with letters for advertising attached to a rotating top section. With a metallic shine that was both ornamental and illuminating, they could be unhooked and exchanged according to need.37 The pavilion representing the construction periodical The Builders' Journal (Uno Åhrén) close to the bridge was the meeting point for both local Swedish and visiting architects.38 Going even further in the conflation of architectonic creativity and advertising, the building had a circular shape, with upright “pages” of the periodical emblematically attached to its outer walls.39 Here, visitors could sit down and flip through building periodicals or view images and drawings of the exhibition buildings. Groups of visitors could further enlist a guide to show them over the modernist buildings on the grounds. The paramount eye-catcher on the premises, the 74 meter high advertising mast, was topped by the exhibition emblem, the “Wing of Progress,” in popular parlance called “the razor.” The top section was dominated by the names of four magazines, Ilela Världen /All The W orld , Husmodern /The Homemaker , Vecko-Journalen /The W eekly Journal , and Alh for Alla ( AfA ) / Everything for Everybody, all interconnected with a neon loop pointing to a vertical sign beside them saying “The Big Four.” The majority of them had a female readership. Further down the middle was a sign for Läkerol Lozenges and Röda Sigillet / Red Seal men's scarves. Next came a mixed vertical-horizontal composition made up by Philips Electronics and Mazetti chocolates. The mast s slender, bare steel construction made the neon brand names appear as if floating on air by night. The lowest section, still several meters above the ground, held a pressroom with a view over the festival Plaza. Housing thirty writing desks, it quickly became a popular, albeit crowded, meeting point for journalists. By night a rotating searchlight on the top made the mast visible from afar; in clear weather you could see it from Uppsala, 71 kilometers away. High above the exhibition hovered a Zeppelin lettered “Sidenhuset”/ “The Silk House;” for 20 crowns a head it took passengers for a ride over the grounds. Unfortunately, it malfunctioned after only a few days and had to be transported to Germany for repair.4" In cooperation with SF, the exhibition committee had arranged for the very first Swedish sound newsreel to be taken of King Gustav Vs opening speech; a Fox Movietone truck had been shipped from the US especially for the purpose. According to Raymond Fielding, the King thought it was beneath his dignity to speak for newsreels, so there must have been some persuasion involved.41 Afterwards, the film was speedily developed, and shown in the evening as a much appreciated bonus film at the Palladium Theater. Here, lucky viewers could spot themselves as exhibition visitors.4’ The newsreel SF 2542-A shot at the opening reveals that the camera was placed at some distance from the speakers' podium, making the King just barely visible as he starts his inaugural address. The camera adopts the gaze of a regular visitor; somewhat distracted and inattentive, it pans at random and unsteadily jolts over the packed grounds during the speech. When the daytime fireworks start, it is slow to catch them. In another sound sequence, SF 2542-C, taken of a men's choir singing “Flamma stolt mot dunkla skyar” and “Glad såsom fågeln i morgonstunden,” the camera likewise drifts off in other directions during the performance, paying more attention to the mass audience. In contrast, a third silent film, SF 2542-D, shows more structured, deliberate camera movements. Was it that the cameraman shooting the sound footage had taken the camera's dual, i.e., audio-visual presence for granted, and tended to disregard the visual aspect, in a way that the cameraman shooting the silent footage did not? Furthermore, SF set up an outdoor movie theater close to the Cartoonists ' parlor, screening features, advertising films and informative shorts made by the Cooperative Wholesale Society.41 It was a “promenade cinema” free of charge, w here you could come and go as you pleased.44 The Cooperative Society and HSB also held daily screenings of industrial films and commercial shorts in their respective halls.41 During the exhibition, SF additionally launched a cinemarelated service targeting travelers from the countryside. Röda Kvarn, situated in the attractive downtown shopping district, was thereby turned into a communication center to meet travelers needs for correspondence or meetings, and small luggage deposits. It was also possible to forward one 's mail to Röda Kvarn while staying in Stockholm, and to make telephone calls or distribute messages to friends free of charge. Moreover, visitors could put notices in both Swedish and foreign newspapers through SF s service. The theater additionally functioned as a hotel lounge and exhibition space, where patrons could read their local papers in the upper foyer, to which refreshments could be ordered from Cecil, a fashionable restaurant next door. There was always a freshly hung photography or art collection to watch. The first involved a co-operation with the Swedish-French Art gallery. The theater held evening concerts, at times the Stockholm Exhibition, the main walk. SJ's pavilion in the foreground. (Svenska slöjdföreningens årsbok, 1930) performed on the auditorium organ. During this period, Röda Kvarn was also transformed into an information center. The lower foyer displayed a large map of the town, and SF personnel were available to give directions.46 Thus, Röda Kvarn literally fused the transitory heterotopian spaces such as the train station, the restaurant and hotel lobby with the more experiencegenerating cultural sites, the concert hall, the cinema and the art gallery.47 Architectonic Poem or Messy Poster Show? Aspects of Critical Reception Dear Hard Steel, make me strong, make me sturdy Give me a clear intellect, and a big, simple and humble soul As for myself, I am nothing. Press my head hard, Dear Steel! Be a sign that I have seen the birth of a new age, The birth of a new generation! Olavi Paavolainen48 Funkis [functionalism] is frozen Negro music. Karl Erik Forslund The saying “form follows function” has become shorthand for characterizing functionalism. As is well known, it was part of Die Neue Sachlichkeit*'’ , underpinned by Taylorist-Fordist ideas of efficiency.“ In W eimar Surfaces: Urban Visual Culture in 1920s Germany Janet Ward explores the functionalist movement s ramifications in architecture, fashion, film and advertising. As her title suggests, she focuses on cultural surface phenomena, treating them as literalizations of functionalist metaphors, or conversely, as material manifestations of ideas. She brings forth a sphere of “rediscovered spatiality,” where rationality, efficiency and hygiene were tangible and perceptible aspects of the cityscape 's modernist buildings of plate glass, concrete and steel. The New Objectivity's sense of graspability and freedom from mediation entailed a discourse of exteriorization, where surfaces straightforwardly signaled their non-ornamented purposes.Sl As an instance of this signifying system of ultimate clarity, glass architecture literally bespoke hygienic and aesthetic purity, joyous nudity, lightness and transparency. For contemporaneous proponents, it defied both gravity and hierarchical space — its very openness of design connoted democracy.52 Much has been written about the Swedish encounter with functionalism at the Stockholm Exhibition, discourse on the reception succinctly splitting critics into two camps: “funkis” adherents and traditionalists. 1 will bypass the controversy as such here, and merely exemplify how its imperative was understood by some of its critics. In order to show the flavor and spirit articulated in their responses, I have included extensive quotes. Understood in quite literal terms, one of the most telling aspects of the critical reception is how the conflict over aesthetic paradigms reveals the ability or failure of critics to see what functionalism purported to offer, and to what degree critics responded to or rejected the new mode of looking required to appreciate its revolutionary expressivity. According to Pred, modernism was late to arrive in Sweden, at least on the art scene. Even if this was not the only reason, functionalist aesthetics met with considerable resistance from high-profile critics within the cultural establishment, such as Carl G. Laurin and Carl Lindhagen.” Retrospectively, the conflict has been defined as a clash between generational paradigms, a claim that is certainly valid. But, by looking at responses from a visceral viewpoint, this picture can be problcmatized, however, and I will return to this issue. One of the most well-known responses to the exhibition is that of author Ivar Lo-Johansson. In the following, he recalls his impressions of his visit, ascribing revolutionizing powers to the milieus and objects: I walked around the main street of the big 1930 Stockholm Exhibition. It was summer and stiflingly hot. The sun of the new decade shone on my crown. An entire new city of steel, glass and cement had been erected on the flat area where before there had been a void. Houses, restaurants and music grandstands which resembled birds flying upward with stiff wings. Among the crowd people spoke of the new architecture, which would give birth to a new sense of life. A door handle, a picture window, a matter-of-fact piece of furniture would in a short time influence the family residing in a house in such a way that their feelings and thoughts would become open, transparently clear. The shining machine limbs of the exhibition halls demanded a new poetry. The exhibition area's high steel mast rose like a signal, a shiver of happiness toward the bright blue sky. The functionalist era had blown in. The style of the new age was really the scraping away of styles. Its naked language is called facts.54 The most emphatic modernist proponents from the press, cultural critic Gotthard Johansson and art critic Gustaf Näsström's praise for the exhibition and its architectural creator, is worded with a similarly poetic vocabulary. Johansson states: The name of the exhibition 's true victor is Gunnar Asplund. There is hardly any doubt that the general public, which until now has only seen it from its reverse aspect, will capitulate to it as a whole — so imaginative, so charming and w itty it is, so magically has Asplund conjured it forth. He has shown us that poetry can be as freely written with glass, iron and ‘Eternit’ as in historical styles with columns and minarets. He has shown us that pure cubes and plain surfaces can be constructed into a wonderfully festive architectonic poem; that functionalism, contrary to what many people believe who insist that it can only be dry, boring and unpoctic, is not so; and the question arises whether this isn't the Exhibition 's greatest achievement. What is most of all to be admired in this architecture is its overall grasp, firm but also gentle and sensitive. Most fascinating of all, however, is the interplay between architecture and nature. Asplund s genius has simultaneously preserved and exploited the parkland idyll by the shore in order to build into it beneath the trees' green vaulting all the little kiosks and buildings that might otherwise splinter the overall effect, and in the swarm of exhibits has created a wonderfully fresh and lovely oasis. In their mounting rhythm, by contrast, the long row of Exhibition halls provides it with its architectonic leitmotif, rounding it off superbly in the monumental glass architecture of the main restaurant, which is in fact one of our foremost modern buildings, and which, even at this early stage, one hopes it will be possible to preserve after it 's all over.35 In Näsström s review Asplund is both poet and colorist: Asplund, rationalist and lyricist that he is, has created one [exhibition] that is at once practical and imaginative. Here is no touch of stiffness — all is grace. Everything has been laid out in its witty logical order for the eye to survey. The architecture, bearing the hallmark of a clear and yet playful form and painted in a range of colours so refined as at moments even to seem pretentious, is, in its form, an ingenious technological framework for advertising the exhibits. Asplund is a superb colourist. It is he who carries off the Exhibition's greatest trophy.56 According to these voices, the exhibition conveyed a modernist spirit, whose facticity tipped over into lyricism. Amidst “the scraping away of styles” and ornament, architect Asplund s role is transfigured to that of an artist, a poet of matter.57 In their praise of his architecture, Gotthard Johansson and Gustaf Näsström 's reviews moreover betray a “certain ‘ romanticism of construction’.”5* Referring to Walter Benjamin, Janet Ward argues that the very anti-aesthetic ideal materialized in functionalism's rejection of ornament quickly became mythologized and re-enchanted in the pure surfaces — meaning that the absence of style itself became a reauratifying visual fetish among functionalist proponents.59 While noting that more could have been done to show functionalism's democratic intent, such as showcasing more collective houses, Finnish architect Alvar Aalto argues that the exhibition is a critical step forward for modernism, and the birth of an new' urban lifestyle connoted by Neue Sachlichkeit : The Stockholm Exhibition by night ( Stockholms Stadsmuseum ) One can understand the Exhibition has even aroused fierce criticism, being a surgical incision into the deep-rooted tendency to associate the concept of art with a genteel classy lifestyle and its exclusive artifacts. What this Exhibition speaks up for is a cheerful, uninhibited daily existence. It makes coherent propaganda for a healthy, unassuming way of living, based on economic realities.60 And he continues : The tendentious social manifestation the Stockholm Exhibition aims at being is clad in an architectonic idiom of pure and spontaneous joy. Over the whole rests a festive refinement, but it s also childlike and uninhibited. Asplund s architecture transcends all boundaries and limits; his aim has been a grand party without preconceived opinions as to whether it is to be realized by architectural or any other available means. Here is no question of a composition in stone, glass and iron, as a visitor who despises ‘funkis’ perhaps imagines, but a composition in houses, flags, floodlights, flowers, fireworks, happy people and clean tablecloths. To Asplund, a Finnish tourist who for one krona rides a water bicycle on the Djurgården creek is a valuable object, bringing life to his exhibition. The surprising fireworks have the same right to be there as a showcase. Anyone who walks about criticizing its architecture solely in terms of axes and façade angles, no matter whether he comes to a positive or negative conclusion, will never discover the mentality that has been the project s driving force.61 To a greater extent than Johansson and Näsström, Aalto openly embraces the exhibition as a totality, where the peoples presence and interaction are vital tenets of the architectonic composition. Moreover, he is more sensitive to the performatively revolutionizing grasp of the event, even if stating that it could have been even bolder. The French artist Monsieur Serge likewise acknowledges the performativity of the vision, i.e. that the exhibition manifested an idea that had not yet found anchorage. When interviewed by Stockholms Dagblad, he specifically praised the advertising mast, the emblem of the modern spirit: ‘It [the exhibition] is matchless. It marks a stage of development which not even the Swedes themselves understand. We must all live in our own era in order to live fully. But the exhibition itself is shaping an era,... Modernity has not been as successfully realized, even in France, the homeland of functionalism...Lastly, on the behalf of all French artists, I only want to shout a loud ‘Bravo’ for one thing at the exhibition.’ ‘Which one?’ ‘ The mast. It is the best thing created in that style, much better than the Eiffel Tower’ ‘?????’ ‘Mais oui. I am serious, monsieur. It is the real mirror of our times. ’62 To other critics, functionalism failed to come across as a properly expressive material idiom. They could not decipher the signals of democracy, functionality and hygiene that were embedded in the designs. Instead, several of them felt the exhibition itself to be engulfed by advertising, looking like a closely hung “poster show.”63 An anonymous letter reprinted in The Builders' Journal s exhibition issue voiced resentment towards the commercial framework that practically littered: The entire exhibition [that] appears more and more like a racket. Like mosquito swarms the public are plagued by salesmen [sic], and you practically wade in advertisement of all kinds. Ads, giant letter formats in the most inappropriate places; you stumble over advertisements in the staircases, and by the southern Djurgården waterline, they have not even refrained from ruining the beautiful verdure with signs of violent size. If this is functionalism, let us then pray to all heavenly powers to deliver us from it.64 Some adversaries suspected that advertising agents more than architects had provided the design and that the entire site was indeed a heathen place of unabashed worship of commercialism. Interior designer Carl Malmsten, one of functionalism's most passionate opponents, stated: “The advertising mast, the exhibition's church, brings its homage to the unbridled, irrational want satisfaction which — driven forward by competition — threatens to plunge... civilized humanity into outer and inner chaos.”64 He stated that the committee had turned the exhibition into a one-sided propaganda for functionalism, resulting in a marginalization of handicraft and applied arts.66 Danish critic Anker Kirkeby was quoted in Dagens Nyheter, saying: No, the Stockholm Exhibition is not built by architects, but by advertising agents. Its decisive character lies not in the fact that nature surrounds and supplements the buildings, but in that intrusive tasteless advertisements suffocate both nature and treetops; among the flower rows, on the house façades, from the opposite side of the inlet — everywhere they scream... Worst of all is the “advertising mast” erected in the middle of the festival Plaza as the exhibition 's sacred token, a metaphor whose steel skeleton is draped from top to bottom with a jumble of advertisements for ties, light bulbs, loudspeakers and chewing gum. It is the pride of the architects and is supposed to symbolize the triumph of modern technology, but one can drolly say that it is the most decadent construction in the entire history of design. In its futuristic-Dadaistic confusion, it appears more nonsensical than the most twisted offshoot of rococo or Louis Philippe.67 Kirkeby's dislike almost verged on nausea, and he perceived the strictly metric design of the mast as jumble. Composer Vilhelm Peterson-Berger was likewise disgusted by the mast 's “messiness,” above all by the unabashed commercialism: The advertising mast... seems so trashy and brutal with its messy play of lines and angles and its vulgar advertisements. And remember: yes, of course, this is an exhibition, a big window display, a market full of market cries that they have tried to tune in a single key. The advertising mast is the psychological key to the whole thing; ugly, violent advertising is (a form of) bragging, and bragging is lower class.68 Let me rephrase my earlier claim: the exhibition did come across as material idiom even to the adversaries quoted here; only, it spoke of filth, decadence, vulgarity —yes, of every possible low instinct. Amongst the omnipresent, boisterous and loud advertising messages, the buildings could not make themselves heard. And in the middle of it all stood the advertising mast as a paradoxically modernist-primitive totem pole, topped by a megaphone. It had cost 100,000 crowns to erect, and now gave rise to massive protest.65 From an avant-garde perspective, the conflation of advertising and architecture rang of the impulse to transcend the boundaries separating art and everyday life, meaning further that technology took center stage for aesthetic expression.7" Likewise architects aimed to rcinfuse architectonic expression with democratizing energies whose ornamental status, if any, must be predicated upon productivity. Yet, the conflation of architectural and commercial expression was certainly provocative to many; there was no telling where one ended and the other one started. Several aspects of the negative responses arc interesting here, most generally in the paradoxical relationship between the functionalist vision and the instances of less sympathetic reception. Moreover, the polarization between creators and critics appears as particularly articulated. The overarching aim had been to launch the exhibition as a farreaching, taste-raising device. On the contrary, it was perceived as utterly vulgar. Accordingly, what was manifested as purely functional, geometrical and easily decipherable in its hygienic transparence, was translated as messy and jumbled. The lines expressing aesthetic restraint and facticity were understood as loud. Another interesting aspect of the critical response is these critics' use of sound metaphor to describe a sensory impact that was almost exclusively confined to a visual register. It could be mentioned that among all the advertising phenomena, there additionally grew a plethora of advertising frauds that thrived on the exhibition, both before and after its opening, adding to the disrepute ol its commercial aspects. Fake advertising firms sprung up, selling spaces in non-existent “Official Guidebooks” and maps. Unsuspecting tradesmen were talked into buying spaces for kiosks on the grounds, or non-existent spaces and advertising spots in foreign publications. One conman was sly enough to guarantee unemployed people work at the exhibition for a sum ranging from 200 to 3000 crowns per person.71 Conversely, among those who actually succeeded in getting employment on the grounds, discontent with the bad working conditions and long hours was incessant. The Paradise restaurant was stiflingly hot, sometimes rising to 40 C° on sunny days, and some of the commercial buildings proved impractical and non-functional for everyday services and work routines. The right-wing critique against the commercialism of the event had more uncanny implications, which Pred condenses by emphasizing the emblematic role accorded to the advertising mast. The anti-semitic periodicals Nationalsocialisten and Vidi claimed that ruthless Jewish interests lay behind the high-priced restaurants and products on the grounds, depicting the Jews ' “expansionist struggle” as drawing the very blood of innocent white men. This alleged murdcrousness was shown in a caricature of the mast s upper part, where the “Wings of Progress” had been transformed into a jagged, blood-stained razor, “Made in Chechoslovenka” superimposed on a Star of David. The popular magazines, called the “The Big Four,” had been replaced by the surnames of four prominent Jews involved in the exhibition, Sachs, Bonnier, Eliasson, Jacobsson, summed up by a thick Yiddish “mispronunciation:” Dc 4 Schtora/Dc Pick Forr.” Under the names, read the line: “Under rävsachsen/Under the fox-trap.”72 Pred summarizes the conspiratory paranoia present in the image : Sachs was the vice-chairman of the Exhibition s executive committee, and his supposedly sly and deathly influence on the entire event was underscored by the cartoon caption, ‘Under the fox-trap which punned upon the similar sounds of his name and sax [scissors] and simultaneously suggested that the official wings-of-progress symbol was not only a lethal razor, but a fox-trap set for all of Sweden, a trap set by the foxy Sachs. Albert Bonnier was the publisher of De 4 Stora, a man synonymous in the National Socialist lexicon with ‘the Jew-controlled’ liberal press. Axel Eliasson was a wholesaling merchant who had obtained monopoly rights for the sale of the exhibition 's sole official souvenir, the wings-of-progress symbol in pin form. Eliasson had precipitated a ‘scandal’ by arranging for pin production in Czechoslovakia (note the double-edged wordplay on the razor Made in Chcckoslovenka), and when the public clamour failed to subside he was forced to award a contract for subsequent deliveries to a Swedish firm.75 It should be noted that this anti-semitism is generally not observed by studies on the Stockholm Exhibition.74 Bonnier was the target of regular attacks by the Swedish National Socialists during the 1920s and 1930s.7S And Sachs, owner of NK, the most luxurious department store in Stockholm, was likewise prone to criticism. In terms of novelties, especially technological ones, he was always ahead of his fellow tradesmen, since he often made trips to get impulses from the market in Europe and America. Furthermore, ever since the Stockholm Exhibition in 1897, he had played a significant part in almost every Swedish exhibition enterprise.71’ The pun on his name later resurfaces in the short film Städernas stad / City of All Cities(SF 2553-A, 1931 ), an exposé of Stockholm. The revue artist Ernst Rolf presents NK's department store by claiming that customers get service from “en skarp och slipad Sachs”/“a sharp and slick Sachs = pair of scissors. ” Another instance of critique striking at the heart of the exhibition 's modern vision was that the functionalist model dwellings for lower income households failed to fulfill their muchpublicized purpose. Despite the architects' visions of a generally improved dwelling standard with at least two rooms per family, construction costs and site prices proved incompatible with needs and income profiles.77 While all categories of model apartments were designed with innovative, functional and versatile solutions, the results in some cases proved claustrophobic: the smallest apartment for a low-income family household was 36 square meters.78 An interesting point here is the pronounced ambivalence between, on the one hand, a socialpolitical intent, leaning towards a democratization of dwelling status. On the other hand, the size and furnishing of finished apartments spoke of an underlying assumption that there was a symmetrical, unproblematic correlation between the needs, lifestyles and incomes of each of the household types.79 The cheapest flats for workers ' families were thought to be too small by some critics, while others claimed that the housing dilemma was not a technical-architectonic problem at all, but a socio-political one.80 Women architects tested the kitchenettes, which turned out to be both impractical and unbearably hot, if one ventured to cook in them.81 Domestic science teacher Maja Forssell wrote an evaluation in The Builders' Journal, drawing attention to the fact that the smallness of the kitchens was even dangerous, as there was nowhere to retreat to in case of a gas explosion in the stove, or if the housewife happened to spill hot liquid during cooking.82 To feminist radicals these cramped ‘“solutions’ addressed the efficient rational use of small spaces rather than the redressing of large social inequalities.”8’ In terms of ideological critique leveled at the exhibition, Alan Pred sums up that of critics as well as his own. Although his text is attractive for its impressionistic flavor, and highly useful for the many references to reception it includes, his distrust of the exhibition s progressive intent and the modernist pledges made about its great significance appears as harsh. Not only does he outline the utopian aspects of it as failed, but even claims that the democratic objectives expressed by the exhibition were a sham. Consequently, he cannot negotiate a balance between the progressive effort articulated in the exhibition, and the more uncanny components, such as racial biology and elitist thinking. Pred s critique implies that to some extent he fails to grasp the contradictory political climate saturating this historical context, and moreover overlooks that the exhibition somewhat uncomfortably straddled a gradual transition from liberal to Social Democrat politics. Further, he does not consider the tangled cooperation of state initiative and commercial interests, at times collapsing the former into the latter, thereby disregarding the eclectic makeup of different interests. Quite understandably he cannot reconcile this ambivalent web of mentalities and policies, the “unity of economics, politics, and culture” involved.84 In contrast to his rejection of them as proto-fascism virtually across the board, I would suggest that their contradictory discourses should neither be treated as incompatible, nor be understood as mutually reinforcing. Rather, as I will argue in some of the following chapters, they may interlink without perceptible friction, yet not necessarily correlate ideologically with the overall framework of the modern project. Returning to other points of contemporary critique, the logistics of the exhibition turned out to be less than functional. Despite the “hygienic vision” of the exhibition, the commissariat overlooked that very question. The amount of waste baskets and public toilets was far from sufficient. Pred interprets this as a consequence of their failure to accept anything that concerned the practicalities of handling dirt and waste. This may be likely, but conceptually the blind spot may just as well have been caused by the purist mis-en-scene of the functionalist architecture: the hygiene of the clean surfaces was unconsciously perceived as self-generating.85 Pred observes another hygienical paradox within the sexual register: the exhibition as generator of musty gender relations and sexual immorality. Lo-Johansson is quoted referring to a scene he has eye-witnessed in “Paradise,” the main restaurant (here conceived of as a greenhouse). Two women, “the same kind of winking dolls as they were in the nineteenth century,” work their charms on a man at their table, by resorting to traditionally seductive strategics: They sold sex and competed for the man. — You are strong their glances seemed to say. I am weak, take me. I want to be curly and housewifely and domesticated and have a home where I can lamb in the pen, and then suckle your offspring so they can become cute little lambs. — Any sign of equality between the sexes was totally unnoticcablc.86 To Lo-Johansson's dismay, the modern vision had far from transformed these visitors. Here business went on as usual between the sexes, unaffected by the modernist transparency. Pred further claims that halfway into the exhibition season, it was discovered that it generated contamination: the cases of venereal disease had risen by 25 percent, due to the “traffic expansion” in the city.87 Excursus, or a Film Excursion by Car to the Stockholm Exhibition Several instances of popular reaction against the Stockholm Exhibition indicated that sections among the public as well as the critics did not buy into the vision inscribed in the functionalist architecture. Significantly, some of the more prominent buildings were given denigrating nicknames that quickly gained currency: the music pavilion was called the “loose cuff”88, most of the dwelling houses were simply named “boxes, ” “packing crates” or worse, “the madhouses” or “the steamboat decks. ” The exhibition was called “Box City” or, with a triple pun making fun of the advertising mast s “razor” and the overall hygienical vision, the smooth surfaces and straight lines of functionalism, “The Barber Shop”/Rakstugan in Swedish, also meaning “The Straight Cottage. ”8’ Moreover, critique was a built-in phenomenon on the grounds. Two festival plays with critical intent were performed during the first days of the exhibition, Det stora bygget /The Great Construction Site, by Sigfried Siwertz and Stjärnan i triangeln /The Star in The Triangle by artist Isaac Grünewald.90 The most interesting instance of mediated reception, however, was offered by the revue-format film Colourful Pages (Edvin Adolphson, 1930), partly shot on the grounds during the exhibition. It was shown as a New Year's revue at the Palladium film theater in 1930,91 and got bad reviews from many critics,92 possibly because most of them could not make head or tail of its constant and reflexive play with genre and mediality.95 The film starts out as a travesty of a rural film, a much-produced genre peaking during the Swedish Golden Age ( 1917-1924).94 Introductory intertitles reminiscent of silent film further underscore this association. A following, static establishing shot of a farmhouse living room throws the viewer into “the midst of things:” outside, a violent storm rages, and the farmer (Nils Lundell) says to his wife (Concordia Selander) that within his heart, there is a conflict just as intense. Quite against his wishes, his daughter Vera (Vera Nilsson) has fallen in love with a man who lacks the means to redeem his mortgaged farm. The disobedient daughter enters, and shortly after, her boyfriend, Håkan (Håkan Westergren). Just as the father's rage is about to reach its climax, the illusion is suddenly broken by off-screen sounds coming from what turns out to be a theater auditorium. As this break occurs, we are made aware of the fact that the set is that of a theater stage, not a film studio. An off-screen voice (director Edvin Adolphson) asks in a bantering manner who is responsible for this mess. “Bring him here, so we can have a look at him!” he exclaims raising laughter in the auditorium. The tall revue artist Valdemar Dalqvist enters, bending slightly to get through the low set door in mid-frame; in sharp contrast to the players' stereotypically rural garb, he sports high hat and tails. The off-screen voice claims that he and his friends had come expecting to see a talking revue film. Dalqvist explains that he thought that a rural film would be more suitable, since it is something with which we are all familiar in Sweden. But, to comply with their wishes he will certainly make an attempt. The unsolved problem of the mortgaged farm is suddenly transformed into a crossword puzzle question “a property of radio and film — eight letters.” “Why, naturally, it must be ‘wireless! Dalqvist exclaims, making the farmer overjoyed, since the prize is a free trip to the Stockholm Exhibition. Dalqvist invites him, his wife and the young couple to participate in his film, if they will only go and change while he sings his first revue number “Stöt på mig” / “Just Give Me a Nudge.” Thereafter, they all leave for Stockholm in an elegant convertible. The ride is depicted in a quick succession of takes of the car 's trajectory through the rural landscape, accompanied by instrumental versions of folk songs. The traveling figure hereafter becomes the structuring device for Colourful Pages, interspersed with on-stage, or on-camera revue numbers. To be more specific, the film itself is turned into a vehicle for playing off genres and conventions against the audience. Dalqvist's motorized adventures within the film provide the foreground for the self-consciously incoherent plot, which seems to have no definite direction; the mediation of the journey and its frequent halts are made more interesting than the prospect of eventually arriving somewhere. Consequently, there are no narrative climaxes, but a series of more or less interlinked episodes. Dalqvist and his group not only visit the exhibition, but also make an excursion into Stockholm and its surroundings. In relation to the critical discourse surrounding the reception of the exhibition, the film 's motifs and comical elements are dependent on a particular frame of mind and perspective indicative of an imagined rural visitor. As if in defiance of the rational gaze prescribed by functionalism and urbanity alike, it seemingly re-activates an openly curious (out)look, most readily perceived in the tourist pursuits and views.” Similar to Gunning's view aesthetic, it visualizes the act of looking, and moreover particularizes that look, many times with the revue as an auxiliary device.96 On their arrival in Stockholm, the group have dinner at Brända Tomten by Stureplan, and are baffled by the pretentious menu. Afterwards, they take rooms at a boarding house where they are overcharged because of the exhibition's influence on hotel prices. Their landlady Mrs. Ebbesen, who is greedy, conceited and ignorant, tries to show off her knowledge of functionalist principles by demonstrating the traditionally decorated room as “expressionist functionalism? She opens a curiously equipped cupboard, “designed à la Asplund:” from the inside of its two doors she unfolds a wash-basin, “Ultra- Funk,”and from its midst an ironing board she claims to have received as a gift from the exhibition commissariat. “It is signalled by my friends Paulsson and Malmsten” she proudly malapropizes. Here the film again returns to the revue format, revealing the room as a stage set. As Ebbesen sings her revue number “Se på fåglarna”/“See the Little Birdies” about the “landlady-hyenas”she addresses both the viewers and her guests as audiences. The song is a travesty on the traditional style of folk songs, satirizing unscrupulous business methods that involve no work effort. Her refrain aptly summarizes her own gebiet : “De så ej, de skörda ej, men klara sig ändå! ”/“They sow not, they harvest not, but comfortable lives they've got! ”97 It is now high time to prepare for the exhibition visit. The old couple waits at the boarding house while Dalqvist takes the youngsters to NK's department store to get them more fashionably attired. Through crosscutting we see Vera entering the ladies department, while her mother reads about the dangers of Stockholm in a newspaper. Recently a male department store manager sexually assaulted a young woman shopper, she reads out aloud. Nils dismisses her worries about their daughter, of course nothing will happen to her Just as he has uttered these words, a cut back to Vera and the manager salesman at the ladies department shows him caressing her fur-clad figure with great desire, claiming that nobody can resist her now. But Dalqvist quickly enters and scoldingly exclaims “For shame, you dirty little manager, you! Hands off, this is a decent film!” Next scene opens with a close-up of a sign “The Talkaphone Department,” parodying the department store NK's state of the art media technology \ The Stocholm Exhibition 1930, the Paradise restaurant ( Stockholms Stadsmuseum ) department (where contemporary customers were encouraged to “Send a Gramo-mail instead of writing! The image dissolves into another sign: “Latest news in speech technology.’ Håkan comes in from the right, now speaking in a broad Stockholm accent (ekensnack) he has learned by this instant method. As the three come out into the street again, Vera reads alarming newspaper placards and worries about her parents (given the preceding newspaper scene 's play with simultaneity, it is as if the mere reading about horrific events involves a risk of them actually materializing); but Dalqvist calms her, stating that if only they reach the Stockholm Exhibition they will be in the good and loving hands of the sweet janitors. Of, course this sounds suspicious; as the whole group steps inside the gates shortly thereafter, a janitor ( Weyler Hildebrand ) is seen harassing visitors about the size of their entrance cards, which he finds to be inadequate. He brusquely stops Dalqvist et al, demanding to see their cards, but is baffled into silence when the latter pulls out a big publicity image of himself in a straw hat. “ Big, isn't it? To every man his due ! ” Dalqvist says, and they pass. The group sits down at an outdoor café across the water from the festival Plaza, where they get a fine view of the exhibition mast. Dalqvist tries to direct Nils' attention to it, and its Wings-of-Progress symbol. But the latter, mistaking it for a donkey advertising Fyffe's Bananas, pats the “poor creature.” Nearby, the comedian Rulle Bohman from Gothenburg sits bickering with a pair of Louise Brooks-look-alike twins cuddling up to him, much in the seductive manner Ivar Lo-Johansson would later recall. They want something from him, but he will not comply. Dalqvist approaches, asking him what he thinks of the exhibition. “What exhibition...? ” Rulle exclaims sullenly, “I can't see any exhibition.” He whines that he cannot even speak of the miserable thing; it is comprised of mere packing crates — of which there are plenty in Gothenburg's harbor. Intercut with footage taken from a swimming event at the Festival Plaza, the following sequences of the two couples' presence at the exhibition enhance their provincial backwardness, despite Dalqvist's modernizing efforts. They basically misunderstand most of what they see: standing outside the Paradise restaurant, looking in through the large windows, they laugh at the “clumsy” mobile artworks of Adam, Eve, the apple and the snake that hang from the ceiling inside; cut-ins underscored with curious animal sounds illustrate their view. Here, the clash between the traditional and the new mode of looking is made the subject of derision, as is the assumed conflict between their rural ordinariness and the functionalist lines. Dalqvist states that this place has it all, except good-mannered personnel, something that the guests have to bring themselves. The next morning landlady Ebbesen folds a dinner table, china and all, into the bookshelf. She hears snoring from the “functionalist” cupboard, and discovers Nils sleeping in it. She scolds him for his lack of respect for the functionalist principle, but he explains that he and his spouse could not find any bed in the room, upon which she sighs emphatically and pulls down a home-built folding double bed with an elaborately ornamented front from the bookshelf. Dalqvist later takes the couples and an ethnically disparate group of tourists for a sightseeing tour in Stockholm, an activity that acquires a recharged, intertextual significance by the many illustrated tourist guides that were published in connection with the exhibition. By incorporating the tourist gaze, Colourful Pages hereby re-activates “the unique appetites of the film medium for both the visual and the mobile.”99 First, the sightseeing bus drives to Stadion, where a soccer game is in full swing. Dalqvist addresses the camera, confiding to the audience that he does not know the first thing about the sport, but that he will probably pull this off anyway. His presentation of players is intercut with documentary soccer footage. After a moment, he is interrupted by Stadion's director Erik Bergwall, who steps into the frame asking him to remove the bus from the premises, since a running race is about to start. The bus drives on to Djurgården, and we/the tourists are shown the Stockholm Exhibition across the bay, framed by the bus's windowless steel frame. Dalqvist s off-screen voice presents the view in a mix of Swedish and German gibberish: “Und hier haben we die schöne Ausstellung! This is how the exhibition looks in daytime, and abracadabra, abracadabra!... this is what it looks like at night! Schön nicht war? Schöne Sachen... Viel Beleutning! Jawohl.”100 The image accordingly dissolves into a nighttime shot of the exhibition, however from a slightly different angle, the camera panning along the neonlit buildings. It dissolves back to a daytime view, and as the bus moves on to Rosendahl castle and its surroundings, the journey is presented as a phantom-ride. Still adhering to this mode, the camera pans to show Fjäderholmarna across the water. The next “bus stop” is Kungsträdgården, where Dalqvist, frame placed left points to the bronze statue of Karl XII to the right, thus mimicking the monarch's pointing gesture. After scolding the tourists for their undisciplined pranks, he resumes pointing with royal authority to order the chauffeur to drive to Riksbron. Here Dalqvist goes on to show the Royal Palace, the Parliament building, Hotel Rydberg and the Opera House, all visually accessible for the group — and us — within a 360-degree edited sequence. He indulges in digressions about the Swedish music heritage but is suddenly interrupted by the film's director Edvin Adolphson, who steps into the frame script in hand, demanding that they find an appropriate place for ending the first act of the revue. The company borrows the Opera stage, and the bus is seen driving into the Opera house, and onto the stage. Conveniently enough, the vehicle and its ethnically diverse clientele make an attractive backdrop for Dalqvist s revue song. Here, too, the film's construction and genre play is foregrounded in an almost Brechtian manner, as it constantly destabilizes and renegotiates the trajectory of the narrative as it goes along. In the second act, Dalqvist again travels by the convertible. Upon meeting artist Isaac Grünewald, he asks him whether he has seen the old couple, and if he would like to partake in the film. But Grünewald declines the offer and walks off after hearing that there is no fee involved. This part of the conversation, by the way, is a pun on Grünewald s alleged, Semitic greediness. Dalqvist, still at the open car window, turns to the camera and asks the audience if they have seen the old couple. An off-frame female voice answers that they have gone to Fashion- Baden ( Södertälje havsbad ). The car hurries off in that direction to rescue them, since, as Dalqvist states, bathing resorts are morally degenerate places. Shortly, the speeding car meets with an accident, or rather, we are pedagogically taken through the stages of how to film a car accident. Dalqvist steps out of the vehicle at the edge of a precipice, looks down, and then resumes addressing the camera, claiming that he neither wants to sacrifice his chauffeur's nor his own life, nor the director's fancy Ford. Instead he carefully climbs down it, drapes himself in wrecked “ten crown's worth of car crumbs” for the accident close-up, then stands up and is brushed off by the film team and walks off frame. All the while, he and the film crew are directed and ordered around by Adolphson s loud remarks, himself repeatedly present within the frame. Again the viewer's attention is drawn to the coming into being of the film and its cinematic construction. Next, Dalqvist runs over Skurubron. Actress Anna Lisa Baude stands in the middle of it and is just about to jump, desperately unhappy over not being able to get a break as a singer. To comfort her, he offers her an instant, improvised screen test, but on hearing her dreadful voice, he pushes her over the edge with a bored gesture. He then changes to a new vehicle, a pontoon airplane, which performs a loop before landing at Fashion-Baden. He and the couples are now reunited, and he resumes his role as a guide. Again his exposé of the sports lifestyle is conveyed through documentary sequences alternately showing the swimmer Arne Borg, the Swedish water polo team and King Gustaf V playing tennis. Towards the end, the film resumes its revue format, continually making self-reflective comments about its own progression. Dalqvist comes back to the boarding house asking what goes on in the Colourful Pages, hereby making a double pun on the film's title and the paper that was read earlier. Edvin Adolphson steps into the frame and interrupts him, claiming that they must now end the film, there are only two hundred meters of footage left, and he has never seen such a curious script. A cut to Nils reveals him conversing on this issue with a crew member touching up his makeup. As Adolphson calls for something artistic to throw in at the last minute, Gustaf Molander, Victor Sjöström, Vilhelm Bryde and Gustaf Edgren step onto the stage from one of the wings. They speak quietly among themselves, watching the shooting in skeptical wonder. The script problem dissolves into a discussion of Vera's star-contract stipulating free costumes and a free name for her. Thus, a naming contest has been launched. By looking in the advertising leaflet SF Veckonytt, you can observe that the contest was not fictional, but that SF had indeed turned to the audience for naming their debutante, further that the outcome would be revealed in the above “special scene.”"’1 Out of six thousand suggestions, the director awards the first prize to “Vera Nilo;” the suggestions “Vera Willy” and “Vera SF” get second and third place. An additional consolation prize is given to a contestant who has come up with the rather bland name Vera Karlsson. Here, as earlier, the film drops insinuations that SF exploits its stars. At Fashion-Baden, Håkan is reluctant to save a drowning man, fearing for his own life, but Dalqvist says not to worry since the SF has insured him for much more than he is worth. To sum up, Colouiful Pages provocatively foregrounds its own process, most perceptibly by a recurring, narrative stop-motion gesture where Dalqvist addresses the viewer or the film. The virtual tourism offered here concerns both the spatial unfolding of city views and the random plot woven around the exhibition motif. Following the logic of a curious — if not gawking — spectator, it correspondingly unfolds the very medium of film itself and its working premises. The Problematics of Eye Vision and (Failed) Transparency Retaining Colourful Pages' conception of a gaze unaffected by the functionalist vision, I now return to the Stockholm Exhibition's discursive arena and its reception. The controversy over functionalism was not solely over the clash of new and old aesthetic paradigms. So, leaving that issue aside for a while, a focus on the exhibition's visceral impact may elucidate that there was more at stake. Ocular vision itself needed adjustment for visitors to see and appreciate the modernist design in items and model housing. An overwhelming number of visitors failed to grasp the functionality and progressive intent in them, or to buy into their utopian promise; or, they were not open to “optic persuasion.”102 Bluntly put, the unresponsive segments of the public could not see properly, or failed to reconfigure their vision according to the modernist promise that lay hidden beneath what appeared as empty, clear and sanitized surfaces. To traditionalist critics, these surfaces constituted a rude rejection of aesthetic hierarchies, not only for casting aside acquired markers of taste and artistry formerly manifested in the objects themselves, but for robbing them of the cultural capital accumulated in their appraising gazes. According to Ben Singer, “short-term perception malleability resulting from environmental stimulation,” or “neuroplasticity” is an observable process; the shocks of modernity cannot thereby be reduced to a retrospectively fabricated thesis.11” From that point of view, the viscerally associated anxieties brought about by the exhibition could be outlined as a threefold problem, involving instant imperatives for updating one's eyesight, embodied presence and sense of orientation — all requirements for the new human type. Although enthusiastic about the Stockholm Exhibition, Ivar Lo-Johansson asked himself where s/he would appear — he could not find a visitor whose capacities correlated with the architecture. Instead, he observed many traditionalist-minded visitors turning the tables on good and bad furnishing examples, preferring the traditional items he found passé and outright “nauseating” to modernist design: That which immediately struck me as characteristic of the great majority of the visitors was their conservatism, nostalgia. Romanticism. When they saw everything in the light of the new era, their eyes became round and screened out like those of owls. They seemed unable to tolerate the clarity... They became disoriented as soon as they entered the flatroofed, chimney-less functionalist houses — which seemed to abolish the cold and snow of winter — and tried to use their eyes to find their way to the shiny steel-tube furniture. ‘Doesn't that look nice? ’ they said of an old rocking chair with nauseating pillows that had been put in the corner as a bad example. They couldn't stand the steel beds, but still had the old sofa beds and shaggy couch beds left in their moldy minds. ‘Who wants to sleep in that? ’ they said. And when they came to the glass police station it was the same thing. ‘Who would want to lie in a clink like that? Give me the days of my youth’.104 Interestingly, Lo-Johansson's description of reactions calls forth the image of visitors losing their footing and orientation in the encounter with functionalist lines. If traditionalist ornaments could be likened to ocular points of fixture and support, their gazes — and bodies — seem to glide aimlessly as if literally lost in space. Lo-Johansson's claim that their eyes became round and “screened out as those of owls” echoes an earlier encounter with modernity, where exhibition visitors “gawked” in shock and awe.105 In a strikingly literal way, the situation described elucidates a failure to calibrate their vision to a modernized, rational gaze. Glass seemed to have exacerbated their predicament. As Ward notes, “glass surfaces ... can bear no memory or trace of private, individual Geist inscribed upon them.”106 In the absence of domestic “homey” attributes, the rooms lost their significance as domestic spaces for these visitors. Glass architecture indeed became the telltale sign of the public's inability to adjust their eyesight to navigate this landscape of modernist design. More drastically put, a failure to re­ calibrate eye vision must certainly have been the case for the many visitors reported to have collided with glass surfaces on the exhibition site. As many as forty-two visitors met with accidents, of which the majority were collisions with glass walls.107 Before the exhibition, Uno Åhrcn had foreseen functionalism's large windows as bringing more than health and hygiene through increased ventilation, even regarding them as psychologically liberating. By way of quoting Tor Hedberg, he writes: ‘You cannot deny that there is something grand and imaginative about the new approach to the housing problem; in a way, you could see it as a symbol of our anxiety for nature disappearing. We are no longer afraid of space, but feel comfortable in our command of the elements! ’ Moreover, you should see it as a sign of the fact that the days of narrow­ minded individualism are over, and that a sense of social solidarity and cooperation arc about to replace separatism and the false cult of personality.108 But the abundance of glass surfaces was disturbing to some critics. The poet Erik Axel Karlfeldt, who had a generally positive impression of the exhibition as a whole, felt the plenitude of glass surfaces to be uncomfortable: In my opinion, the transparency seems to dominate too much. Indeed, it is right that we should let in air and light [to our dwellings]. But a wall should still be a wall, a border not only to keep out the weather, or the people who would rob us of our worldly possessions, but to the human gazes taking away our solitude. Clearly, there is too much glass. Because I doubt glass as a comfort factor.109 Hereby, glass could even be defined as the “enemy of ownership. ” Furthermore, contrary to expectations, those living in functionalist houses could feel themselves to be more on display, than to have been given the ability to look out."" Another critic, Dr Daniel Hägg's made a dry remark implying that there might be more at stake than sheer visibility: “To sup in a glass cabinet [the main restaurant], so that everyone can sec that you are out and who you are with, is not always appropriate.”"1 The absence of comfort was a key concept in functionalism. Reborn in organic harmony with the new relationship performativcly established by the paced-up urban tempo expressed in the functionalist building principles, the new human type was ideally active, and in no need of cushioning furniture for repose. The minimalist lines constituted a moral, aesthetichygienical statement, signaling a new hardened integrity, and a newly reinforced stimulus shield. Speaking with Adolf Loos and Adolf Behne s much earlier but paradigmatic mottos, “The lack of ornament is a sign of intellectual power,” 112 thus, “Away with comfort! Only where comfort ends, docs humanity begin! ”"’arc argument that could be expanded to embrace the body as well. The new transparent lifestyle implied in this environment ideally established a direct link between eye, intellect and bodily orientation. Yet, by returning to the subject of the SF s exhibition travelers' service as one example, there was no total dethronement of comfort. A few months before the exhibition, Stockholm's first state-of-the-art functionalist movie theater Flamman /The Flame had opened. At first glance, it must have been a rhetorically ideal place for SF s foyer service, marketed as a material manifestation of the company's modern profile; only, the bare, glassed-in foyer offered no place for repose or privacy. Instead, the choice fell to Röda Kvarn, one of the city's oldest theaters, decorated in Art Nouveau style. Apparently, it was more downtown, but more importantly, its foyer spaces offered comfortable, homey lounging. The stylistic discordance in Röda Kvarn was compensated for by a mural painting of the exhibition entrance area, including flags and all, in the lower foyer (SF 1022, 1939). In this context, comfort was of vital importance after all. The exhibition drew four million visitors, a conspicuous figure, especially since the Swedish population was six million at this time."4 Yet, in accordance with a general resistance and unimpressedness, many of the items remained unsold, as well as the bulk of exhibition programs and catalogues.1" Artist Otto G. Carlsund had collected artworks for an Art concret exhibition at one of the cafés on the premises, Café Puck. In accordance with the modernist aim to sever art from its institutionalized form of presentation and bourgeois associations,"6 the public would encounter the paintings in a non-contemplative, dynamic environment."7 Carlsund however met with financial disaster and total rejection from both critics and the public. Later he complained that he could not “succeed in getting as much as one percent of the visitors to adjust their eyes and see that it was an art exhibit... And why was it that people didn't see? Didn't choose to hear other voices with their eyes? Didn't buy?...” 118 Pred asks if the café environment may have interfered with an appropriately contemplative mode of spectating: How many of those with a willing eye or wallet were put off by the ‘primitive hanging’? By the ‘unsuitability of the café locale’? By the compressed arrangements of the paintings? By the lack of breathing space for any one of them? By the difficulty of viewing items stacked three or four atop of one another? By not being able carefully to scrutinize works substantially above eye level? By the tables, chairs and chattering café guests that prevented close examination, that discouraged thoughtful contemplation?119 Clearly, the exhibition's overall idea of interaction and tempo failed to work in this conflation of art gallery and café. Despite elucidating the clash and its relation to modernism's late breakthrough in Sweden, Pred does not go much further in his interrogation. Consequently, even if the above quote illustrates the openly conflicting spatio - contextual parameters, he shows less interest in the modernist statement inscribed in the controversial hanging than in Otto G. Carlsund s failure. At least at a basic level, the Puck conformed to a gallery space or an atelier. The café locale ran along the restaurant building as an annex, the outer wall of the oblong room constructed as a half dome in plate glass. As in a penthouse studio, the ceiling almost reached its highest point by the inner wall. But, the Puck did not conform to the inherent norms of the “white cube's” modernist white gallery space, entailing separation from “the outside [world that] must not come in.”170 In contrast to the white cube, spatio-temporally defined as a limbo for eternal display, the gallery space in Puck was cluttered with transient café traffic.121 Regardless of the massive critique and opposition that rose around the Stockholm Exhibition, it undeniably attracted visitors by virtue of its capacity to make them participants in a modern project and share the responsibility for its future realization. And despite the collisions with the glass, architecture was an ideally concrete medium for expressing ideas — from buildings down to the smallest furnishing details, it functioned as both argument and example. Observing functionalism ideally entailed a transformation of the spectator. Moreover, as Eva Eriksson rightly claims, for the purist aesthetics expressed in functionalism, de-ornamentation did not solely read as hygienically and intellectually coded, but as a moral imperative.122 Retrospectively, no cultural-political event has become as strongly associated with modernity as the distinctly 1930s spirit of the Stockholm Exhibition: So strongly had it staged this vision that it would itself become a concept, a byword, a watchtower or crows nest, from which all Swedish architecture from that day to this has dated itself: either as pre- or post-1930. The Exhibition itself had vanished. But perhaps its gospel stuck all the more clearly in people s minds than if it had been left standing. It was an idea, materialized at the right moment. I2i Both Rudberg and Pred observe that despite initial resistance, functionalism was to be quickly and broadly accepted. According to Gotthard Johansson's book Funktionalismens fram tid/ Functionalim's Future, it took about five years for it to be integrated.124 From a socio-political standpoint, however, many of the ideas did not materialize until the welfare efforts kicked in after the Second World War.,2s In itself, the exhibition did not constitute a breaking point, but a phase of transition.126 1 2 As Ekström shows in D en utställda världen , the 1897 Stockholm Exhibition performatively articulated the good order of contemporary society. 29, 59 Janet Ward claims that late 1920s Germany saw a veritable exhibition mania, driven by a national aim to boost the country as a modern state abroad. sevärdheter och nöjen: Turistbok m ed orienteringskarta, Stockholm, 1930, Kay G. Englund, södra eller egentliga D jurgården och närm ast belägna W eim ar Surfaces: U rban Visual C ulture in 1920s University of California Press, 2001,49f Gunning, “The World as Object Lesson” 423-424 Ekström, D en utställda världen... , 237-238 Ekström, “Konsten att se ett landskapspanorama,” 158 Eva Rudberg, The Stockholm Exhibition 1930: 6 M odernism's Breakthrough in Swedish Architecture 7 Stockholmia förlag, 1999, 21 Gregor Paulsson in Allan Pred, Recognizing European Routledge, 1995,103 Rudberg, 121. The Svanström company's kiosk, 135, the Margarine factory 's kiosk. See Ekström's discussion of pavilions in the shape of their product as “architecture parlante.” D en utställda... , 135-136 Rudberg, 124 Gunnar E. Asplund, “Stockholmsutställningen 1930. Utställningshallarna”in Byggm ästaren. U tställningsnum m er, 1930, 148 Ibid., 137 Svea Rike, 68-69 Svea Rike, Stockholm, 1930, 3, see also Pred, 134 Svea R ike, 66 Pred,135 Herman Lundborg, Svenska folktyper. Bildgalleri, M odernities: A M ontage of the Present, 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 ordnat efter rasbiologiska principer och försett m ed Tullberg, 1919, compare images in Svenska folktyper, 16 “svensk lapp från Jukkasjärvi” 129 “officer, nordisk typ,” 134 unnamed photo depicting Archbishop Nathan Söderblom, 154 “vallonättling från Värmland. Alpin typ” 162 “rasblandad vallon från Uppland” with Svea Rike, 21-23 Pred,135 Ibid. Svea Rike, 7. On exhibition discourse as a form of peaceful warefare, se Ekström, D en utställda... , 57-59, 129 Svea Rike, in Pred, 141 Ekström, 137f Rudberg, 137-39, 191 Svea Rike, 5 en orienterande översikt, 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 Stockholm sutställningen 1930. O fficiell huvudkatalog, Stockholm, 1930, see also 160-183, Rudberg, 141 f Ibid., apartments and villas, 160-183, 198-220. See also Form . Svenska Slöjdföreningens Tidskrift 's artides on: “‘Playrooms’ for children of the tenant's Association's at the Stockholm Exhibition 1930;No . 4: 1930, 121-126, “Kitchens and Bathrooms at the Stockholm Exhibition of 1930” No. 5:1930, 144-152, “Ideal Homes Shown at the Stockholm Exhibition of 1930”“Residential Flats Shown at the Stockholm Exhibition of 1930” No. 6, Årsbok, Stockholm 1930, 3-38 Rudberg, 142-3 Stockholm sutställningen 1930. O fficiell huvudkatalog, 19f Rudberg, 157 f, 176 “Utställningen hade ej behövt nöjesfältet” DN 301008. See also Ekström, D en utställda... , 188 see Gunning's discussion of the Plaisance in “The World as Object Lesson.430 See ad in Folkets D agblad, 2912908 Hj. Hallin, Stockholm i ord och bild: D jurgården, dess Stockholm, 1930, and Gustaf Näsström & Gösta Selling, Södra D jurgården, Stockholm, 1930, Ragnar Josephson, Gösta Selling & Albin Roosval, Stockholm i tusen bilder, Stockholm, 1930 U tställningsm elodi, Bröderna Lagerströms notsnickeri, & Lit. Anst., 1930 Advertisement in Social - D emokraten, 291201 Pred, 123 D agens Nyheter, 300121 Rudberg, 115-117 Ibid., 162 Byggmästaren. U tställningsnum m er, 1930, 63 Rudberg, 128, 177 Fielding, The Am erican Newsreel, 165. “Ljudfilmspropaganda för Stokholmsutställningen,” in Biografägaren, No. 5:1930, 23, and No. 7:1930, 15 As Pelle Snickars claims, viewers hereby become tourists in their own city, Svenskflm ... , 167. The next morning both sound and silent copies were ready for distribution by train to twenty-two Swedish cities. Rudberg, 159 Biografägaren, No. 9:1930, 8-9 om råden på norra D jurgården, G ermany, 3 4 5 D jurgården i ord och bild: illustrerad m innes- och handbok: om fattande 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 Stockholm sutställningen. O fßciellt dagsprogram och utställningstidning, 300613, 28 46 Ibid.,300623, 4, see also “SF-tjänst” in Biografägaren, No. 10: 1930, 4. The traveling service was also shown in SF 673 (1930) 47 Michel Foucault writes: .. certain ones [sites] that have the curious property of being in relation with all other sites, but in such a way as to suspect, neutralize, or invert the set of relations that they happen to designate, mirror or reflect.” “Of Other Spaces” (“Des espaces autres” 1967) in (ed.) Nicholas Mirzoeff, Visual C ulture Reader, Routledge, 1998,239 48 Olavi Paavolainen, Eldbäraren, in (ed. ) Gunilla Lundahl, Nordiskfunktionalism , Arkitektur, 1980, 57 49 Discussing the term, John Willet claims: “‘Sachlichkeit’ indeed was not the cold affair that it might seem, but culd inspire missionary devotion and even passion, with the result that the ordinary member of the public was under considerable moral pressure to move with the times? The N ew Sobriety: Art and Politics in the W eimar Period, Pantheon, 1978, 133 50 Peter Wollen, Raiding the Icebox: R efections on Tw entieth C entury C ulture, Verso, 1993, 36-37 51 “Surface, which was formerly held to possess no intrinsic capacity for expression, and so at best could only find decorative utilization, has now become the basis of composition... ” Sigfried Gideon, in Ward, 55 52 Ibid., 63, 66, 69 53 Rudberg, 190f 54 Ivar Lo-Johansson, in Pred, 109 55 Gotthard Johansson, in Rudberg, 98 -99 56 Gustaf Näsström, in Ibid., 99 57 ... or as Patrik Åker claims, referring to Ulf Sandström's research, the architect as hero, Vår bostad i folkhemm et. Bilden av hem met i en organisationstidskrift, 58 Ward, 70 59 Ibid., 30 (diss.), Nya Doxa, 1998, 85 No t e s 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 Alvar Aalto, in Rudberg, 192 Ibid. Monsieur Serge, in Pred, 120 Folkets D agblad Politiken , 300516, in Pred, 117 ( my transi. ), “Typen gammal stockholmare” in Byggmästaren. U tställningsnum mer, 1930,79-80 Carl Malmsten in Pred, 117 Råberg, 179f Anker Kirkeby in Pred, 120 Vilhelm Peterson-Berger, in Pred, 120 Pred, 126 Andreas Huyssen, After the G reat D ivide: M odernism , M ass C ulture and Postmodernism , Macmillan, 1986, 9 Pred, 127 Ibid., 139 Ibid., 140 None of the following studies and books on functionalism and/or the Stockholm Exhibition refer to the controversy: Per G. Råberg, Funktionalistiskt genom brott. En analys av den svenska 1925-1931, (diss. ),Sveriges Arkitekturmuseum, 1970, Rudberg, The Stockholm Exhibition 1930 , Eva Eriksson, M ellan tradition och funktionalism ens program m odernitet. Arkitektur och arkitekturdebatt 1900-1930, (diss.), Ordfront, 2000 75 Thr Jewish Museum in Stockholm had a wall display of some of these letters during in the exhibition“! krigets skugga” 1999-2000 76 See Josef Sachs, M itt livs saldo, I. K öpm an och förhandlare, Stcokholm, 1949, and M itt livs saldo, 11. Resenär och organisatör, Norsteds, 1949 77 Råberg, 159 78 Rudberg, 143-148 79 At least two dwelling exhibitions, “Standard 1934” and “Vi Bo” in 1938 made similar household type categorizations. The latter's exhibition apartments are visualized in newsreel SF992-A, where the viewer is familiarized with the dwellers' occupations, life styles and habits. 80 Rudberg, U no Ahrén. Enföregångsm an inom 1900talets arkitektur och sam hällsplanering, Statens råd för byggnadsforskning, 1981,73 81 Rudberg, 148-150 82 Maja Forssell, “Köken i bostadsavdelningen på Stockholmsutställningen” in Byggmästaren. U tställningsnum m er, 1930, 171, 185 83 Pred, 153 84 Ernst Jäckh, in Ward, 50 85 Pred, 116 86 Lo-Johansson, in Pred, 129 87 Pred, 154 88 Rudberg, 128-129 89 Pred, 154 90 Rudberg, 128 91 D agens N yheter, 301230 92 Stockholm s-Tidningen 310102, Nya D agligt Allehanda, 310102, Svenska D agbladet, 310102, Stig Almqvist, Vecko-Journalen 18/1, 1931, Social-D em okraten, 310102, D agens Nyheter, 310102, Stockholm s D agblad, 310102 and Aftonb ladet 310102 were quietly positive, the two latter papers referring at least to the premiere as a success, including a prologue by Dalqvist, and a hit-medley performed by an orchestra. 93 Later critics have shown greater appreciation for the film. See Gunder Andersson, Aftonbladet, 911017, and EvaBjärlund, Film rutan, No. 4.1972, 158-160, who find C olourful Pages' self-reflexivity and play with cinematic clichés interesting and anarchic. (Bjärlund). 94 See Bo Florin's dissertation D en nationella stilen. Aura, 1997 95 See for instance Fullerton “Seeing the World with Different Eyes ...”, 171 96 Tom Gunning, “Before Documentary: Early Nonfiction Films and the ‘View Aesthetic’”, in (eds. ) Daan Hertogs & Nico de klerk, U ncharted Territory: Essays on Early N onfiction Film , Netherlands Filmmuseum, 1997, and Snickars, Svenskfilm ... , 151-152 97 ( my transi. ) 98 Nordiska museet, N K :s G rå album , 6/5 1930, image showing the gramophone department where customers could record their own records. “Almost everybody has a gramophone. Therefore, send a gramo-mail instead of writing!”, “Listen to yourself and let others listen to you!”, “Think of the pleasure listening to the voice speaking today, in ten or twenty years!” 99 Gunning, “Before...” 17 100 (my transi.) 101 “Vad får hon heta?” in SF Veckonytt, No. 4: 1930-31, 26. The program is later renamed SF Veckoprogram. 102 Pred., 154 103 Ben Singer, M elodram a and M odernity: Early Sensational M elodram a and Its C ontexts, Columbia University Press, 2001, 106ff 104 Lo-Johansson, in Pred, 149 105 Gunning, “The Whole Town's Gawking” 193ff 106 Ward, 73 107 Pred, 151 108 Tor Hedberg in Uno Åhrén, “Vi och våra fönster” in Fönstret, No. 1: 1930 109 Erik Axel Karlfeldt, (my transi. ) in Byggm ästaren. U tställningsnum m er, 1930, 15 110 Ward, 74, 225 111 Ibid., 16 112 Adolf Loos in Ward, 58 113 Adolf Behne ( 1919), in Ward, 73 114 Rudberg, 101 115 Pred, 151 116 Huyssen, 7 117 Mereth Lindgren, Louise Lyberg, Birgitta Sandström, Anna Greta Wahlberg, Svensk konsthistoria, Signum, ( 1986) 1993, 423f 118 Otto Carlslund, in Pred, 148 119 Pred, 148 120 Brian O Doherty, “Inside the White Cube: Notes on the Gallery Space. Part I” in Arform , March, 1976, 24. see also Annika Wik, Förebildfilm . Panoreringar över den sam tida konstscenen, (diss.), Aura, 2001, 121,241 ff 121 Ibid. 1 22 Eriksson, 481 123 Rudberg, 211-212 124 Gotthard Johansson, Funktionalism ens fram tid, Stockholm, 1935, 5-7 125 Ibid. 126 Eriksson, 494 Studier i den svenska film ens guldålder, “ T h e M e a s u r e o f a N a tio n s S ta n d a r d a n d C u ltu r e :” T h e A -C h ild C o n te s t a n d O th e r E u g e n ic P h e n o m e n a [T]here emerged a completely new technology of sex; new in that for the most part it escaped the ecclesiastical institution without being truly independent of the thematics of sin. Through pedagogy, medicine, and economics, it made sex not only a secular concern but a concern of the state as well; to be more exact, sex became a matter that required the social body as a whole, and virtually all of its individuals, to place themselves under surveillance. New too for the fact that it expanded along three axes: that of pedagogy, having as its objective the specific sexuality of children ; that of medicine, whose objective was the sexual physiology peculiar to women; and last, that of demography, whose objective was the spontaneous or concerted regulation of births. Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality In the above, Foucault scrutinizes society through a sexual lens, observing the convergence of several disciplines to produce, control and carry out surveillance of sexuality. The present chapter can be regarded as an attempt to transfer his theorization to a later, local micro historical node. I will draw attention to eugenic and family-stimulating efforts disseminated through popular media, particularly focusing on a handful of significant events, film shorts and contests. Additionally, brief discussions are devoted to contemporary health and beauty ideals, such as Danish and Swedish examples of milk propaganda, and the film-related beauty pageants promoting a healthy, Nordic type. Earlier, I claimed that popular contests reveal aspects of reception that cannot be unearthed by regular popularity statistics about filmgoing. More importantly, since they are often launched and covered in several media simultaneously, they establish around themselves a web of intertexts. In retrospect, there is no way of knowing how much importance and attention contemporaneous audiences accorded them, therefore the discussion is guided by their publicity, and as the case may be, the intertextual, intratextual and conceptual chains they generated. Events such as the 1938 A-Child Contest have left no trace within the framework of canonized historical accounts. What makes this interesting is that its very ephemerality and relatively marginal status can elucidate and concretize the minute processes by which familystimulating efforts and eugenic ideology spread outside of the nationally important political realm. The contest took place during a decade that saw an increasing collaboration between commercial and governmental Social Democrat interests, perhaps most clearly noticeable in the frequent occurrence of educational, consumer-oriented exhibitions, congresses, and campaigns. A case in point was “the Public Health and Advertising” Congress in 1938, arranged by the joint forces of the Swedish Advertising Association and the Public Health Institute, to which publicity experts and representatives from the medical, social, and juridical disciplines were invited as speakers.1 By intricately balancing addressing their audiences as consumers, patients and citizens, such events, exhibitions and venues accordingly cross-fertilized the construction of these roles, producing a discourse where the presentation of consumer opportunity, medical information and the information of civic rights or obligations were often conflated in a compelling manner. But as I will argue, the persuasive and disciplinary elements should not be overstated, however. The A-Child Contest, the “Mother and Child” exhibition and other kindred phenomena revolving around “cute kids,” childbearing and ideal femininity could be seen as softening complements to the soberly cool rhetoric of family planning and eugenic policy. As such, they additionally functioned as interjacent relays for the production and reception of discourse on the new human type, involving considerably more activity from audiences than might be assumed at first glance. In what follows, I will give a short overview of their political setting. Eugenics and the Population Issue Since the early 1990s, Swedish scholars have shown a rekindled interest in the rise of social engineering and state planning, which reached a succession of publicized peaks in the 1930s and 1940s, and lasted in relative public silence well into the 1970s.2 Historian Maija Runds' dissertation Steriliseringar i folkhem met /Sterilization in The Swedish W elfare State, is one of the latest studies bringing attention to this side of the Social Democrats' progressive welfare program. Within a gender-based and loosely conceived foucaultian framework, she probes the administrative interaction and strategics of the government and the Board of Health in their nationwide decision-making, which lead to the passing of a sterilization law in 1934 regarding cases of “feeble-minded” and “morally inferior” elements, perceived as growing threats to society. She further examines how the implementation and application of the law was handled locally by medical doctors, elected representatives from municipal child-care committees, poor relief committees and social workers as they applied for permission to the Board of Health for surgical action. Among the abundant discourse in protocols, application forms and journal entries, Runcis extrapolates case studies of individuals — predominantly women and young girls — subjected to these acts of interference.1 From the foundation of the Swedish Institute for Racial Biology in 1921 up until the implementation o( the sterilization law in 1934, our country saw a long succession of political debates about the future scope and application of eugenics.4 Even if it is not possible here to enter deeply into the genealogy of Swedish practices of sterilization and sexual hygiene, a short orientation could be useful. Concerning the political underpinnings of its proponents in Europe and Sweden, Maija Runcis emphasizes that nearly all the different shades of the political spectrum shared a positive view of its value, albeit with differing objectives. Conservative and nationalist forces saw eugenics as a means to hinder the spreading of hereditary mental illness and tuberculosis, as well as preventing the unsound influx of foreign blood. Feminists on their part, argued for eugenics and for the legalization of abortions and contraceptives as ways to diminish the number of illegal abortions, with the far-reaching aim of ameliorating the social position of women generally. For leftist radicals and socialists, eugenics was understood as a weapon against poverty. If hereditary diseases and unwanted mental handicaps could be eliminated by way of eugenics, social progress could make a great leap into modernity. From the leftist's vantage points, the hygienic aspects were interpreted literally: “These dreams rather resembled a social hygicnism, which was more about purity and cleanliness, but which could easily be conflated with race-biological ideas about social environment generating heredity.”5 The Social Democrats, with their strongly reformist agenda set by scientific expertise in national economy and social engineering, formulated their advocacy for eugenics as acts of far-reaching solidarity. For future generations to be healthier, society 's interests should take precedence over those of the citizen; “unity and solidarity should characterize the new society, but the prerequisite was the propriety of the individual.”1’ As Runds shows, these views were anything but controversial, or new.7 The already mentioned Institute for Racial Biology, a government-supported institution, had started well over a decade earlier, and its founder, medical professor Herman Lundborg, made public theories of eugenics and conducted racial research as early as in the 1910s.s Yet, as Runcis carefully points out, the long debates leading up to the passage of the law showed evidence of considerable resistance from juridical quarters. In contrast to the medical and psychiatric disciplines, whose agenda was set on raising the physical and psychological standards of the population as a whole, they considered sterilization as doubly infringing on the individual s legal and physical integrity. According to a new amendment in the penal law, the operation could be likened to assault causing severe physical harm, at least if the patient’s or client s consent could not be proven. Moreover, they saw the legal capacity as seriously threatened, since the very question of gaining consent from persons often already subjected to varying degrees of authoritative scrutiny, coercion or institutionalization was problematic. On this last point, law practitioners had spent decades expressing serious critique of psychiatric treatment involving commitment to locked institutions not preceded by any legal procedure. The issue was taken through many steps of investigation, eventually leading up to a sterilization law in 1934, applicable only to “feeble-minded” clients lacking the legal capacity to give their consent. Yet, although these persons were not expected to understand the measure, officially, they themselves had to applv to the Board of Health for the operation to be performed.9 Those deemed to lack the intellectual capacity to give their consent were exempted even from this."’ In relation to the wide political spread among eugenics proponents, there is reason to turn to one of its more neglected profiles, medical professor and venereologist Johan Almkvist, who held a strong belief in the film medium as sexual educator, and whose writing on issues of sexual hygiene was relatively early, and politically ambivalent." Although far from holding a central position, his presence in 1930s media is interesting for the reason that he both disseminated and acted upon the hygienic imperative in multifarious ways: as sexual educator, as a fervent promoter of nudism and would-be social reformer. According to him, family values were on the wane, and consequently that the sexual relationship between men and women must be undertaken with renewed responsibility and dedication, since “family love is the nucleus of strength and happiness of a people.”1’ Repeatedly he argues for the societal benefit in giving the young generation these insights through medico-social methods. To ensure that young families get proper advice, they should be given educated family doctors. Since these doctors will know the family members intimately, no sexual or health problems need to be overlooked. Additionally, frequent, prophylactic observation help keep the family provider healthy, thus being a preventive measure against future costs for society.” As one of six contributors to a 1934 anthology on “the sexual problem)’his article “Sexual Hygiene” voices his expectations regarding the sterilization law soon to be passed by the government. “Among those specific measures to be taken, a sensible sterilization law is required, which can hinder the asocial elements from breeding as far as it is possible.” 14 Almkvist s commitment to the issue was deep and circumspect. By opening a bureau for marital counseling, he grasped the opportunity to promote positive eugenics, arguing that careful steps must be taken to avoid future problems with unwanted offspring. He further encouraged young couples to subject themselves to medical tests before marriage, to ascertain that bride and groom-to-be did not carry hereditary diseases.” In a single-take newsreel slot (SF 712, 1931 ), probably an advertising device for his bureau, Almkvist makes an on-camera address, urging young women and men to revive the family spirit: “Regrettably, our times lack domestic culture! We must learn to respect home and family. These should make up a holy sanctuary! Those in power ought to embrace the creation of home comfort.”'6 First and foremost, he recommends young viewers to subject themselves to medical examination to ascertain that they are not afflicted by “sexual abnormalities” that could harm their marital life. Almkvist himself promoted the spread of films on sexual education for school children and adults.17 And with a background as a Salvation Army doctor working among a prostitute clientele during the 1910s, Almkvist at times professes surprisingly modern views on sexual relations and abortion policies. Discussing measures against prostitution, he describes the customers and the sexual double standard of society as the main problems, not the prostitutes themselves: “The suppression of women's freedom always leads to increased prostitution.”18 And despite his conservative views on the family, he states that pre-nuptial sex should be sanctioned, and homosexuality decriminalized.,, As is well known, Alva and Gunnar Myrdal were the most prominent driving forces among the experts involved in the building of the welfare state and the formulation of social policies. Their famous book Kris i befolkningsfrågan /Population in Crisis, made an inclusive analysis of Swedish society and its social ills, concentrating specifically on the declining birth rate, finding that low incomes, social insecurity and crowded family households were largely to blame. Apart from arguing for a general raising and sanitizing of living standards through building and allocation policies, they strongly advocated an increased focus on the family, on whose social and economical wellbeing the future of the population was claimed to depend.70 On the Myrdal agenda was also a more liberal legislation concerning contraceptives and abortions, as well as providing sexual education for citizens of all ages — all arguments carrying influence from sexual educators, who had long lobbied for these issues. Regarding eugenics, the Myrdal s approach was concrete, far-reaching and prescriptive, grasping the positive as well as the negative measures of the practice. Strongly supportive of the sterilization law that had newly come into force, they write: “What lies ahead is evidently the radical winnowing out of highly unviablc individuals, which can be achieved by sterilization.”71 In 1935 Gunnar Myrdal later spoke on the same issue in a broadcast debate, which was part of a yearlong educational series devoted to the population issue.27 If the Myrdals ' interdisciplinary grasp on the population issue is as familiar as to need no further elucidation, their all-embracing focus on family affairs and social relations is interesting. Not only did their utopian, yet rationally defined policies take all family concerns into account, but they were also visualized and showcased in tangible ways, providing concrete models for desirable housing and lifestyles. One such instance is a studio-shot newsreel, SF 875-A ( 1935), where Alva Myrdal was interviewed on the issue of collective house daycare. Somewhat non-typical for this period, the interview is staged in a manner similar to a TV interview, with the interviewee centrally placed, the reporter facing her, sitting with his back towards the camera. Myrdal is surrounded by bouquets of chrysanthemums, and the set is brightly lit. She explains that collective house daycare facilities differ from regular kindergartens in that they offer services that can be more easily adapted to individual family life, since they are incorporated in the building. By the end of the interview, SF 87S-A ,M và Myrdal the image of her transparently beautiful face dissolves into sequences showing the children's activities in the daycare center. What is not said in the newsreel is that Alva Myrdal and her family themselves set an example, living in the said collective house, the tenant-owner society Fågelbärsträdet, situated at John Ericssonsgatan in Stockholm. In an exhibition program of the dwelling complex, it is claimed that the daycare center stands under the professional supervision of psychologist Dr. Alfhild Tamm, and a specially trained teacher, Greta Lundberg. The milieu was intended to encourage children to be bold and free, yet considerate. Above all, they . will grow into proper little citizens while Mum and Dad go to work.”2’ But let us return to the eugenic side of social engineering. Partly as a consequence of the Myrdals ' unsettling observations about a future decrease in the population, partly due to several calls for sexual education,24 a Population Commission was appointed by the government. The 1937 summary of the Commission's report, Familj och moral / Family and M orals, observes that while the marriage rate had declined generally, the number of late and/or childless marriages had increased. Initially, the report stated with repeated emphasis that the “entire Swedish people” needs a more positive attitude towards settling down and homcmaking, hoping that social-economic reform will foster better and sounder family ideals. 2’ Besides suggesting steps to be taken towards introducing sexual education, the betterment and regulation of family planning and welfare policies, the report evaluates birth control and sterilization. It draws attention to its classless objective: some times you hear the assertion that the different social strata arc the result of a division of people according to heredity — with the fittest in the upper’ classes and vice versa. If birth rates are falling, but less so among the lower stratas of society, then the hereditary traits of our people would eventually change for the worse. The Commission opposes such a view... Good and had hereditary traits can be found in individuals, not in certain social classes.26 The argumentation here takes a rhetorically peculiar turn, as it continues: In a society where birth control is normally practiced, one must regrettably assume that precisely those individuals deficiently endowed — those who do not show the least measure of general intelligence, responsibility or prudence in relation to the consequences of their actions... — will breed more than the average.27 Since the Commission fears that only sensible, responsible individuals will use birth control, they view it as important that society at large makes a considerable effort to spread information to the group singled out in the quotation above, in order to prevent the “degeneration of the race.” What is articulated as the concern for individuals still reads as something distinctly class-related. While stating that the less knowledgeable should be induced to practice birth control, a later passage on affluent families claims that “individual freedom in questions of a private nature is something that should be respected in a democratic society.”2“ Almkvist was also one of those who supported the legalization of abortions and contraceptives on a general basis, but The collective house, John Ericssonsgatan. (F orm . Svenska slö jd fö ren in g en s tid skrift, 1935) 1J J ’ ’ feared that only sexually educated middle ancJ upper-class families would make use r,i 01 .1 1 • .1 n . ,1 them, thus leaving the rloor open to the procreation of the “antisocial elements,” prone to damage the hereditary traits of the “nation stock. ’21> He states that large, poor families should be discouraged from having more children, and that mothers worn out by childbearing be offered sterilization. “Morally degenerated” people and criminals must be sterilized, by coercive means, to keep them from passing on an antisocial predisposition.10 By the way, when speaking about undesirably deviant individuals as “asocial,”“highly unviablc,” “those less knowledgeable,” or as “antisocial elements, ” Almkvist, the Myrdals and the Commission all resort to a similarly nebulous vocabulary, without elucidating further what these traits signify, who carries them, or which of them could be linked to heredity. One thing is clear, however — that the Swedish race must not be allowed to degenerate through current social neglect, but refined through selection -- a view that quickly found ideological support within social policy. The “Mother and Child” Exhibition While the introductory orientation revolved mostly around what was called negative eugenics, the following accounts serve to elucidate its positive or prophylactic side. Early in 1936 the instructive indoor exhibition “Mor och Barn”/ “Mother and Child” connected to the population issue took place in Östermans Bilhallar, next door to the new him theater Spegeln. It was arranged by the Swedish Red Cross, drawing a great deal of public interest. In newsreel SF 8S9-A ( 1936) King Gustav V, Crown Prince Gustav Adolf, and Prince Carl are seen attending the opening ceremony. The latter acted as the head of the exhibition committee, and delivered the opening speech. A quote may illustrate the great societal significance he accorded to the event: SF 8 8 9 -A , Mother and Child Undoubtedly the population issue is a highly complex problem, where egotism, the legitimate claims of the family and national considerations are pitted against each other. But it should and must solve this burning question. We simply must stop the present tendency of constantly dwindling birth rates. Sweden is not a poor country. On the contrary, the prosperity and general living standard is higher here than in most countries. — The Swedish race is too good and too valuable to perish. In any case, it must not be allowed to do so on account of insufficient insights into the dangers and terrible consequences of birth control, of listlessness, or family egotism... Such egotism should be brandished, and where socially unsatisfactory conditions are the reason, they should be eliminated... May the [Red Cross] exhibition provide the education, which we want to provide in a lucid and comprehensible form so that the public can benefit from it. And may the care for mother and child receive the prominence they deserve among social concerns, and may this exhibition contribute to sparing the Swedish race the humiliation of being counted among the number of dying nations.”51 In many ways, “Mother and Child” depended on the interaction with spectators, their cultural competence and subsequent introspection. The newsreel on the event being very short, the following is largely based on the descriptions and drawings in the program. The exhibition took the visitors through all stages of reproduction and childcare by a variety of displays and scenarios: from conception through heredity to childbearing and female anatomy; then from breastfeeding through childhood diseases and infant mortality statistics to upbringing and school education. The imperative framework was the population issue, badly needing to be solved: within ten years the population would diminish if birth rates did not increase.i2 Seen in relation to the SF newsreel covering the “Mother and Child” exhibition program and the contemporaneous, animated sexual education him, Från cell [ill människa /From a Cell to a Human Being ( SF 1900 A-B, W. Gårdlund, 1936), the event could be said to constitute a media interface. The newsreel shot from the exhibition opened with an emblematic establishing shot of a neo-classicist sculpture of a nude woman holding a baby in her outstretched arms. The slot advertised the exhibition in a spirited and summary manner, especially recommending young mothers to visit it to get guidance in all matters concerning childcare. In a succession of short takes, one can spot still images of fetus development taken from the film From a Cell to a Human Being, pedagogically arranged in series. These short takes provide the viewer with an overview of the exhibition by visually presenting the headlines of some of the sections, “Pregnancy” “Heredity,” and “Giving Birth.” The “Mother and Child” exhibition itself addressed its visitors with a highly solemn authority. Often presupposing a female visitor, the visual and textual material provided insights into the workings of human reproduction, integrating theoretical information and practical advice. Mothers-to-be were informed that they should lead their life as usual, given that F rån cell till m ä n n iska , 1936 their routines were sound and regular, and make sure that they ate healthy foods, vegetables, fruits and dairy products. “Work is good — especially housework” the program states. ’’ In the section on conception and fetus development, you could see the circulatory system of the fetus demonstrated in an electrically illuminated exhibition case. The images from From a Cell to a Human Being further illustrated this process, especially the minute stages of conception, and the development of the fetus, but without making reference to their sexual ramifications. The film offered comforting advice for new mothers who might worry about their newborn s misshapen skull. Deviating from the animated format, the last scenes consist of documentary footage taken from a hospital, showing the initial deformation caused by the compression during the birthing process. In a short time it will disappear, the film claims, illustrating this fact in a few shots of a doctor s hands holding up a baby to the camera, squeezing the bump in close-up. Late in 1929 one of several abortion scandals was publicized in the press. The article was occasioned by a seminar held in Uppsala to address this pressing issue. Almkvist here appeared as one of the speakers, arguing for a legalization of abortion and contraceptives.i4 During this period, terrifying statistics rating the number of illegal abortions circulated, and just as it was impossible to estimate the veracity of these figures, there was a genuine problem according to sexual educators. Thousands of deaths caused by illegal abortions were reported for 1929 only.’5 The following spring, an article including the views of three doctors in the periodical Fönstret expressed outrage at the selling of vaginal tubes in Stockholm: this was an instrument intended for professional medical treatment only, but unofficially used for abortions by women in trouble. Initially stating that yet another illegal abortion with lethal outcome had been reported recently, the article drew attention to a “provocation display window” in the city, one among many.16 Everywhere you see tubes exposed in display windows, often beautifully arranged like flowers in a vase, not infrequently placed in vaginal specula, crowded together with other similarly murderous weapons... The gruesome picture is not made more tasteful by the cheap statue of Venus often residing in the middle of the window; a skeleton with a grinning skull would be more fitting, more elucidating, in display windows as provoking as these.57 At the “Mother and Child” exhibition, illegal abortions were still a pressing issue. Filling its role first and foremost as family-stimulating propaganda tool, the program treated the question in the following manner, however: Already in the very first stages of development, the fetus is a live being, whose life must not be extinguished without compelling reasons. This is so self-evident that it should not have to be pointed out. Every woman who is tempted to abort her fetus or let other incompetent persons do it for her, must be aware of the great risk she takes. Severe abdominal or peritoneum inflammations often follow on such operations, and not infrequently they are also lethal. In rare cases there is due cause for an abortion. A doctor must then perform the operation.58 Compared to the Myrdals ' line of argument, the exhibition adopted a more conservative stance. As one example of the cultural phenomena hiving off from popular eugenic topics and social policies issued by the state, the exhibition did not simply reflect them. “Mother and Child” certainly must have been inspired by Population in Crisis, but rejected some of its objectives. Returning to the section on giving birth, a part of it illustrated the muscular power of the cervix activated during the process (9 kilometers per 1 1/2 minutes) by a contraption where you could try performing the feat of lifting nine kilos one meter up in the air. Adjacent to it a sketch brought attention to and illustrated the difference in size and shape of the female and male skeleton stating that giving birth to a full-grown fetus put “certain demands on the soundness of the woman's bodily constitution” and that nature had ingenuously provided the woman with the appropriate physique. The next section devoted to breastfeeding articulated the most authoritarian and normative advice for proper rearing. “It is every mother's duty to breastfeed her child,” referring to recent German statistics where the mortality figures of non-breastfed babies far exceeded those that were breastfed.3<> To illustrate a woman's milk production during a period of six months, bottles containing 140 liters of liquid were on display. At the Red Cross exhibition “Människan och livet”/“Man and Life” held in 1931, the same quantity of milk was shown to both visiting spectators and film audiences (SF 728, 1931 ). Next was a scries of pictures of a newborn baby's physical and psychological development: close by, two authentic skeletons mounted in pieces adjacent to each other on a wall exemplified the difference in bone structure between a baby and an adult. Additionally, there were series of X-ray images illustrating a baby s gradual bone development.4" After an instructive section on tooth development and proper dental care came a presentation about infant mortality, stating that the risk among the newborn was as high as among elderly persons ranging from seventy to eighty years of age. The mortality rate subsequently sank to reach its lowest point when the child was ten to fifteen years old. The main reasons given for infant death were inherited diseases, and a low standard of living. In recent years the rates have sunk, but could be even lower. “In order to reduce infant mortality as far as possible, it is critical not only to take various measures of social reform, but also that parents make an energetic effort on their part.”41 Several of the following sections were devoted to diseases, some of which must have appeared quite graphic and disturbing to exhibition visitors. Authentic wax models demonstrated the outward signs of diphtheria and the mumps in children, flanked by statistics claiming that the mortality rate stood in reverse relation to income, and that it was highest among vulnerable babies infected with measles and whooping cough. Therefore, it was tantamount that infants were protected from contamination. This section moreover offered preventive hygienic advice for parents: “sneezing culture,” cleanliness, isolation of the sick, and hardiness prophylactics. Here you could be convinced about the value of vaccination against smallpox; models illustrated the vaccination pustules and the conditions caused by the disease itself. Another threat was tuberculosis, claimed to be most lethal to babies. “Be wary of the infection risk among your tuberculosis-infected relatives and friends. Be wary of the danger of infection from children's nurses and housemaids, SF S S 9 -A , different and demand a health certificate before employment.”4-’ A national map presented the regional frequency and mortality of the disease, showing a steady decrease. Here, too, wax models and X-ray images illustrated the course of the disease in children.4’ As object lessons, these presentations stages in clothing brought the graphic truth of disease to the fore.44 The section on childcare again called attention to the importance of breast-feeding, and the authorized alternative formula recipes to be used for mothers who could not produce enough milk. The address here was particularly summoning: “Babies have the right to demand love, proper feeding, sunlight, cleanliness and good care. The exhibition aims to illustrate this, as well as the damage inflicted when these principles arc neglected. ”+i A visual manual for good care was offered by a scries of photos complemented by object lesson dolls showing different stages in clothing. There was also an entire model nursery, where proper items for care were strategically placed. On X-ray pictures of babies' intestines, visitors could see pieces of improper toys, and beside them a collection of pins, buttons and other small things taken out, all in all deterring examples of things to be kept out of reach of small children. Transposing Solveig Jülich s discussion of early radiology to this context, the X-ray images here simultaneously offered a horrifying aesthetics of “un-attractions” as well as a scientific guarantee for these objects being found, should they happen to be swallowed by one's own toddler. Taken out of its medical context, the medium still retained its ability to provide instant “insight’.’46 At the same time, the X-ray image ideally constituted a punctum with a visceral impact on the visitor — an instant, reflective process by which the insight was also “felt.”47 In a hearty manner, the newsreel speaker summarizes this section, the camera panning over the tiny items. A special exhibition case exemplified good meals for children of all ages. Here was also a sequence of sections illustrating the growing child ' s upbringing and schooling. The next part was put together by the Swedish School Museum, which had furnished two tableau classrooms. The first offered a reconstruction of a hundred year old classroom; it was designed according to the English Bell and Lancaster method, which had come into use in Sweden between 1817 and the latter half of the decade. In accordance with a Foucaultian, hierarchical interrelation of bodies in classroom space, the teacher had an overview of the pupils, who were spatially distributed and marked according to their activities and their conscientiousness in the classroom (or lack thereof).48 A monitor assisted the teacher in keeping guard over the many classes present in the very same room. The program claims that since several groups read out their homework aloud simultaneously to teacher or monitor, there was a constant clamor in the class. The room was dark and cold, heated only by an iron stove.4'' By contrast, the modern, functionalist classroom was designed to let in sunlight and air through big windows, and the walls were painted in light harmonious hues. It also presented a less hierarchical space, where the teacher's desk was slightly off center, so as not to obstruct the pupils ' view of the blackboard. The majority of the classroom furniture was movable, so that it could be rearranged for group assignments and class discussion, or to accommodate activities demanding more space, such as the girls' needlework. Here, the furnishing was designed in accordance with the children's height. The walls sported reproductions of artworks and the pupils' own drawings. As in the Stockholm Exhibition 1930, it was one of the architectural milieus epitomizing modernity 's pedagogical ramifications. As a whole, “Mother and Child” offered visitors a remarkably exhaustive overall image of childbearing and upbringing, multifarious, yet homogeneous in its often medicalized discourse and mode of visual representation. The exhibits were spread over two stories, spatially interconnected by a central open square at ground level. The upper floor was constructed as a balcony space, from which one could lean down. In the midst of the square, one could see a traveling attraction, the Celluloid Man, or as Janet Ward refers to it, the Glass Man, which could be first seen at the German hygiene exhibition in 1934.50 A transparent anatomical figure with visible intestines, nervous system and blood vessels — but no genitals — it emblematically thematized the biological-anatomical aspects of the exhibition. In the newsreel covering the exhibition, it is first shot from below, showing the brilliantly backlit figure against the Red Cross flag. The Celluloid Man's upturned face and lifted arms suggests an act of worship, and his position before the cross renders him Christ-like. There is a slow dissolve to a more distant angle, by which for an instant he resembles a Hindu deity with four arms. Just before the shot ends, the voice-over claims that only three copies of it exist in the entire world, and that it is probably the greatest attraction at the exhibition. It could be claimed that the Celluloid Man correlated to both the anatomically inclined parts of the object lesson provided by the mixed media exhibits and the ideal transparent and hygienic body of the new human type promoted within social policy. As an all-embracing, material metaphor of ideal inner and outer purification, the figure incorporated an interlinking of the concrete architectural, medico-aesthetic, and eugenic practices taking place within functionalism and social engineering. In relation to visitors, mainly for women of childbearing age, “Mother and Child” called for a morally and physically introspective process defined by a kindred transparency. Arranged as a family-stimulating event, the exhibition's trajectory offered a crash-course in childbearing and rearing, urging childless women to reflect on whether they were a part of the dwindling birth rate, and mothers not to fail in giving their children proper care. The manner of address oscillated between authoritative advice and alarmist statements about the dangers of not adhering to authoritative hygiene measures, or worse, to refrain from breastfeeding, or worse still, to resort to illegal abortion. Thereby, women visitors were constructed as the prime addressees of a multimedia panorama of “anatomo -politics” aiming to invest their bodies with optimizing and disciplining imperatives.51 This decade certainly saw a plethora of instructive books in the sexual department, D et fulländade äktenskapet. En studie i samlevandets fysiologi och teknik /Ideal M arriage: Its Physiology and Technology ( H et volkomen huwelijk, Theodor H. Van De Veide, 1925,1931 ) being one of the most widely circulated.52 Speaking with Foucault, “ [sexuality] was put forward as the index of a society s strength, revealing both its political energy and its biological vigor. ”55Similarly, Anu Koivonen's “Body of the Mother, Land of The Father: National Film as Gender Technology” on Finnish cinema argues that the birth and production of nationhood takes place through an never-ending narrative process, in which the family and its reproductive capacities are perceived as metaphor for national development, giving a “natural syntax ” to the “grammar of the nation. ” She writes: “In images of maternity, womanhood appears as the guarantor for the honorability, continuity and permanence of the nation. ”54 But at the same time as the family is made to signify national concerns, it thereby loses its historical context as family.55 As the “natural syntax” may be understood here, embodiment is likewise central to formulating family and nation anew, with bodily and sexual hygiene as conceptual tools. A review in the Builder's Journal quietly took issue with “Mother and Child's” way of situating visitors thus. While acknowledging that the population issue was indeed a question of currency, it stated that the exhibition's address was politically out of tune with it. By setting infant mortality in direct relation to poverty, thus over-emphasizing the risks involved in rearing children, especially for households with small incomes, it veered towards being outrightly counterproductive. Worse still, the exhibition inadvertently exposed the national scarcity of child-health centers, amounting to forty-eight for all of Sweden; north of Gävle there was only one. “At the same time the exhibition summons mothers to visit child-health centers regularly! Moreover, the reviewer criticizes the exhibition for beating the drum too much, illustrating the point by quoting slogans dripping with sentimentality: “What could be greater than the rich happiness of motherhood? ! What are all the worldly treasures compared to your own child? ”” The most serious point of critique concerned the exhibition's authoritative discourse on hygiene and simultaneous disregard for the sanitary dangers caused by the low dwelling standard among the lower-class segments of the urban population. As a means of societal propaganda, it therefore failed to fulfill its purpose. From a general standpoint, Alva Myrdal would later observe in her book Folk och Jamil] /People and Family that “Propaganda limiting itself to mere moralizing appears immoral in the public eye, as it seeks to increase the number of children without taking their future destiny into account.”58 Despite the exhibition's politically ambivalent stance on the policies taking shape within the welfare state, it illustrates eugenics' capacity to harbor political dissonance, as Karin Johannisson indicates. Here, progressive as well as liberal and conservative interests united in their concern for the family. Public health and hygiene in all respects were put forward as a matter of national economic importance. As the individual counted as part of the collective capital, his or her well-being was critical. Understood in these terms, the exhibition was one out of many public educational fora for promoting and teaching citizens hygiene regarding (hetero) sexuality, the home environment, body care and food. As the concept of health had acquired kindred inclusive connotations, it thereby came to embrace family counseling and health clinics for mothers and children, the latter called Mjölkdroppen /the Milk Drop.5'1 As Jülich shows in her account of the parallel scientific and popular demonstrations of X-rays in the earliest stages, the latter public was vital to the process of gaining acceptance for the new science. In a similar manner, I would claim, eugenics' status depended on popular circulation and dissemination to obtain scientific and ideological acceptance.'" Given that this ideology was spread through media such as those described here, the persuasive or coercive ingredient should not overshadow the fact that the hygienic imperative was part of a genuinely progressive medical rousing that reduced infant mortality rates and widespread disease.61 And, returning to Foucault 's conception of discipline and power as driven by their productive and pleasurable components, for the visitors and spectators, there was undeniably a pleasure in learning how to optimize one's own and one's born or unborn children's future health. To be thus educated and cared for in every respect must also involve a flattering sense of being the object of familial altruism.6’ Healthy Film Beauties, A-People and Milk Propaganda If the “Mother and Child” exhibition inspired viewers' introspection regarding sexual and familial matters, the A-people campaigns, milk propaganda films and the A-Child Contest metaphorically provided participants with both training grounds and a racecourse for proving their own or their children 's value as representatives of a viable nation stock. But before going into the subject, an overview of A-phenomcna should be given. MENNESKE Hvis ikke - Hvorfor ikke? M ENNESK ER vœ rner om de res Bern Dm Sundhed og Kruft, »om give* Bom. men» dr « »ma*, gavnrr drm for hele Livet. Drrfor rr intrl for godt til drm. S O L B IE R G B 0 R N F .M Æ L K rr gennem rt rkstra TiloknH »f »odrGu/rrodrfri i Kormea Fodrr tilfort de loi Bornrnr »aa liv»vigtigr A-Vilaminrr.som navnlig i doi morkr. -ollattigc Vin­ tertid rr overordentlig varrdifiildr, Prisen rr dru «ainmr »om for alinmdrlig Bornemadk. Bliv M enneske DRIK S0LBJER6 MÆLK Vort »peeiellr Anlrrg tor Hi«j-Pai>teuri»ermg bevarri den raa Matlks Vitamin-Rigdow og den» friske Smag. SOLBJEKC M*lk fa a» i en Rtrkkr Ute Kl.» Me)eriet og Bagerier. Forlang det dér, eller be»til Dere» duglige Forbrug paa Central 2712. De rode Vogue. MENNESKER bar gaa til Lœgen Be romte Videntkahsmmd harofrrt hole drrr» IJv. og Ve Igorere har ofret dem» Kommer for al »kabe forrhyggcnde Muller mod saa at »igc rnliver lietikelig mcnnrskelig Sygdom. Vi kan ikke selv algore. hvilke Midler vi tnenger til. Vi mar­ ker del fornt, tuur det er for »cnt. Derfor bor vi lade oa undcrwige rngang imollrm. Vi Itor forvisse o» om, at alt er i Ordrn. og vi bor »ikre o», al en éventuel beendende Sygdom optlage» saa tidligt. at den hirnlrr» i at faa Magi. Jo mere »und og ra*k man foler »ig, desto tnere Grund har man til at vteme ont sin Sundlied, laegekunsten er en lljtrlp for »ygc Mennesker, i ogsaa A-Menne^ker» Vaabrn mod Sygdom. A/s KJ0BENHAVNS MÆLKEFORSYNING • SOLBJERG MEJERI >t grnnvm M ejrri-Vtlsnlgpne tig gönnt! n fine koiuhe rod* l'ognn Bnglig tlitlri■ irrvr SU yiHtFJ) lil ulallige kubenhu mtk». lljcm i Form n f SO LBJERG M olk. A/s Kjobcnhavns Mælkcforsyning - Als Det Danske Mælke-Compagni F u tu ru m , No 5-6, 1937 Lyckan följer hälsan B S O T fö E n d asl \ :m än n isk or är } fu llgod arb etsk raft ^ -’ù.ï'Tzrrï?. - ........................v,,,.. ......... ... --------- srSgâsftSy: sl^rir'l? KALKKVÄVE hätten« kvÄvesädtel M jö lkp ro p a g a n d a n , 1937-1938 At the Stockholm Exhibition in 1930, the A-concept had appeared in the separate indoor exhibition, “The Land of Sweden,” showing the achievements of the nation. Sweden was defined as being part of A-Europe, a claim entailing a moral obligation on spectators to contribute to the prosperity of their nation.63 The advertising periodical Futurum was one of the fora drawing on the concept in 1937, in an article called “Reklamen i sundhedens tjenste/“Advertising in the Service of Health” where Carl A. Lund presented a recent A-people campaign carried out in Denmark. The campaign was preceded by an interdisciplinary congress, during which physicians and advertising experts discussed cooperation around national “health and hygiene” propaganda. The idea stranded however, due to administrative slowness and financial difficulties; instead, the milk-producing company Solbjergs Mælk and the controlling agency Kjobenhavns Mælkforsyning launched the A-people campaign.64 A notice in the Danish daily press providing a characterization of A-, B- and C- people had introduced the campaign. “A-people,” it said, “are sound... They have a joy of living.. .working capacity... B-people are those we generally count among the sound... but they are not. They have spiritual and organic flaws” that they try to hide by pretending to be as healthy as A-people. C-people, in turn, “are B-people who have given in” and are prone to seek medical care for every little ailment, spending millions of crowns on medication. “They say No thanks’ to practically everything. They go home early. They are surly. They are dull... C-people are unhappy people, and they are troublesome fellow-beings. You should not mock them — on the contrary — you should learn from their example.”65 The follower-up was a minimalist, more pictorially defined advertisement, the page dominated by a large, red A, reading: “A-People: If [You Are] Not — Why Not? ”66 Lund shows how the imperative was supported by the claim that we should all aspire to become A-people, since they are more vital, “achieve more, make more money, buy more.”67 Therefore, “Become A-People... Drink Solbjerg Milk,” exercise regularly and see your doctor as a preventive measure.68 The national interest for the campaign had taken on undreamt-of proportions. Virtually all kinds of products were soon marketed with APeople slogans, and the public had subsequently risen to the civic-consumerist challenge to be thus transfigured. An even more positive result, Lund claims is that an increasing number of Danes had seen their physicians and dentists to be “certified” as A-people; they had also been triggered to become more active in sports and outdoor activities. In Sweden the Danish campaign was quickly copied by the organization Mjölk­ propagandan/Milk Propaganda, whose advertisements appeared in the periodical the same year. Here, too, the format was full-page, but dominated by a healthy milk-drinker rather than a large A. Moreover, the A-discourse was introduced only gradually. The first advertisement featured a small blond girl, glass of milk in hand, smiling towards us, the caption reading: “Happiness follows Health. Whether Daddy is rich or poor matters so little for a child s future happiness. Because, happiness is the answer to Health; and even a small salary allows for an abundance of health 's basic element, which is MILK.”68 The next advertisement bore a similarly short slogan, sporting the upturned face of a young blond man taking a break from work, drinking milk from a bottle. More rhetorical force came with the third image of the A-campaign, this time headed by a man with a hatchet over his shoulder. His arms and hands are enlarged by the angle from which the photo is taken. Under the image is a long caption headed by the imperative phrase: The Goal is... a Healthier Race. Let Us All Become A-People! ”70 In contrast to the Danish campaign, the Milk Propaganda spiced their sales arguments with population issue rhetoric: We need foods that help us reach the best possible health standard according to our different conditions, to become sound, viable A-people. Nutritionists never tire of reminding us of milk s wonderfully composite nutrition factors... giving our bodies the substances protecting us from feebleness and diseases... Being aware of this, which mother could fail to give her children a diet including milk, butter and cheese in ample portions. One cannot excuse oneself by claiming them to be unaffordable, as long as money is spent on less important matters. A healthier spirit characterizes the times. There is a growing generation of A-people who have acquired a natural yearning for soundness — a soundness that even embraces diet.71 In a box interpolated in the text were statements resembling the Danish example, asking readers if they considered themselves to be A- or B-people. Only A-peoplc are the truly healthy ones, the caption states.7’ The Milk Propaganda campaign moreover included a happy song, performed by the singing actor Sigge Fürst. In one of the organization's short films, he is seen singing “A-visan”/“The A-Song” (K74.263, 1938), intercut with images of cows and happy young people drinking milk. The viewer is even offered milk on screen: a smiling woman in traditional costume offers a tray with three glasses of milk to the camera, moving in until the glasses fills the frame. A retrospective article claims that during the Children's Day festival, the Milk Propaganda's section had mounted loudspeakers on their cars, playing the “A-Song,” adding that people on the sidewalks responded with great enthusiasm.71 In 1938 yet another advertising song “Kaffe utan grädde är som kärlek utan kyssar”/ “Coffee Without Cream Is Like Love Without Kissing” was released. The well-known schlager advocated combining the pleasures of coffee drinking with those of outdoor leisure and eroticism; one could easily bring the bottle of pasteurized cream along on forest excursions or sailing trips.74 The last part of the rhetoric linked up to the discourses around the 1938 Compulsory Vacations Act, which awarded all Swedish citizens a vacation. This topic will be discussed in chapter 6. Even before the A-peoplc concept was introduced, a similar rhetoric went as subtext in the Milk Propaganda's commercial film shorts. 5-2: M ilk M akes the Difference (No. 34030, 1935) is a narrative of two schoolboys, Pelle and Ollc. The first scene shows Pelle in bed; his mother brings him coffee and a bun and sullenly tells him to wake up. He sighs and sleepily starts to eat, dipping the bun in his coffee cup. A split wipe opens to a simultaneous morning scene, where Olle stands washing himself briskly by a basin, his back to the camera. Mother comes in, expressing satisfaction with seeing him out of bed already, adding that breakfast is ready in the kitchen. A cut follows, and Olle enters the kitchen, smilingly greeting his mother good morning, and a slow zoom towards the table illustrates his enthusiasm for breakfast, porridge, milk and sandwiches, and his movement towards it. He thanks her, and starts to cat with great appetite. After only a few seconds he asks for more milk, and finishes the fresh glass that she pours him in one single gulp. Shortly after, Pelle and Olle meet outside school, and talk about handball. The latter is skeptical about letting Pelle in on the game, since he is so small and weakly. Olle himself is slightly blonder than his friend, about a head taller, and hcalthy-looking. Yet another wipe transfers the narrative to the classroom. The male teacher is just about to presents today 's topic, w hich is milk, and by the end of the class he adds, the pupils will watch a film about milk production. Interestingly enough, the teaching situation assumes the convention of a lab lesson: the teacher shows the class large test tubes with milk, and in quick succession he then demonstrates how to skim milk, to make cottage cheese and soft whey-cheese. Pointing to large wall-charts, he further emphasizes the nutrition values Brita Jakobsson, the Ideal of milk. During his demonstration, he asks the class questions Swedish Girl, (photo: Gunnar about the results of the different procedures and Olle is the Lundh, 1933, Nordiska Museet) most knowledgeable of all pupils. Pelle, in contrast, thinks that cream is only for adding to coffee. “Can I have a show of hands on how many of the boys had coffee or milk for breakfast this morning? ” the teacher asks, and observing an even spread, he suggests a handball match between “coffee-boys” and “milk-boys.” Milk, he exclaims, is the safest route to vitality and health. “One can be sure to recognize milk-drinking youngsters ! ” he continues, making a pointing gesture towards the group . a fresh complexion, beautiful teeth (cut to a close-up of a blond girl)... and a hearty, vigorous demeanor! (cut to a smaller blond girl with a broad smile, looking with brilliant eyes at the teacher) If you boys want to beat your schoolmates in handball, you'll have to drink milk! ”he ends.75 The latter team wins, of course. The last scene shows the class sitting in an auditorium waiting with impatient enthusiasm for the screening of the educational film to start, turning now and again to watch the lecturer from the Milk Propaganda Movement preparing the projector. Before the narrative ends, he presents the film to the class, adding that they will now learn that “Milk is the basic ingredient in our nourishment standard.” 76 Swedish A-people discourse additionally surfaced, or surfed, on film-related beauty discourse. In connection with Jean Harlow's breakthrough in Stockholm, SF launched the contest “The Girl with Platinum Hair” which effortlessly fused her star look with the ideals of Nordic blondness. But conversely to her fabricated appeal, it was crucial that the winner was a natural blonde. Filmjournalen / The Film Journal 's tie-in contest taking place in connection with the feature film Flickan från varuhuset / The Girl From the Department Store, The Ideal Swedish Girl” was another. Arguing that the fresh Swedish beauty type was especially in demand, the magazine inaugurated the contest by offering to photograph those interested in participating on local beaches in the country. The winner Brita Jakobsson was a fresh and hcalthy-looking (rather than a glamorously beautiful) blonde, who had brought home several prizes in sports.77 The advertising periodical Futurum s special issue The W oman and the Future was more eloquent in re-negotiating beauty towards Nordic features and natural freshness. The article Den svenska flickan kommer i ropet F u tu ru m , No. 7, 1937 “The Swedish Girl is Coming into Vogue” holds that the soap firm Florodol's campaign is one of several signs indicating a widespread opposition to the artificial beauty ideals reigning in advertising images and Hollywood films. Two Florodol advertisements were copied: one headed by an image of a blonde girl in a student s cap, reading “What are a 100 movie stars to 1 Swedish Girl? ”7S The other featured a crossed-ovcr image of a heavily made-up and coiffed Hollywood-style glamour girl, asking “Is Holly wood a Threat to Our Swedish Beauty Type? ”7‘’ Four images of young girls photographed against rural settings and blue skies arc presented as alternatives, their faces fresh and free from makeup. The article states that they represent a new, promising generation from all parts of the country, young women on whom mothers place high expectations. Contrary to former times, it is no longer thought to be a disadvantage to have a girl as a first child; they are said to have better prospects in life than boys do.8" All the same, Hollywood beauty could serve as inspiration for similarly progressive ideals. Earlier in the decade, The Exhibitor reprinted Social Democrat Sigrid Gillner's far-reaching argument for looking to the Swedish star Greta Garbo as a model. Her article “Greta Garbo och politiken”/ “Greta Garbo and Politics” argued that if female audiences felt discontent when comparing their own lives and living standards with those of the stars', this might indeed be a productive drive that harmonized well with the progressive, health-promoting, sanitizing and aesthetic forces of the functionalist project.81 A Garbo imitation emanates from an awakened sense of ones' own resources for style and beauty, and that is far more dangerous to the old class society than many conservatives might imagine. The film theaters, the film medium and not least our own Greta Garbo unconsciously propagates a new society... specifically the film and its stars speaks to women's practical and material motherly instincts and desires, telling them not to be content with a dark and crowded dump that suffocates and abuses a sound and healthy life. It fosters protest against that which adulterates the human body, makes it ugly. It awakens the desire for beautiful and spacious dwellings that offer the possibility of repose, refreshment and body care. It gives birth to the thought that the class of manual labor, its male and female workers, have the right to get ... their share of the increasingly successful work techniques in terms of clothing, food, transportation, tools and machinery of all kinds. The workers should not only produce all that can make the earth and the life on it more comfortable for those who have money... [they] should themselves be able to consume and make use of what our material culture has to offer. Above all, the question concerns that which may be put in the service of man in his struggle against corruption, that which can bring physical health to his body, a sense of future prospects and the elevation of his spirit. The film heralds all this. And Greta Garbo.82 Probably, her association of Garbo imitations with functionalism was triggered by SF's Garbo Lookalike - contest ( SF 2608, 1931 ) held the preceding year. Clearly up to date with the idea that progressive democracy was underpinned by a cumulative, justified desire to gratify consumerist needs, Gillner sketches an associative chain between the film medium, Garbo's persona and her audience that involved a far-reaching utopian promise. In that respect, she regards the desire for beauty as a uniquely triggering force.8’ Put in relation to the Danish Apeople publicity s capacity to boost the cultivation of individual egos and bodies by comparative and appraising measures, her imaginative manifesto hits the mark to some extent. The A-people imperative was also powerfully visualized in the A-Child Contest launched in the evening paper Aftonbladet N ja m ä n n isko r, 1935 in the fall of 1938. Apart from its eugenic ramifications of beauty and health, we can observe that it tied into a wide range of popular discourses centering on children. Even before familial concerns had entered center stage as “the population issue,” the decade saw markedly sentimental iconographie representations of toddlers and small children, who could be the subjects of photo exhibitions at Röda Kvarn movie theater, and of contests for “the cutest baby” in daily and popular press. The photographic volume 1000 Svenska barn/ A 1000 Swedish Children, was the result of such a contest held by the daily paper Svenska Dagbladet in 1930. Additionally, the photo collection was shown at NK's department store.84 The film magazine The Film Image's baby contest was another, held in 1935.ss The same year, during the heyday of the population issue, photographer Benno Hermès-Movin published the photo book Undret /The W onder in cooperation with writer and artist Mollie Faustman. It presented portraits of children ranging from three months to fifteen years of age, including several members of the Nordic royal families.86 Together with Knut Martin, Faustman also made the short film New Human Beings ( SF 3130, 1935 ) To some extent the film follows the Swedish newsreel mode of presentation. Simply put, it shows what the voice-over speaks about and vice versa, the cuts cueing the visual and aural level causally or symmetrically. Even if Knut Martin's voice-over and the editing adhere to the convention, there is a difference. In contrast to the newsreel s internal logic of action and event, the subject matter here — babies — entails a certain degree of uneventfulness. Shot squeezed together in whimpering rows, or separately, they are defined as vulnerable, even pathetic — yet the powerful carriers of future promises. By shooting all infants against hygienically white bedclothes and lighting them in a similar manner, the film adopts a stylistically homogenous formula, embracing both the individual and universal traits of each, celebrating their endearingly wrinkled faces and spasmodic limbs. Martin states that “Most of that we call joy could be discussed, but there is a joy that cannot be reasoned away, and it is that which children give us. What are success, money and glory compared to the deep joy that children bring... It is said that young married couples choose between having a child and a car, they cannot afford both... But what is a stylish Rolls Royce compared to this newborn beauty?” There is a cut to a clear­ eyed baby looking into the camera. “Her existence can be counted in hours, her eyes have no definite age.. ” ( cut to a close-up of her face ) “They mirror all depth, all emptiness, all wisdom, all ignorance.”87 Through Martin's contemplative words, sometimes cued by cuts, a certain sense of diminutive agency is transferred from the speaker to the relatively passive babies. As he delivers the line that some young couples cannot afford to have both a baby and a car, there is a short silence and a cut to babies crying, seemingly in response to his claim. Our “job,” then, he later urges, is “to try making the world more inhabitable... a heartier, happier place” for them. Towards the end of the short, the infants are taken to hospital baptizing. Nurses in masks push carts of babies in a corridor, where the daylight seeps through the windows. New Human Beings is far from being formulated as a direct call; on the contrary it is spiced with a measure of irony, as when Martin argues that the “streamlined” shape of a baby is every bit as attractive as that of a car, or his banter delivery of the claim that an infant has ‘lost” its thumb and cannot find it again. Therefore, it would be a simplification to conflate it with the family-stimulating propaganda of “Mother and Child.” Yet, as demonstrated in the account of the exhibition, the point of reception for viewers implicitly entailed taking a position of civic responsibility, which they reached through a due process of moral introspection. Although we cannot assume this is what viewers most typically did, it is a fair guess that whoever belonged to the target group audience was called felt an implicit imperative to ponder upon the population issue. Within a documentary framework Jane Gaines coins the concept “Political Mimesis” to argue that radical documentaries depicting on-screen political struggle or controversy may produce a mimetic response in viewers. Elaborating on Linda William's theorization of melodrama, porn and horror as genres that make the body of the viewer “do things,” i.e., respond in mimetic ways that are only partly voluntary, Gaines argues that radical documentary discourse inspires almost viscerally conditioned political actions.88 Neither New Human Beings nor “Mother and Child” belonged to a context of radically defined upheaval, yet their address, directed to, and even involving the bodies of spectators, could be said to inspire action. Turning to the A-Child Contest, it was introduced in Aftonbladet's column “Vi kvinnor”/ “We Women,” throwing out a challenging question to its readers: “Are You the Parent of an A-Child... ?” The article, headed by a large photograph of the chubby baby princess Christina, states by way of introduction: Stout, happy and healthy children are not only the pride and joy of their parents or guardians, but the guarantee of an entire people's future. Today, the appearance and care of children are the measure of a nation's standard and culture. Skinny, ragged and neglected kids playing in backyards and gutters are a... blemish on the nation's social standing. Consequently, childcare has become an issue as important for the people as a whole, as for the home circle. And... in Sweden we can now happily observe that State-initiative has been more forceful than in most countries elsewhere in the world. But at the same time, it is known that the information given is insufficient, and that individual interest needs repeated stimulation; on this point the medical doctors agree. So it is now with the able consent of doctors that ‘We Women’ take part in the propaganda for CHILDCARE SOUND AND ENLIGHTENED with a contest previously unknown in our country.. ,89 In comparison to the earlier forms of media address accounted for, this contest entailed more direct participation. The article requests that parents interested in letting their children take part should present 2-4 year old, well-fed, healthy and harmonious little contestants with regular eating and sleeping habits, and preferably with a room of their own. Further, the parents should answer ten questions concerning the care and health of their children on entering the contest: 1. What was the baby ' s birth weight and how has its general development been? 2. For how long was the baby breastfed? 3. How much time did the baby spend outdoors during its first year? 4. Has the child had any diseases? Which? 5. Has the child been subjected to medical examination? Who was its doctor? 6. [Describe the] child's 24-hour schedule (in terms of sleep, outdoor activities, feeding, playtime) 7. Who takes care of the child (mother, nurse, or kindergarten, etc. )? 8. Has the child got siblings and how old arc they? 9. How is the child accommodated ( in its own room or together with parents and siblings )? 10. Have you made any special notes about the child, regarding its development, hereditary traits, etc.?90 Parents should also enclose a full-figure photograph of the child, preferably in the nude. The most interesting statement introducing the contest, however, is the following, setting the normative framework: [ I ] n this unjust world it could surely happen that a child who is cared for in an exemplary manner may still turn out to be ... weakly and develop slower than other children of the same age. It may also happen that totally neglected children turn out exceedingly promising. However, there is no room for either of these categories in this competition. Because the intention is to exemplify and praise the good result of wise and loving efforts, where the circumstances have been favorable from the start.”91 By the end of the contest a few weeks later, three hundred little contestants had been subjected to a medical examination, and in order to choose ten finalists out of sixty runners-up, the procedure was repeated. Aftonbladet now announced that they had a surprise ready for the ten finalists. A film team would shoot a newsreel of them at Norrtull Hospital during their final examination by the head juror, Dr. Gyllenswärd. The newsreel ( SF 1002, 1938) summarizes the various steps of the medical procedure. As the footage shows, not all children appreciated the treatment they receive from the doctor and nurses; they writhe and cry at being weighed, squeezed and measured. Short as it is, the newsreel further reveals aesthetic selection criteria that the competition announcement had not spoken of: nearly all of the finalists have blond hair. As parts of the sustained focus on the population issue, although not directly connected to it, the A-people milk propaganda, the A - Child Contest and the “Mother and Child” exhibition and the short New Human Beings were instrumental in the process of generating ideological support. And even as the children's health and “cuteness” were of given importance in themselves in this as well as other media representations of toddlers in contemporary baby contests and photo exhibitions, the A-Child Contest set normative, prescriptive standards for proper parenthood; the questions included in the announcement stated that the upbringing of an A-child not only required a happy and clean domestic sphere, but economic and medical resources. Additionally, the jury took the opportunity to intervene in the contestants' family concerns with advice such as “for further benign development, it is desirable that [the child] should get siblings.”'*2 As one of the decade's last events of this kind, the A- Child contest could be seen as a practice of popularized eugenics in a diminutive form. The milk film similarly indicated a standard for good and not-so-good family relations, allegedly depending on the family members' health status. From whatever points one approaches this period, children are often in focus. According to Anne-Li Lindgren s dissertation on school radio during the mid-thirties, Att ha barn med dr en god sak. Barn, medier och medborgarskap under 1930-talet / To Include Children is a Good Thing: Children, M edia and Citizenship in the 1930s, social reform, institutionalized childcare and the growth of education had a significant impact on children's position vis-à-vis the state. School radio broadcasts addressed children as future reproducers of welfare state values, and as such they were treated as relatively independent of the domestic sphere and of parental influence. Juvenile radio personalities were involved as interviewers to converse with invited teachers and lecturers. Every now and then listeners could be “taken along” on “microphone visits” to the Parliament or at public institutions to learn about their societal functions. Elected representatives were further invited to the studio to give talks on the current population issue, to encourage children to form a “national consciousness” etcetera. One of several examples was a radio talk by the Member of Parliament, Social Democrat Josef Weijne. Describing the relationship between the state and the individual in familial terms, he correspondingly compared the governmental finances with a caring mother's housekeeping. All family members/citizens were thus included in an altruistic community defined by mutual trust and responsibility. Lindgren moreover states that in these contexts, debating personalities such as Värner Rydén, Nils Herlitz and Hans Wallengren voiced the claim that the prerequisite for a solid national identity was the purity of the Nordic bloodline.''3 School radio program-producers aimed to provide greater immersion and a sense of direct presence by creating “auditory images” for their young listeners. In tune with up-todate pedagogy, pupils were encouraged to interact with the auditory-textual material by way of discussions in class. In sum, the juvenile audience as well as the radio personalities were continuously called upon to interact with, and most importantly, to articulate the state welfare policy in a kind of orchestrated spontaneity.94 In a different register, the A-Child Contest and the “Mother and Child” exhibition were also about learning, but for the parents; they were called upon to perform and articulate ideal citizenship through their children. The imperative to increase the number and improve the quality of the Swedish population made the family metaphor exceedingly literal and useful. As Maija Runcis states, the relation was by no means unconditional, since the sterilization law had made the individual citizen's legal capacity subordinate to socio-medical judgment. Wherever economic, social or hereditary problems concerning families arose, there was a risk that civil rights could be annulled. In a milder, more popularized form, the A-child Contest and more indirectly, “Mother and Child” exemplified how the family circle could be opened up for normative scrutiny. Their appeal lay in their address, formulated as a summoning or enthusing challenge. However, when looking at especially the A-Child Contest and its media framework from this specific state-interventionist perspective, it is still valid to ask within which ideological framework the contest should be placed; and to summarize, I will return to the issue of sterilization. In their study on press reports and political debates regarding the Holocaust, Sverige och Förintelsen. Debatt och dokument om Europas judar 1933-1945 / Sweden and The Holocaust: Debates and Documents concerning European Jews 1933-1945, Ingvar Svanberg and Mattias Tydén claim that Aftonbladet, who stood as initiator of the contest, certainly was a pro-German evening paper.'“ On the other hand, there were no given links between eugenic ideology and fascism in more general terms. As Runcis claims in her focus on the period's applications of sterilization, the Social Democrats' eugenics program had no fascist or Nazi underpinnings.96 Instead, if we move from a popular back to a political application, the critical point is the administrative process, which Runcis exposes, but partly disregards. Discussing the interaction between the state, the Board of Health and the local authorities on the issue of making legal capacity a medical matter, she argues that this allows a parallel administration of power outside the juridical-discursive field, which thus escapes scrutiny by both state and social legislation. But although Runcis performs a close study of the power executed by the eugenic project s administrative field and main figures, she surprisingly claims in the end of her dissertation that she has abstained from defining power as such in this context.97 To my understanding, she hereby makes a disheartening retreat from one of the historically most intriguing questions of her own object of study. She certainly pays close attention to powerful profiles, sometimes to the point of ascribing to them a deliberation that seems unlikely. For instance, she formulates their categorizing and distancing activities as more expressive of individual decisions than parts of a given administrative framework: The by far most important thing to the Board of Health s administration of sterilization cases appears to have been that the applicant filled in the proper forms... By resorting to a strictly bureaucratic order, the Board of Health managed to create distance to, and disempowerment of their clients... By keeping the examined individuals at a distance in the bureaucratic administration and scientific examination, the expert ensured that it was carried out in an objective and impartial manner.98 Runcis tends to emphasize the group of experts as a specific elite, whose power was partly conditioned by the distance they put between themselves and their clients. With a reference to Zygmunt Bauman's sociological study of the Third Reich's administrative apparatus, M odernity and The Holocaust, she argues that the system adopted two levels of processing. Locally, social workers, district medical officers and elected representatives handled cases and carried out decisions taken by the Board of Health and the government s representatives, who remained shielded from direct contact with clients. If confronted by protest, they resorted to the strategy of “mediated action,” i.e., they forever deferred to the agency for steps taken elsewhere.99 By veering towards intentionalizing individual expert authority, Runcis tends to disregard the auto-generative mechanisms of the modern society's administrative system, where social engineering — understood by Bauman as a gardening enterprise — required the weeding out of inferior and unaesthetic elements. Regardless of ideological sub tenets, he means that the structure of modern administrations carried their inherent logic of the said “mediated action” where individual responsibility and moral judgment were forever displaced and left without persona] agency, thus risking to be replaced by rational-technical decisions: The dissociation is by and large and [sic, an] outcome of two parallel processes, which are both central to the bureaucratic model of action. The first is the meticulous functional divisions of labor ( as additional to, and distinct in its consequences, from linear graduation of power and subordination); the second is the substitution of technical for moral responsibility. 100 Most importantly he claims, even as initiators of these processes, it was not the top profiles of the bureaucratic hierarchy that propels them, but the middle men, from whose limited perspective of actions and consequences it was of utmost importance to carry out their duties according to the organizational and disciplinary regulations of a system they could not grasp. He moreover points out that by constructing a deceptive symmetry of intentions and actions this “instrumental rationality” — itself an inextricable condition of modern administration — was unable to anticipate unintended consequences."" This aspect is not considered in Runcis' discussion. Moreover, although Runcis situates her study within a Foucaultian framework, she polarizes the all-powerful institutions and profiles, and those subjected to their decisions. Accordingly, she shows less concern for the administrative - disciplinary and interdisciplinary dynamics at work in forming the vulnerable individuals' “carccral careers” in institutions, than their too-apparent victimization. Foucault's oft-quoted and critical claim that we are not subjected to, nor oppose power from an exterior place outside its sphere, hereby goes unheeded.1“ For example, while aptly demonstrating how the clients' poverty made them subject to institutional-administrative measures oscillating between care and abuse, she does not go on to explore in what ways the Foucaultian theorization of the enmeshment of social, medical and judicial functions of power come to bear on her object of study, and thus how the administration of helping, curing and punishing deviancy, poverty or both, may take on a uniform production of discourse. Her field could be the ideal case for applying and concretizing his theoretical framework and metaphorically rich conceptions of a disciplinary system where the practices of caring for, curing, disciplining and punishing deviant bodies — the asocial, the racially inferior, the mentally and physically handicapped — intersect in an intricate web of productive functions. Instead of mobilizing explanatory power by way of these nodes, to some extent she short-circuits the potential for further analysis by resorting to indignation. The reaction is understandable, but since the wrongfulness of the sterilization project has been firmly acknowledged, there should be more fruitful ways of approach. As Tom Gunning claims in an entirely different context, we should refrain from the “self-righteous pleasure of unmasking historical deceptions. ”I0! Having used first and foremost the A-Child Contest and the “Mor och Barn” exhibition as examples, I would like to argue that newsreels and popular media offers ways of historical “re-entry” that arc situated somewhere between dominant discourse and reception. Above all, these media may give insights into the minuscule processes of normalization involved at the level of active audience reception and interaction. In more ways than one, they have the power to offer historical “close-ups” that canonized historical accounts cannot. Most significantly in the case of the A- Child Contest, its apparent popularity condenses and concretizes the question of how civic consent and complicity may come about, and in what ways. This is not to say that we can therefore estimate at what point this takes place. We can only indicate some of the triggering devices and demarcate a probable zone. The contest may also serve to highlight the borderland between cugenicist views — which were not necessarily touched by fascism — and the more outright claims to Aryan supremacy. No t e s 1 2 Åktenskapsvalet och släktarvet. Läkare-, veterinär-, och Politik till praktik. D e svenska steriliseringslagarna 1935- rasbiolog-synpunkter 1975, 3 4 5 6 7 8 contemporary medical doctor, Hugo Toll, makes a similar, but blatantly racist and cynical argument in 21-22 November, 1938, Stockholm, 1939 The latest study on the topic is Mattias Tydén 's Från Folkhälsa och Reklam , for letting the “natural selection” in society take its course (i.e. letting the “inferior” die), also stressing the importance of protecting the Swedish blood from mixture with that of southern foreigners. Nordiska Bokhandeln i distr., 1931, 2021. Teol. Dr. Sylvanus Stall s contemporary book (diss. ), Almquist och Wiksell International, 2002 Maija Runcis, Steriliseringar ifolkhem m et, Ordfront, 1998 Ibid., 66ff ( my transi. ) Ibid., 41,63. See also Robert Proctor, Racial Fljgiene: M edicine under The N azis, Harvard University Press, 1988, 15ff (my transi. ) Runcis, 47, 50 See also Jan Larsson, H em m et vi ärvde. O m folkhem m et, identiteten och den gem ensam m afram tiden, Arena, 1998, Birgitta Svensson, Bortom all ära och redlighet. Tattarnas spel m ed rättvisan, Nordiska Museet, 1993, Bosse Lindquist, Förädlade svenskar. D römm en om att skapa en bättre m änniska, Alfabeta, ( 1991 ) 1997 Herman Lundborg, D et svenska institutet för rasbiologi, Tullberg, 1922, Runcis, 41. I have not yet considered American public discourses on eugenics. One surge of interest takes place in the mid-teens. See Robert Eberwein, Sex Ed: Film , Video, and the Framework of D esire, Routledge, 1999, and Martin S. Pernick, The M annens och K vinnans hygien ( vad en g ft m an bör veta ) approaches the subject from a religious perspective, Världslitteraturens Förlag, 1930 22 Gunnar Myrdal, “ Inledningsanförande’’ in D ebatt i b folkningfrågan . Other participants were Prof. Georg Andrén, Prof. Nils von Hofsten, Doc. J. Axel Höjer, Prof. Sven Wicksell, Prof. Gustaf Åkerman and Prof. Arvid Runestam, Kooperativa förbundets bokförlag, 1935. See also Lindquist, 79 23 H em i kollektivhus. Svenska slöjdföreningens utställning: m oderna hem inredningar, barnavdelning, restaurant. 18 m aj-9 juni , Stockholm, 1935, 20 24 See Almkvist, Kärlekens ansvar, and Sex läkare om sexualproblemet, Elise Ottesen-Jensen, M änniskor i nöd, Stockholm, 1932 25 (my transi. ) Fam ilj och m oral. Sam mandrag av Bfolkningskom m issionens betänkande i sexuafrågan, Black Stork: Eugenics and the D eath of D efective’ Babies in Am erican M edicine and M otion Pictures since 1915, 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 Oxford University Press, (1996) 1999 Runcis, 67-8, 102 Lindquist, 73 Johan Almkvist, Aktuella synpunkter på sexuafrågan, Tiden, 1928 (my transi. ) Almkvist, Kärlekens ansvar. En etisk upplysningsskrft, Lindblad, 1935, 15 Almkvist, D en fram tida fam iljeläkaren. Tankar angående en ny social läkarverksam het, Sv. Tryckeri. AB, 1931, 4-5 (my transi. ) Almkvist, “Sexuallivets hygien?in Johan Almkvist, Olof Kinberg, Wilhelm Wernstedt, Nils Antoni, John Olow, Alfred Petrén, Sex läkare om sexualproblem et, Natur och Kultur, 1934, 94 In her article “ Preventivmedlen och deras användning’’ sexual educator Elise Ottesen-Jensen mentions Almkvist s councelling bureau, in Populär tidskrftför sexuell upplysning, No. 2: 1932, 30. On his visions about marriage councelling, see Almkvist, Kärlekens ansvar, 65 (my transi.) see the article “Talfilm i sexualundervisningen,” in Populär tidskriftför sexuell upplysning, No. 3: 1933, 39-41 Almkvist, Kärlekens ansvar, 43, 46ff Almkvist, Sexuell kultur, Tiden, 1933, 7ff, 88 Alva och Gunnar Myrdal, Kris i b folkning frågan, Bonnier, 1934 (my transi.) Ibid., 117, see also 217-226. On the Myrdal couple and sterilization, see Larsson, H emm et ..., 134-140, and Svensson, 30. The 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 Federativ, 1937, 8-12 (my transi. ) Ibid., 33 (my transi.) Ibid., 33-34 (my transi. ) Ibid., 65 Almkvist, Sexuell Kultur, 95ff Almkvist, Tillfrågan om folkökningens begränsande, Stockholm, 1929, 14-15. He also discusses racial hygiene and sterilization in D enfram tidafam iljeläkaren, 6, and in Sexuell kultur, 102; see also “Sexuallivets hygien” in Sex läkare om sexualproblemet 80 - 84, 94 ( my transi ) M or och Barn. U tställning anordnad av Svenska Röda Korset, Stockholm, 1936, 4 Ibid., 7 Ibid., 8 “ Fosterfördrivning i skrämmande stor omfattning. Den erbarmliga sondtrafiken måste stoppas.” SocialD em okraten, 291204 Nils Nielsen claims that a 100 000 abortions are performed per year, of which only a minor share by doctors, “Fosterfördrivningen och dess faror? in Populär tidskrftför sexuell upplysning, N o. 1:1932, 19ff “ Dödsfällor utan varningsssignaler. Ruskiga provokationsfönster som illustrera vår abderitiska sexual lagstiftning. Tre läkare uttala sig för Fönstret,” Fönstret, No. 2, 10:th May, 1930, 3 ( my transi. ) Ibid. ( my transi. ) M or och Barn, 10 ( my transi. ) Ibid. Ibid., 12-14 Ibid., 16 (my transi. ) Ibid., 20 43 Ibid., 12-14 44 On the photagraphical and X - ray images ' status as objective representations, see Solveig Jülich, Skuggor av sanning. Tidig svensk radiologi och visuell kultur, (diss. ), Tema Teknik och social förändring, Linköpings Universitet, 2002, 259 45 M or och Barn, 22 46 Jülich, 161 -164.On the aesthetics of “un­ attraction ”see also Emily Godbey, “The Cinema of (Un)attractions: Microscopic Objects on Screen,” in Allegories of Com munication: Intermedial Concernsfrom Cinem a to the D igital, (ed.) Jan Olsson, University of California Press, forthcoming, see also Jan Holmberg, Förtätade bilder. Film ens närbilder i historisk och teoretisk belysning, (diss.), Aura, 2000,122-123, and Marina Dahlquist, The Invisible Seen in French Cinem a B fore 1917, (diss.), Aura, 2001, 101-102 47 “It is this element which rises from the scene, shoots out of it like an arrow, and pierces me” “It is what I add to the photograph and what is nonetheless already there? Roland Barthes in Hal Foster, The Return of The Real: The Avant-G arde at The End (fThe Century, MIT Press, 1996, 133-134 48 Michel Foucault, D iscipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison ( Surveiller et Punir: Naissance de la prison, Editions de Gallimard, 1975 transi. Alan Sheridan, 1978), Penguin, 1978, 147 49 M or och Barn, 25 50 Ward, 74. Thanks to Anu Koivonen for drawing my attention to the Glass Man. 51 Foucault, The H istory of Sexuality, 139. 52 Theodor H. Van De Velde, Det fulländade äktenskapet: En studie i samlevandets fysiologi och teknik (origin. H et volkom en huwelijk, 1925), Stockholm, ( 1933), 1946 53 Foucault, The H istory..., 146 54 Anu Koivonen, “Moderns kropp, fädrens land — nationell film som könsteknologi” ( my transi) in D ialoger. Fem inistisk teori i praktik, Aura, 1997, 73, 64 55 Ibid., 72 56 (my transi. ) RL, Byggm ästaren, No. 1, 1936, 26 57 (my transi.) Ibid. 58 (my transi. ) Alva Myrdal, Folk och fam ilj, 141 59 Karin Johannisson, “ Folkhälsa. Det svenska projektet från 1900 till 2 :a världskriget? In Lychnos, 1991, 162, 172, 175, 178 60 Jülich, 109-134 61 Ibid., 171. Yvonne Hirdman regards the discourse as outright abusive, see A tt lägga livet tillrätta — studier i svenskfolkhem spolitik, Carlsson, ( 1987) 2000, 216-234 62 Yet as he argues, the family metaphor should not be taken as indicative of a structural homogeneity between state and family: “Thus the father in the family is not the ‘representative’ of the sovereign or the state; and the latter are not projections of the father on a different scale. The family does not duplicate society, just as society does not imitate the family. But the 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 family organization, precisely to the extent that it was insular and heteromorphous with respect to the other power mechanisms, was used to support the great ‘maneuvrers’ employed for the Malthusian control of the birthrate, for the populationist incitements, for the medicalization of sex and the psychiatrization of its nongenital forms? H istory .. 100 Alan Pred, Recognizing European. .., 135 Carl A. Lund, “reklamen i sundhedens tjenste” in Futurum , No. 5-6: 1937, 262-269 (my transi.)Ibid., 263 ( my transi. ) Ibid., 264 Ibid Ibid., 265, 268 M jölkpropagandan. Tidskrftför nä ringshygien, No. 4: 1937, 120 (my transi.)M jölkpropagandan, No. 10: 1937, 338 (my transi. ) Ibid Ibid. M jölkpropagandan, No. 9: 1938, 263 Gösta Jonsson, “ Kaffe utan grädde”( 1938). The song was quickly forbidden to be played on the radio on account of its commercial content. 75 (my transi.) 76 (my transi.) 77 Filmjournalen, No. 20, 7 , No. 25, 8-11, No. 27,4-5, No. 29, 12-13, No. 30,7-13: 1933 78 Futurum . Spceialnum mer: K vinnan och fram tiden, No. 7: 1937, 376 79 Ibid. 80 Ibid., 377 81 Biografägaren, N o. 12: 1932, 10 82 (my transi. ) Ibid. See also Hirdman, 161 f, 164ff 8 3 Hjalmar Mehr 's contemporary critique of Hollywood film marks this individualism as dangerous for progressive policy: “Through their upper-class motifs the films influence the minds of the masses in a direction meant to transform the collective struggle for a better society to individual striving for positions that would make them equal with the character depicted in the films. Therein lies a danger, and it is here that Social Democrat film criticism finds its calling ... the objective of film criticism is to elucidate the ideological background of bourgeois ideology, and bring out the... shortcomings, hereby deepening the audience s understanding of the film.”(my transi. ), in Qvist, Folkhem m ets... , 112 84 1000 Svenska barn, Nordisk Rotiogravyr, 85 Film bilden, No. 1:1935, 3 86 Benno Hermès-Movin, Mollie Faustman [pseud. Vagabonde], U ndret, Stockholm, 1935 87 (my transi.) 88 Jane M. Gaines, “Political Mimesis”in (eds. ) Jane M. Gaines and Michael Renov, Collecting Visible Evidence, University of Minnesota Press, 1999, 90-93 89 (my transi.) “Har Ni Stockholms A-Barn? ” in Aftonbladet, 381015 m jölkhushållning o. jordbruk, 70 71 72 73 74 No t e s 90 (my transi. ) Ibid. 91 (my transi.) Ibid. 92 “ Stockholms A -barn korade? in Aftonbladet , 381126. In 1933, Alva Myrdal proposed that parents get proper education to become better caretakers of their children, preferably through study circles, “Föräldrafostran,” in ‘Något kan m an väl göra.’ Texter 1932-1982 , (ed.) Yvonne Hirdman, Carlsson, 2002, 107 93 Anne-Li Lindgren, A tt ha barn m ed är en god sak. Barn, m edier och m edborgarskap under 1930-talet, Tema, 1999, 60ff, 78, 100-133, 249-277 94 Ibid., 56-63, 83 95 Ingvar Svanberg & Mattias Tydén, Sverige och Förintelsen. D ebatt och dokument om Europas judar 19331943, 75 96 Runcis, 169. As Svanberg and Tydén notes, Alva Myrdal was one of those critisizing Nazism fervently, calling it pathological, 276, 279 97 Runcis, 275 98 Ibid., 266-267 99 Ibid, 259 100 Zygmunt Bauman, M odernity and the H olocaust, Polity Press, 1989, 98 101 Ibid., 155-163, 194 102 Foucault, The H istory... , 95f. He further states: “We must not look for who has the power... and who is deprived of it ( women, adolescents, children, patients); nor for who has the right to know' and who is forced to remain ignorant. We must seek ... the pattern of the modifications which the relationships of force imply by the very nature of their process? Relations of powerknowledge are not static forms of distribution, they are ‘matrices of transformations.’” 99 103 Tom Gunning, “The Whole Town Gawking... ,”197 95p it m o l fr o m tld e n . s i g |o r d t v ir a « d e r o c h f a r fid e r .. :h s k a p a d e (r u n d en fo r » ir e x is te n s ta g s a m h et s o m d e n k u ltu r den « re­ ä r » ir id a g ♦ S k a p a n d et, p la n ljg g a n d e t. fra m m a n a n d e t a » b e s lå e n d e fö re ta g s a m h e t fe r fr a m tid en h O r o c k s i O S S till. ♦T ill d e n s k a p a n d e o c h » la n lig g a n d n » e r k s a m h et s o m » a r |a « r e t a g ir s k y ld ig t s ig s j il« t o c h Vara jmi.m-ut uI.Mtt-ut !• i i.!. -an: ut>.=tutan -a'al stell 't-ta al! .nh.svil S .,(1 I vlv t : ■ i i i - r . iusiitiun iitue. KÙr.rl.u aimit« *-h !nn>s>rk fea ml"(u.li:> ti ¥ A.B. SVENSKA TELEGRAIIIBYRANS ANNONSAVDELNING Huvudkontor: STOCKHOLM Tlmler COTEBOAG. MALMO. h Al SINGSOAG f.tra. kuint> jmatttt s.ir iiiliftulan. : 111 w i l l t f e i , a tt llc f i I I ." ill» n a a illl* » lt* .i I i n it a -t fi* r tjjr ;a f a tt i i l ' u la n " k u a Svensk R eklam , G um ielius — rationell reklam 1934 Svensk R eklam, 1937 Ni är en stor FLIRT Oetl Si nojet r.r mic rr< Ni låRRei an »/i». »Kl Si vinna gctnJi... 1**1 Ar/ Hue wall Ni enklast, snabbast, •h billiRavt kcstnitsa till tab mrd alla tlcasa Svann ar Rivet: Rcinart .DE 7 STORA-! Moi pt uppbita av "vet en nttibon vxctnpbt t vec-kan når \ & A v ïïSSSlÏÏK; kr.II. nar under osuneo pä sl Rott sann varenda sveo.A kvinna! Och vad der bervder ur amv-nw-r vynpunt ;. méitt iör den .kull till »ascntliR del ertRR på Ahlen & Åkerlunds veck" i sådan tnrdylninR av annivRsansIsxcf 1a mänga av vara tnumrangsrika anviliiiRaiiiseradv .-! A ,V O .XS-.tB R1-7C T. adsfrits till ftVfoitande vid upplevande nv uonsfiirdaj*. Dras specialitet ål ml ftilposss sa efter luv volcopreasor. publik . . . DE 7 STORA V ie w in g , R e a d in g a n d D a n c in g O n e s W a y th r o u g h S to c k h o lm a n d I ts O u ts k ir ts Advertising Builds the Future Futurum: Periodicalfor the Art and Skills of Advertising Albeit touched upon in the previous chapters, advertising discourse has not been focused on in its own right. Starting with an overview of commercial practices and mentalities, some conditioned by the post-depression climate of the mid-1930s, I will engage with commercial practices, both real and fictitious, as they appear in and around the film medium. The main focus lies on feature films and the various levels of intertextuality they establish with newsreels, current exhibitions, and film-related publications. In the early 1930s, Gotthard Johansson writes enthusiastically about the idiom of American advertising as having transcended the bounds of mere commercialism, growing into a philosophy of life, even taking on the role as popular fosterer. Regrettably, he claims, we Europeans regard advertising with suspicion and contempt, unwilling to give it credit for its “cultural, ethical and aesthetic values.”' As the decade draws on, advertising is gradually elevated to an issue increasingly linked with societal welfare. By 1935, a few years later, a Hermods course textbook states that advertising is “an indispensably progressive factor for contemporary society”’ and during the same period, several media profiles and publicity experts pointed out advertising's social significance. During a major advertising congress in Stockholm “Reklamen tjänar samhället”/“Advertising Serves Society” much discussion was devoted to the increased responsibility and commercial restraint felt to be necessary for advertisers in certain avenues of commerce to shoulder if advertising should fill its potential as a “builder of society.” Advertising expert Tom Björklund here pointed to the many ways in which commercial publicity and product-related exhibitions had already promoted safety, health and hygiene, education and tourism within the nation.3 The following year, the interdisciplinary conference “ Public Health and Advertising” voiced the need for advertising experts and representatives from the sciences to make a joint effort to offer the population sounder, more informative methods in advertising. Earlier, publicity men had argued that increased investments in advertising could lift national economy out of the aftermath of the depression by stimulating spending, despite lingering high unemployment rates. A call for promoting domestic production was heeded by the state, resulting in government-supported advertising campaigns for foods rich in vitamins (apples, oranges, and bananas), with the dual purpose of supporting the country's fruit traders and improving the health of the population. There were also combined information and media exhibitions held in connection with a current campaign. “Vårt dagliga bröd”/“Our Daily Bread,” for one, took place in the spring of 1935 and fall of 1936 with the objective of persuading the population to increase their consumption of bread and milk.4 In their review of the latter, Reklam Nyheterna / Advertising News reported that the Government had granted monies for a campaign organized by the Bakers' and Millers' association, the Cooperative Societies, and the National Fruit Federation. This would entail new exhibitions and prize competitions for bread and fruit during the coming year.5 I would claim that the cooperative strategy gradually dissociated advertising from its earlier low repute. As the above image and caption by the Swedish Bureau of Telegrams show, advertising was not infrequently constructed as the fuel to make modernity “take off.” Man constantly looks towards the future; so did our fathers and forefathers when they planned and created the foundation of our present prosperity. It is our objective to continue building, to make a new contribution of lasting value for the future. — The innovative factor in all economic enterprise is advertising — good, well - designed, forward thinking advertising.6 A male profile features against the ascending backdrop of trains, boats and airplanes transforming from old to new streamlined models as they gain momentum upwards; the composition and caption illustrates the amalgamation of consumption, modernity and civic responsibility. The visual metaphor shows the prevalent conceptualization of objects and most of all modern vehicles and buildings as self-explanatory emblems of the modernizing process. The poster for the said advertising congress on its part displays a symbolism structured by ideal embodiment: an athletic man with a bare torso holds a miniature city on his upstrctched palm, his head thrown back. The city is peopled by a family on the edge, the caption reading: “Advertising Serves Society.”7 In several ways, advertising was promoted as a science, drawing on applied psychology. In 1932, Tom Björklund interviewed NK's sales trainer, Ragnar Engström, who made use of a photo-based course material for groups of junior salespeople. To teach them psychological preparedness to handle an array of probable situations and customers, they were confronted with a photo gallery of customer types, of which the reader is familiarized with four. The images were claimed to be snapshots of people on the street, taken without their knowledge. Each student studied an album of types, and the teacher impersonated these types for them to practice and sharpen their sales skills on, in front of the rest of the group. A general problem, he claims, is that especially young salespersons find such customers as the grumpy and demanding type, the elderly gentleman number 3, unpleasant. Accordingly they must get past their own psychological resistance, to be able to “sell smiling.” The demanding male customer, gentleman number 8, is similarly awe-inspiring, but once one gets to know him, one appreciates his keen eye for quality. Type number 6, in turn, is an elderly lady with a hearty demeanor. Far from difficult to please, she is an ideal training object for students needing to develop greater spontaneity.“ NK's 1937 short film En stad i staden /A City within the City (Nils Jerring, 1937), shows that the technique was still current in the late mid-1930s. Nils Poppe makes a visit to the department store with his son and wife, and the narrative is cued by their path through different departments. Our first encounter with Poppe is conveyed through a scene where the above sales method is demonstrated. A group of students sit listening to a lecture, while looking at the demanding male customer type; their course leader advises them to use all of their imagination and intuition to satisfy his needs. “The customer in the following image can hardly be said to be as difficult,” he says with a faint smile, a close-up showing a photo of Poppe in the street with his little son by the hand. The image transforms to a street scene, and they arc seen entering NK. The growing importance accorded to advertising furthermore shows in the several trade journals on advertising that were started during the period; the prestigious Futurum was the most eloquent, with the motto already mentioned, “Advertising Builds the Future’.’ The first issue appears in January 1936; it was the first out of three new advertising journals beginning publication this year.9 Chief editor Sven Rygaard was a strong believer in the advertising business as a societal force, and in the opening editorial, he expects that the journal will validate and illustrate this motto.10 Futurum's first market survey was a scientific evaluation of the efficiency of a shop window on one of Stockholm 's larger streets, making a quantitative analysis of passcrbys stopping to watch it, and of what they purchased if they entered the shop. Another standing feature was a highly educational evaluative close study of current advertisements and their choices of typography, graphics, slogans, and the interaction between image and text, offering an evaluative discussion about the expressivity of each. Futurum 's special issue The W oman and the Future discussed the relative lack of advertising targeting a female constituency. Inspired by Elconor Lillichöök s address at the annual Nordic Advertising Congress, Rygaard suggests that advertisers explore the “female landscape” and open their eyes to the fact that women are the prime purchasers for domestic needs.11 Much can be learned from taking their views on the future into consideration, he writes, proposing to let women 's own ideas speak through the issue, unrestrained by male prejudice. In the feature and advertising material, the female consumer figures are Mrs. or Ms. Customer, who voice new and sounder demands on advertising. In return they now learn a new lifestyle through it.12 “ Do Not Play Hide and Seek with Mrs. Customer,” The Swedish Bureau of Telegram's advertisement reads, urging producers to tune in to women's views and to serve them with consumer advice. The voices and perspectives dominating are those of the homemakers, demanding more reliability and moderation from advertisers, and above all, more reliable information. One article, “Now Mrs. Customer Wants to Participate Too” argues that it is high time femininity images in advertising were negotiated towards a more realistic and differentiated set of ideals. Publicity experts have formed such a Tiller-Girl, stereotyped image of the female customer that they fail to address their real target group: In the American revue film, women only appear en masse as attractive representatives of their sex... The audience docs not look for a human face, or human beings with hearts and thoughts... here are legs and women, but no individual. Who of the viewers wants to be disturbed by a mere hint of what plays out a w hole register of joys and sorrows behind this anonymous mass of women? Similarly, the advertising expert tends to disregard the individual human fates behind the woman-type cliche with which he has grown most comfortable.1 ! In reality, their fantasized glamour-girl customer profile would drown in the greatly varied mass of 2.5 million Swedish women to be found in the domestic circle as well as on the labor market — if they were only let into the picture. In contrast to advertisers' cynically conceived image of a young flapper, the real Mrs. Customer needs more than makeup and glamour products. The unnamed writer is surprised over the fact that the congress has not responded more vigorously to the wish of the many women's organizations' to influence the domestic clothing industry towards more functional and profession-oriented production, despite recent pressure from their quarter.14 As shown in the previous chapter, the special issue also features the young Swedish woman as belonging to a new and promising generation that rejects the artifice of the glamour-girl, striving towards a sounder, more fresh and natural beauty ideal, that could easily compete with that of the Hollywood stars." Under the article follows another call for more down-toearth advertising, targeting the exclusive air of skin-product marketing, here exemplified by promotional images of “foreign duchesses” with which the majority of female customers from rural households cannot possibly identify. The writer asks which will be the first manufacturer to find lasting success by catering to them instead of a small, exclusive circle of customers.'6 At the very same time, the writer argues that women make up the most receptive and enthusiastic constituency for the health promoting aspects of advertising, such as the aforementioned bread, milk, and fruit propaganda. They furthermore embrace modern times, and thus appreciate advertising as aesthetically valuable in itself; the shop window is discussed on the same terms as a recent film premiere. Similarly, many women s organizations ' locales are decorated with theater and film posters as well as the Fruit propaganda's dittos. At masquerades, the article claims, one not infrequently spots women who have sewn a costume made entirely from colorful advertising posters.17 The above is only one out of several instances, where the realm of consumption and advertising is defined as an arena for women on which to express progressive views. Taken together, the contemporary discourses on housing, sexual education, public health and nourishment constructed their female addressees as interdisciplinary experts,18 whose competence should be developed and put to use. If the homemaker role built on an ideology of gender complementarity, it awarded women relative freedom of action. And although the political dimension in architecture, consumption and public health issues was often displaced onto their material aspects, women gained a socially acknowledged and renegotiated status in relation to them. In contrast to the gender issues addressed within national politics proper, the solving of concrete everyday problems also gave visible results, both in the domestic and the public sphere — as well as in the population's health status. A Romantic Landscape of Consumption: U nder False Flag A few studies have argued that Swedish 1930s feature films often enacted fantasies of upward class mobility. Per Olov Qvist repeatedly discusses the play of appearances as a particularly important component.19 In the following, I will focus on the informative advertising spirit in the feature film Under falsk flagg /U nder False Flag (Gustaf Molander, 1935), which thematizes commercial discursivity in more ways than one, moreover enacting class transcendence through gratuitous consumption. The film simultaneously presents a mix of dicgetic and extradiegctic marketing that speak to the contemporaneous conflation of advertising discourse and food campaigns with public health objectives. The plot revolves around a peek-a-boo game of class with displays of upper class trappings and the trials and tribulations of the lower class white-collar worker. Margot (Tutta Rolf), the daughter of a banker comes home to Stockholm from a long educational sojourn in France. Turning down her father 's offer of a ride home in his car, she walks home from the train station. On the way, she meets a man, Bertil (Åke Ohbcrg), who starts flirting with her. His eager attempts to make contact are ingeniously introduced through advertising. Margot stands in a crowd outside a music shop listening to the latest hit “Det sjunger någonting inom mig”/“There's Something Singing within my Heart” playing on an external loudspeaker. She is shot from the inside of the shop window, looking in, her image framed by two advertising cards, lettered “ODEON.” As Bertil sneaks up behind her, the angle is reversed, and the viewer shares their view of the display, a blend of records and gramophones, with music publishers Odeon and Sonora featuring prominently. “Gorgeous” he exclaims half looking at the window, half looking at her sideways. “I can't sec anything gorgeous” she replies. “But I can..”. Bertil persists, quietly singing along with the refrain, while looking at her: “There's something singing within my heart, telling me you are my love.,”’° But before he sings the last line, she brusquely interrupts him : “ Well, keep that to yourself, please ! ” and quickly walks off. He follows her to a park, where she has stopped by an advertising pillar to lift up and talk to a small child. He quickly follows her example, picking up the twin of the child Margot is holding, hereby giving an even more explicit hint about the nature of his Myrdal-oriented interest. ’1 Shocked, she puts down the toddler, and stares intently at a poster pillar, pretending to take no notice of him. He sneaks up by her, neither of them speak much, but he points meaningfully at the headings of posters for current plays: “Love at First Sight,” “Be Mine” During this mostly visually cued dialogue, a musical score strikes up, inspired by the latest screen dance-craze, the Carioca. She rushes off, but before she escapes him in a taxi, he catches up with her just in time for a tourist photographer to catch them both in a snapshot. Outside Margot ’s house they run into each other again. Discovering that in fact he is an employee of her father s bank, she quickly turns the tables on the game of pursuit, and forces herself upon him, pretending to be a poor girl in desperate need of work. Maybe the banker in this house could offer her a position, she asks tongue-in-cheek. But he is now as eager to be rid of her company as he was to have it moments earlier. When he secs her big luggage arrive, he resentfully calls the banker s daughter “a luxury parasite.” Margot does not reveal her identity, but takes Bertil s judgment to heart, resolving not to be a parasite anymore. She asks her father for a position in the bank office, which he grants her, on the condition that she fully accepts the salary and living conditions of a secretary. This is the takeoff of Margot s inverted journey between class barriers. Unfortunately, the next morning, she has not taken enough care in adjusting her attire in accordance with her new identity as a secretary, and is almost instantly found out by her new college, Britta ( Karin Kavli). Sizing Margot up with an envious and suspicious glare, she blurts out that she should not try to appear as a simple country girl: “... in a dress from Patou, and jewelry that would cost a year's salary for an honest girl!” Margot's pretense puts her in an awkward position, as the film 's subtext of widespread unemployment makes her easy access to a job appear as if she had acquired it by dishonest means. Her “acquaintance” with the banker furthermore draws suspicious attention from the staff, and her sexual integrity is incessantly questioned. Without her upper-class framework, she involuntarily acquires the aura of an “expensive” girl of easy virtue. In reality, Britta increasingly personifies the not-so-honorable girl: by frequently overstepping the bounds of virtue she gets access to the glamour she cannot afford on her own account. In return for sexual favors, she accepts being treated to dinners and theatre plays by her boss, the corpulent, Hitler-look-alike Mr. Brink (Eric “Bullen” Berglund). Later in the film, we are shown ways to spend a pleasant date on the town for free. Being broke, Bertil and Margot visit a food exhibition as a convenient substitute for going out to dinner. A series of rhomb-shaped wipes show their trajectory between the different stands, where the signs feature prominently. At the Milk Central they get a milkshake for a cocktail and a cheese sandwich for hors d'œvre; at the Fyffes Bananas (“GOLD in the economy of health ! ” ) counter they arc offered a plate of banana samples ; they then take their main course at Norrmalms ' supermarket; dessert at the Marabou Chocolate counter and finally coffee, served by Africans in exotic costumes at Moka Efti s section. As the scene ends, the camera lingers on the sign “Try Moka Efti's Famous Coffee” Satisfied with their free dinner, they go for an outing by bus, supplied for house spéculants for the project Sunny Grove / Solhaga garden suburb. Like most of their fellow passengers, they take the chance of getting a free ride to beautiful surroundings, and try slipping away as the real-estate agent begins his demonstration. But they are too slow, and are obliged to fake interest in a luxurious functionalist villa. Being treated to food and parties in UnJerfalse Flag emblematizes the characters ' aspirations for class traveling; conversely, eating together additionally signals budding class-transcending friendships. More generally, to have “something to eat and drink” in Swedish 1930s cinema often functions both as the point of reconciliation and as a prosaic discourse of contentment.u I would claim that food exhibitions and milk propaganda smoothly fitted into this image of Swedish mentality. Margot and Bertil s consumption in the above scene is free; therein lies the charm in traversing a public sphere saturated with advertising gimmicks. Their communication, their being together is propelled by advertising, at the same time as the narrative includes extensive product placement. Parallel themes of class and mix-ups convey a complexity of problems that constantly dwells on what it means to wish for spending power one does not have in a post-depression context, and by what means it is permissible to try getting it. In Margot s and Bertil s case, they do have spending power and access to all consumerist spheres, as long as they appear as potential buyers. But the most prominent product placement for audiences was aurally rather than visually presented. The film's musical leitmotif “There's Something Singing within My Heart” is repeated as many as seven times, therefore it must have been difficult not to memorize the song by the end of the film, especially as the lyrics were included in the printed film programs’ Moreover, the film reminded the audience of their own visits to the consumption-oriented heterotopias provided by the contemporaneous food exhibitions in Stockholm. Tie-ins, Mannequins and Fashion in The G irl From the D epartm ent Store While the welfare and public health initiated stimulants of consumption were more or less specific to this decade, Swedish tie-in advertising had a longer history both here and in its model country America. As Shelley Stamp and Ben Singer have shown, tic-in advertising was deeply embedded in the overall production in the American film industry by the 1910s. ’' Charles Eckert's groundbreaking article “The Carole Lombard in Macy s Window” on the 1930s tie-ins visualizes the intricate web of brand names and special-line articles prepared for distribution in local foyers and in shop windows in connection with local film premieres in the US. The most conspicuous advertising gimmick was a silver train — drawn by a Pullman all covered in gold leaf — making a tour of the major cities, carrying film stars as well as products from General Electric. Eckert defines the event as a total synthesis of film, transport and mediation, typical of Hollywood's “incestuous” relationship with the industry.’’He further describes the elaborate marketing of film fashion through star vehicles. The largest of the chain stores, Cinema Fashions, was spread in all major cities, offering collections modeled on star types with which the female consumer was encouraged to identify.26 In the same vein, Sarah Berry shows how female film-magazine readers were cued to experiment with star fashion attributes and makeup products to chisel out their self-images according to an athletic (Ginger Rogers), romantic (Marlene Diethrich), sophisticated (Janet Gaynor) or tomboyish (Katharine Hepburn) type of femininity.27 Sweden had no equivalent film-fashion chain stores nor were there any attempts at launching such during the decade. Apart from the Swedish film industry and its production being more or less provincial, film did not enjoy the same trendsetting status among influential circles as it did in the US. This is not to say that the phenomenon was absent. As Bo Florin shows, the films Erotikon (Mauritz Stiller,1920) and Thomas Graals bästa film / Thomas Graal's Best Film (Mauritz Stiller, 1917) women 's fashion was integrated in the narratives, yet so visually foregrounded as to be commented upon by film critics. In response to Erotikon, there was a polarization of opinion: critics tired of the domestic films' rural motifs praised the continental air of the film and of actress Tora Teje 's outfits, while others who preferred the natural type of heroine valorized during the Golden Age ( 1917-1924) found the urban image of femininity stiffly mannequin-like and artificial.28 If the popular magazines The Film Journal, The Film Image and SF W eekly recurrently sported feature articles about costumes worn by predominantly female stars in current Swedish films by the mid-30s, there was no systematic approach to them.” There arc several newsreel slots on fashion, but seldom linked to feature films. One exception is the newsreel slot Dickens som modediktator/Dickens as Fashion Dictator (SF 889-A, 1936), where models posed in outfits reminiscent of the film adaptation of Adam Bede. Moreover, NK wardrobes recurrently appeared in newsreel fashion spots, or at the spring opening of the Ulriksdal races, where models in NK's outfits were filmed in a newsreel (SF 676, 1930). In the Swedish film-advertising business, discussions about marketing strategies had long been the object of recurring debates and campaigns.i0 While there was a perceivable connection between the upswing in informative advertising generally and within the film-related market, the latter was not necessarily in tune with the first. As will be further discussed here and in F lickan från va ru h u set , 1934 F ilm jou rn a len , No. 20, 1933 F lickan frå n va ru h u set, 1934 chapter 4, the exhibitors ' ambivalent stance towards advertising stunts in addition to their long-standing suspicion of factual or alleged instances of unfair competition explain their periodic reluctance to establish commercial contacts. While the trade papers The Exhibitor and Svenskßlm tidning / The Swedish Film Paper often initiated tie-in or window- dressing related advertising contests for their members,“ the Exhibitors' Association showed an unrelentingly harsh attitude towards film-related contests and tie-in events for movie theater audiences. The screening situation should not be combined with other forms of entertainment, giveaway items or quizzes to draw the public. 17 Similarly, the association tried to harness the tendency among exhibitors to compete with ever-larger newspaper advertisements. ” Even if some exhibitors infringed the ban on contests — SF, over whom the Exhibitors' Association could not exert much influence, and an occasional creative stunt by such exhibitors as the notorious Auditorium theater” — they also attempted to limit the flora of legitimate advertising gimmicks to tie-in books and window displays. On at least two occasions, film critic Robin Hood (Bengt Idestam-Almquist) voiced calls to the film industry to exploit the advertising capacity of the medium. In 1932, he criticized some exhibitors' careless treatment of the wonderful resources offered by films. 3S “Year after year,” he states, “Mr. Exhibitor ... attaches a few stills with rusty pins in the same spots, in the same display case. Nobody reflects on whether the photos arc funny, characteristic or arresting.”16 Claiming that the present employment of tie-in advertising is hopelessly out of date, he gives suggestions for cooperation strategics and possible displays. In 1935 he made a new call, this time for spreading the American-style tie-in advertising method, which had been tested successfully in Stockholm, where Metro-Goldwyn Mayer had joined forces with PUB, NK and Meeth in promoting the film Broadway M elody of 1936 (Roy del Ruth, 1935). “In America clothes, soap, jewelry, furniture, chocolates, and a great many other things are advertised in connection to films. This is a new way and a good way — if it is embarked upon with purpose and taste. 17 Naturally, tie-in advertising was not at all a new phenomenon; and fairly recently, the Palladium Theater and PUB had launched “Christina-fashion” in connection with the premiere of the Greta Garbo film Queen Christina (Rouben Mamoulian, 1934).58 Yet his call was heeded with re-awakened vigor among the nation's exhibitors and shop-owners. Cooperating with Metro Goldwyn-Mayor 's Swedish office, The Exhibitor launched a nationwide “Film and Shop Window” contest for the best tie-in advertisement. Throughout the contest's six-month duration, the periodical published photos of shop windows all over Sweden. The Garbo vehicle The Painted Veil (Richard Boleslavski, 1935) became the most attractive choice, partly because NK's luxurious display on the theme became a model window', partly because the film's Swedish title Den brokiga vävnaden /The Parti-Coloured Weave proved particularly appealing to the manufacturing industry.” In total, the film-as-shop-w'indow metaphor was reversed into shop-window-as-film. On a more regular basis, shops in the vicinity of a premiere theater would spontaneously take the opportunity to launch timely campaigns. In conjunction with the premiere of the first Jean Harlow vehicle Hell 's Angels ( Howard Hughes, 1930) SF launched “The Girl with the Platinum Hair” contest for “natural” blondes.4" Near to Göta Lejon, a theater screening the film, the Harrina salon advertised in SF Weekly, featuring a photo of the star. In the same program, an advertisement for the shops around the theater Röda Kvarn reminded filmgoers of their offers.41 Despite the Exhibitors' Association's preventive measures, the commercial stimulants remaining visible in retrospect are contests rather than proper tie-ins. The film Flickan Jrån varuhuset / The Girlfrom the Department Store (Anders Henrikson, 1933 ) combined both of these practices, replete as it is with product placement and diegetic tie-ins. The film is set in PUB's department store, interweaving three parallel narratives about two budding romances, a theft and a fictional advertising gimmick. In a number of ways, it plays on its indexical relationship to the shop window, as commodities simultaneously constitute its staging, subject matter and narrative framework. The film-as-shop-window metaphor thereby almost short-circuits.42 The narrative goes as follows: the director of The Big Store (Eric Abrahamson) resents all types of advertising, and incessantly thwarts his advertising manager Jansson's (Valdemar Dalquist) attempts at even pitching ideas. However, with great reluctance he has agreed to let the department store s collection of bathing suits be used by participants in a beauty pageant at the Saltsjöbaden Grand Hotel the following Sunday. The son Erik (Nils Ohlin) and his cousin Gunnar ( Eric Gustafson ) return from an educational sojourn in Paris to start working at the department store. Erik, who has spotted the attractive Annemarie (Margit Rosengren) at the men's tie counter, promptly asks to be employed at that department. Gunnar becomes a salesman at the music department where he meets a mysterious and charming lady, Estelle (Esther Roeck-Hansen), who in turn has eyes only for a gentleman thief ( Gustaf Wally). Estelle belongs to a criminal gang preparing to rob the store, and by working her charms on Kurt and Jansson when they meet at the beauty pageant, she talks them into creating an inventive advertising gimmick about a bathing suit so coveted, that a woman breaks in by night to steal it. She offers to play the fashion-crazed woman herself, and they will catch her red-handed and report the event to the press. They all decide to meet at the department store at midnight. In several instances the film is propelled by the play with mannequins and commoditytrapped dream-sequences, most significantly in the nighttime department-store scenes revolving around actual and fictitious thefts. Interestingly enough, this involves the hero almost as much as the heroine. The handsome features of the male star could go unnoticed in both the diegetic worlds of Swedish films and in the discourse on critical reception, but here Nils Ohlin s good looks also earn him the denigrating nickname “the mannequin” among his co-workers. The salesgirl Stina, who coined it, herself becomes attached to a male mannequin, while they are re-dressing a shop window “What if all men were as nice as this one” she says, putting its arm around her neck. The Girl from the Department Store's most commercially intense scenes are often highly charged with visually coded eroticism, especially those involving mannequins. At night Estelle, Kurt and Jansson sneak into the department store, and enter a room where three mannequins in bathing suits form a setting around them. She withdraws behind a frosted glass door to try on the desirable bathing suit, while the men wait outside in aroused anticipation. As the dressing room is brightly illuminated by back-lighting, contrasting with the half darkened room outside, her body contours distinctly and alluringly appears before the men's and the viewer 's eyes. The characters ' voyeuristic gazes are underscored by camera angles showing them as visual agents within the image, partly by Jansson s subsequent telephone call to the press, where he casts lecherous eyes towards the frosted door. He is so aroused that he constantly mixes up his account of the alleged theft with Freudian slips about “taking” her... red-handed, that she is a “tit-bit” of news. For all his slips of the tongue, though, it is his gestures and facial expressions that speak volumes — paradoxically amplified by the telephone s sound - only dialogue — visually conveying what cannot be allowed to be said verbally. Here, as within a silent film context, the telephone medium retains most of its visually coded appeal, sound creating polysemy.4’ When Estelle parades the bathing suit, her position within the frame completes a figure of four “dolls” encircling the overjoyed men. They leave to turn her in at the police station, where she poses for the press photographer, flanked by them. Unbeknownst to Kurt and Jansson, Estelle left a door open to let in her two partners in crime. Suspecting something, Erik stays behind, and Annemarie, suspecting Erik, follows him through the darkened rooms, and as he suddenly turns around, she hides between two mannequins by posing as one herself. He suspiciously lifts up the skirt of the nearest mannequin, and then Annemarie's as well, but fails to notice her. Later, after having discovered and tied up the robbers, Erik and Annemarie virtually take possession of the department store, much as mannequins come to life. Apart from the film itself being a highly commercial product with recurring displays of visibly priced items, the characters are embraced by, and themselves embrace commodity values and attributes. The couple 's exploration of the store 's offerings condenses the conventional stages of a romance into a single night, when the first date, the first kiss and the first occasion for dancing-and-dining all take place in quick succession. During their performance of the slow waltz “Två bör man alltid vara”/“One Should Always Be Two” the couple even have time to enjoy a romantic view from the top terrace of the building, with nighttime images of the silhouette cityscape around Riddarfjärden. They are already engaged when they are discovered by his father the following morning. But let us go back a few steps in the narrative. The couple's playful journey begins in the grocery section, where they gather food for their dinner. Doing this, they perform the hit “Blott på kärlek lever man ej”/“You Cannot Live on Love Alone,” all the while playing and dancing around with canned foods and sausages. Given that there is a lot of product-placement going on in this scene, a cardboard display of a black man embracing an oversized banana ( Fyffe s Bananas ) is the most visible and sexually explicit. Annemarie and Erik s next step is to find dinner attire, a problem easily solved by borrowing eveningwear from the mannequins. Reflected in a three-split mirror, where she is seen undressing and putting on her gown, her image is offered as a display-window within the frame. Erik s transformation is in turn reflected in Annemarie's gestures: she sizes him up, putting her hands together in adoration. As they move on to “their” dinner table, we are shown the 3000-crown price tag for the furniture. They open a bottle of champagne and spend a lovely evening dining and dancing at the furniture department. After this eventful night they are both tired and stay there to sleep. The display-window setting again comes to the fore as they kiss goodnight before a price tagged bed. The dollhouse simile is underscored by Annemarie locking her door between hers and Eric s room before going to bed and the camera reveals that the wall between them is a thin set. Shortly thereafter, they go to sleep in separate “bedrooms” each wearing a set of fashionable silk nightwear. Significantly, these scenes conform to the windowdisplay logic of a narrativized “living picture,” additionally offering the characters a wish fulfillment of desired lifestyles and home settings.44 Apart from presenting several peopled commodity tableaux, the production of The Girl From the Department Store took place within an intensely exploited tie-in context that additionally allowed audiences to have a peek at the shooting of the film, thereby letting them into its construction, puncturing the narrative with the spectators' actual or virtual presence.+s During the shooting of scenes outside the Saltsjöbaden Grand Hotel in summer 1933, The Film Journal arranged the combined model show, bathing suit parade and beauty pageant finals for “The Ideal Swedish Girl,” with Nils Jerring as Master of Ceremonies. The semifinals had taken place in Mölle, Sundsvall and Fiskebäckskil, and during the first stages of the contest a photographer had visited beaches around these places to take snapshots of Ideal Girl candidates.+<’ The tie-in trajectory through the national landscape was later reconnected to The Girl From the Department Store, when the semi-finals in Saltsjöbaden, Mölle and Sundsvall were screened as newsreels on the film's premiere in Stockholm and the provinces.47 The commercial framework of the Saltsjöbaden finals was elaborate, including music from Odeon on Aga-Baltic loudspeakers and a performance of the latest sports fad “Rick-Rack’.’ Another point in the program was a surfing contest in the bay below the Grand Hotel. The winner Brita Jakobsson and the other seventeen contestants catwalked several times in PUB s beach and ladies wear, Kembel s shoes and Althea knee-highs; and on their final round the girls were accompanied by famous actors.+s The jury was comprised of Duchess Ebba Bonde, Gustav Wally, Einar Ncrman, Raoul Le Mat, the CEO of Metro-Gold wyn-Mayor, and Carl P. York, executive at Paramount s Swedish branch. Jules Berman, the secretary-general, would later create similarly all-inclusive tie-in contests and commodity-trapped events. Brita Jakobsson 's prize included a role in the upcoming film, Flavets m elodi/ The Ocean's M elody (Prince Wilhelm, John W. Brunius, 1934) and The Exhibitor later revealed that she became so immensely popular that she received another offer shortly afterwards. However, her mother and school princ argued for postponing her engagement, since she was still a schoolgirl.44 Three other contestants additionally got roles as extras in the film.7" F lickanjran va ru h u set , 1934 In return for providing department store indoor scenes, PUB's was awarded another opportunity to advertise their beachwear in The Girl From the Department Store. Whether the film's tie-ins were successful or not, those included in the diegesis are oddly disjunctive as to their commercial intent. In connection to the outdoor scenes shot at Saltjobadcn, the camera makes a slow pan over the peopled waterline, where large cardboard feminine figures advertise for PUB's fashion novelty, beach pajamas. While the ads arc visible, they do not remain within the frame long enough to be clearly readable. Similarly, while the combined bathing-suit parade and beauty contest are salient to the film's plot, the event itself quickly passes over; “The Ideal Girl” Brita Jakobsson docs not even appear. Nevertheless, the tie-in context created an almost endlessly expandable chain of associations through products.51 At the level of reception, however, the context cannot be reduced to market values, as it is impossible to trace the point where promotion ends and spontaneous cultural response begins.’-’ Both The Girl from the Department Store and Under false Flag established semi-fictitious continuity spans or narrativized islands running across the urban geography, disjuncting or interlinking phenomena and areas in new and ever-variable patterns. The film's tie-in gimmicks thereby presented the city as puzzle, while establishing the film context as an expandable framework for its variable combinations. Readable Films and Collectibles Keeping in mind the tie-ins' capacity to re-contextualize the films and reconfigure their pro-filmic sites into new patterns, I turn to instances of inexpensive and small-format film readings and images offered to moviegoers. These were salient parts of the film fan 's experience and ability to specularly transcend the borderline between fiction and everyday life, by injecting the former into the latter. Absorbing oneself in film novels, film images and related short stories created an elsewhere that you could bring along. Speaking of “other spaces” if a filmic heterotopia is a site of virtual transportation and heterogeneous polysemy, the field of film-related consumer culture could be considered as both the interior and the outskirts, constituting points of interlinkagc with and digression from the viewing experience and its setting.51 In a wider context, as Annette Kuhn claims, film-related reading offered young female readers the opportunity to experiment with feminine identities and positions with stars as models for fashion and behavior.S4 One of the most striking qualities of the decade s film-related ephemera is the small format: the tininess of the film novels and star booklets implies that they could be carried in the pockets, purses or handbags of mobile readers. Mark B. Sandberg's definition of the 1910s film program as “pocket movie” finds a transferred application here.” Film-related short stories and serial novellas were not limited to film periodicals such as The Film Journal and The Film Image, but were published weekly in the evening and daily press' Sunday issues, and of course, in many of the popular magazines with a predominantly female readership.56 These tie-in stories allowed readers to experience the narrative in other ways than those suggested by the film.47 The lion's share of the existing output the decade's film novels and booklets originates from around 1932-1938. The largest collection are called Alibis' Illustrated Film Novels ( 1936-37), a series based on “the best” current films with criminal themes. The little booklets had a fixed format of 64 pages, and were marketed as a collectible “film library” and star image gallery of lasting value. Only the first, called The Great Raid, would include desirable star portraits, indispensable for the real film fan. In reality, the number of film stills was not impressive and Anna May Wong D E N B R O K IG A VAVNADEN zzåmmå ISSSSfëS =•££S5£2~ ^Sêî*S ü ési 3JSK~m 75 fesKæss fcnü i ^m ^i — |#Ä1 IggM g ISSB SSfil fcaasi “"■Ml u|s|^| - -t rr.,7r.?. sstsr» ' S I® ■sssss §sSS^_ sC?££»S£5 M mm F ilm jo u rn a len , F ilm jo u rn a len , No.44, 1936 No. 16, 1936 F ilm jou rn a len , No.4, 1935 they were of poor quality. After publishing ten books, Alibi 's Film Novels disappear, despite their claim that they lowered the price on account of their big success. Åhlén & Åkerlunds Publishing firm offered adaptations of both Hollywood and domestic production. Two remaining American titles are Anna Karenina med Greta Garbo. En essä i bild och berättelse /Anna Karenina Played by Greta Garbo: An Essay in Images and Narrative ( 1936), and Unga kvinnor. Filmversion med ßlm bilder /Little W omen: Film Version with Stills (1934). The Swedish spinoffs include Ungkarlspappan /Bachelor D ad (1935), C ^aeXta, R I C K Flickornas Aljred/ The Girls' Alfred ( 1935), Swedenhielms ( 1935) and Dollar, ( 1938 ).58 They had a preset number of pages, twice that of Alibi's series, and they were hardcover books sporting a colored still, including more images. Read in relation to the films, the books offered interpretations of character motivation and optionally extended the encounter with the film's leading stars, satisfying a Ö R IN CACAO hunger for fuller elaboration on the narrative.59 Åhlén & Åkerlund marketed the first, Unga kvinnor in The Exhibitor, urging exhibitors to contact their local bookstore to interest them in a tie-in window display, and to cooperate around foyer exhibitions. The firm additionally offered to circulate free advertising posters.“ Apart from these, there are stray books with varying degrees of film connection. The publishing firm Stjärnboksförlaget marketed their film book Uppsagd /Given Notice (1934) by proclaiming it as a pioneer product on the market of “bookified” films, both in Sweden and abroad, furthermore promising to deal with a topic forever new, romance and existential problems- The book resembled the Åhlén & Åkerlund series, but was even smaller in format. Other titles illustrated with film stills W'ere the double-volume Kameliadamen (1937) and Den vita demonen / W hite Demon (1930). Naturally, the books with a more distant relationship to film are harder to trace; random samples are Stackars miljonärer / Poor M illionaires (1936), Den brokiga vävnaden: Kitty / The Painted Veil (1935 ), Generalen dog i gryningen / The General Died at Dawn (1937) and Blå månen /Lost LLorizon (1937). These volumes often lack film stills, but were probably the most convenient and economical form of tie-in product, marketable to the public not involved in the film craze of the day.61 Between 1932 and 1933 The Film Journal launched a series of film-star booklets, Sm åßlm böcker /Film Booklets. The glossy covers sport sepia-toned images of film stars set against a bright red or blue background. For film fans devoted to the Hollywood stars Janet Gaynor, Marlene Dietrich, Greta Garbo, Ramon Novarro, or UFA'S Willy Fritsch, the booklets amply filled them in with data about the stars ' lives and personalities. The last in the series, the Garbo volume, Commercial text on the back of film images, early 1930s is slightly improved as it includes a filmography listing Swedish titles and years of her films, original titles and the male hero in question. The volumes contained a multitude of pictures, virtually filling up half the space (fans desiring to acquire more images of their favorite star were encouraged to contact The Film JournaljC2 Family album photos, in-character images, promotional photos and film stills were juxtaposed, allowing the reader to follow the actors' gradual acquisition of retrospectively recognizable star features. The first childhood and teenage photos of Garbo and Dietrich come across as being as anonymous as those of any family album; then they “grow” into their star personas. The photo-illustrated Boken om Gary Cooper / The Book about Gary Cooper ( 1937) was a hybrid between star booklet and a more narrativized biography. The little book recounts Cooper 's trajectory to stardom, deliberating in great detail over his inner thoughts and motives. At various points it even includes imaginative reconstructions of dialogues for readers to delve into. While film novels and star booklets presented a straightforward juxtaposition of image and text, the short stories adopted a more creative profile. In accordance with Patrice Petro s observation on the cinematic relationship between image and text in Weimar photojournalism, the layout of the short stories adhered to a filmic logic of presentation. Like the “photo-essay” their layout was predicated upon readers ' visual literacy and familiarity with cinematic camera angles, long or medium shots and close-ups.“ The heading was often a still depicting a climactic moment of the film in question, and close to it was the title and production company of the film which the short story had been adapted. Film stills were often distributed over the page in patterns, sometimes in a filmstrip aesthetic, other times overlapping each other in diagonal sequences. Following a cinematic convention, the biggest pictures were establishment shots or the close-up of a critical narrative turn. Jan Holmberg s theorization of a close-up as an “enlargement” could here be regarded as a doubly rewarding fetish aspect of the novella, whose star portraits could be cut out and collected.64 All the same, the film-related short stories regularly depart from the format of the rectangular film image, as in M itt hjärta vart tog du vägen? / In Person (William A. Scitcr, 1935 ) where a skewed, heart shaped image of Ginger Rogers and George Brent serve as the pictorial heading and iconographical substitution for the word “heart.” Moreover, the layout of the page as a whole often worked against a structured way of reading, the images interrupting the textual flow by their central position. Sometimes the introductory page's graphics dominate so much that the text becomes a readable framework, subservient to the images. Taken together with the film star booklets and novels, the short stories not only constituted a readerly-writerly basis for a more privately defined continuation or renegotiation of the film s original, on-screen narrative, they further allowed readers to produce an alternative pace for the unfolding of the story. The short stories and novels established an in-depth focus on character depiction and motivation, giving the star persona literally a more readable profile. As Shelley Stamp claims, the tie-in's multimedia context of reception allowed readers to create a space for exclusive contemplation over the stars.66 Their very appeal must have depended on them “being in the hands” of readers. If there was a choice made — judging by the cutout holes in film magazines and programs in second-hand bookstores and libraries — fans cut out the images for their collections, or pinned them up. The film images were the tiniest in the genre of film ephemera. Collectible film star or sports athlete images enclosed in candy packages were a long-established part of film-related mass media by the beginning of the 1930s; among the domestic producers were Cloetta, Marabou and Ergo Cacao, of which the two latter cooperated with SF. The backside of Marabou's images carried a short summary of the star 's career and most significant roles, while other brands utilized the minimal space for more straightforward advertisements such as: “Drink Ergo Cacao: It Goes a Long Way — It is Tasty.” Considering the fact that the collectibles were mass-produced ephemera, they were surprisingly well-made: each image, measuring two by five centimeters, was a bona fide photographic copy on sepiatoned paper, often of remarkable quality. Apart from the star 's name, the film-producing company appeared as a logo or name in the image, something they had in common with other star-featuring publications in the popular press. Thus, they contributed to creating a certain degree of awareness about the company profiles and their star systems. Compared to today's standards, the output represented in the collections still existing speak of an internationally varied repertoire and of an immense star gallery. While the film collectibles appear as highly popular among film audiences, neither the chocolate-producing companies, nor the Exhibitors' Association approved of them. In 1932 The Exhibitor expresses support for the Confectioners Association's protest against candy producers enclosing images in their products, something they both regarded as unfair competition, comparable to illegitimate giveaways. Since children will nag their fathers for money to buy candy and the desirable collectibles, fathers will eventually lose patience and become resentful both of the product and film through a guilt-by-association logic. Exhibitors have nothing to gain from this questionable form of film advertising, the writer therefore claims.“ In 1937, the star images gave rise to a renewed conflict on the chocolate market. Advertising executive Ove Lind discusses the issue in Futurum, referring to an earlier agreement between the Swedish Groceries and Merchants Association and the Swedish Chocolate Manufacturers Association to cease marketing “advertising images,” meaning stars, sports athletes and Mickey Mouse images enclosed with candy products. As before, the combination is questioned, since it is assumed that the images, not the product itself, are the most coveted. A non-affiliated chocolate producer has reinstated the practice, thus re-fueling the collecting craze to the resentment of other companies. Lind finds the controversy principally interesting for media experts. Acknowledging that any form of advertising might be abused or overexploited, he defines the call for prohibiting the candy inserts as counter-productive.67 And, citing the wording of the law text, he asks whether the paragraph on unfair competition could be made to apply to them at all : The law concerning unfair competition states the following concerning illegitimate handing out or offering of gifts or similar benefits ‘ [a retailer] handing out or offering products or discount coupons conditional on the purchase of another product will be fined if the practice entails exploiting the good faith of the public.’ This paragraph, which is the only one that could be pleaded, has not been considered applicable in any of the cases where publicity images have been used.68 Given his advocacy of this popular but contested advertising gimmick, he does not go so far as asking whether their undeniable attraction as images had anything to do with their vulnerability to criticism. Yet, Lind finds the Swedish Groceries and Merchants' Organization's antagonistic stance peculiar; they did not generally oppose other forms of product-enclosed printed matter, such as collectible recipes and handbooks, whose value greatly exceeded that of the images. Here, the distribution of image inserts was defined as “unsound,” and Lind laconically captures the interlinkcage of metaphorical and literal levels by asking if one should thereby intrepret their stance as an assumption that the product was unhygienic. This campaign, he concluded, was based on “very flimsy arguments.”69 Versatile Reading: SF W eekly In the following chapter, I will describe Nr. 7 den 18-24 febr. 1935 SF N yheter /SF Veckoprogram , Pris 10 öre No. 7, 1935 some of SF's commercial venues and gimmicks, all launched in SF W eekly; here, the program itself is introduced. The pamphlet could be bought in film theaters and in Centrum's SF-loungc, its cover mostly sporting a film star related to a current film. Apart from covering SF s inner city repertoire, the program offered readers illustrated hit lyrics from the latest films, and articles about star profiles and directors. Moreover, the pamphlet reported on recent events related to the Swedish film scene, often bringing attention to what went on in Stockholm's own Cinecittå, Filmstaden in Råsunda. During the summer, film fans could sign up for guided tour of the studio grounds.70 Even as a marketing tool, SF W eekly did not restrict itself to commercial publicity, but had a comprehensive approach to film issues. Addressing audiences with varying interests and levels of involvement as well as people within the trade to some extent, the program ventilated filmaesthetic issues, reported on international film events, included star portraits and domestic film policies, and film-related gossip in irreverent combination. In some respects, the pamphlet thereby competed with the feature material of the film magazines, sometimes by inviting both young and adult readers to participate in contests and tie-in events.71 In the early 30s, Flamman became a popular Sunday matinee film theater for children, and to boost its popularity, SF launched an essay contest for their constituency, both in the program and in a newsreel slot.72 In the latter, SF 804 ( 1933 ), Nils Jerringis shot before the curtain in an auditorium, addressing us, “the children” directly. Initially, he repeatedly implores us to “keep it down” so that he can tell us something, then goes on to describe the rules and the deadline for the contest, promising that the winner's essay will be published in SF Weekly. For a short time in the early 30s, the program experimented with a hybrid form of illustrated film summary and short story related to the films Charlotte Löwensköld ( Gustaf Molander, 1930) and Röda dagen / The Red Day ( Gustaf Edgren, 1931); the former even included song lyrics.7’ Later in the decade, the illustrated advertisements for films in the repertoire could also be combined with the lyrics of several hits, including information about the prices and music publishing firms as well as the codes for individual records.74 Before the opening of a new SF theater, SF W eekly often launched a naming contest.77 Closer to the opening itself, one could read an informative article about the theater s interior design and seating capacity, and a condensed account of the cultural-geographic history of the neighborhood. In relation to the slim overall format of the pamphlet, the articles were surprisingly exhaustive, even including the opening prologue.76 SF s Manuscript Contest was one of the most notable taking place during the decade, launched in the late fall of 1933. In contrast to most contests, this was a high-profile one, with a jury V ar made up of the Chairwoman of the Swedish Authors' these scripts were used, at least not in connection with d»i grr. I.rorif I nilrro. Association, author Marika Stiernstedt, artist and professor Isaac Grünewald, writer Carl Björkman, actor Edvin Adolphson, censor Gustaf Berg, director Gustaf Molander and SF executive Vilhelm Bryde.77 About 700 contestants turned in manuscripts, about which Nils Beyer later wrote a taxinomie overview, 700 herd ttelser söka enß linregissör /700 stories in Search of a Film Director.111 As stated in the introduction, though, none of krss :r.En stilla flirt. £ Y e s s ir — n o s ir! the contest.75 fl » /■ rr I By involving film critics and people from the ÄSÄTirtÄrrT* :fc industry, SF W eekly also aspired to be a forum for KÄSr'""'educational issues. Gösta Werner, later to become the first Swedish Ph.D. in film studies, penned articles under SF Veckoprogram , No. 13, 1934 the signature Ciné, headed by the reflection-inducing title “Have You Thought About..”. One example was “Have You Thought About What ‘The Film and Children-Problem’ Means for Your Own Son? ” arguing that children's experience F x i l r o l u r l) lm r n " of images is stronger than that of adults ', that therefore we must be careful about what we let them watch.““ In later issues, he elucidates how the dynamics of montage and editing create suspense, and foregrounds the spectator 's crucial role in constructing a seamless story.81 In “ Have You Thought About that Film has Taught People to See ? ” Werner appears under the new signature Gewe, similarly discussing the necessity of visual literacy among the viewers in order to appreciate and decipher the film story.87 SF W eekly's educational features also included international overviews on film, discussing the Moscow Film School, where Sergei Eisenstein and Vsevolod Pudowkin lectured.87 In the early to mid 1930s, the young Swedish director Arne Bornebusch wrote a serialized biographical article on Eisenstein, whom he deemed to be one of the world 's greatest film geniuses.s+ Occasionally, film-aesthetic and political issues were presented or discussed in popularized form. Pudovkin was referred to as rejecting “aesthetically elaborate” films on account of their incompatibility with revolutionary pathos and propaganda.“5 Bornebusch took on several issues, once voicing a protest against the film Cavalcade (Frank Lloyd, 1933), being called war propaganda.86 Later, he writes about the Swedish directors Gustaf Molander and Ivar Johansson as men of integrity, whose work contributed to raising the standard of Swedish film-directing.87 Time and again, the pamphlet gave readers insights into the working process of filmmaking, from story to finished film, as in the serialized “How a Film is Made.”88 The issue presenting the first part additionally discusses the making of newsreels, with a special emphasis on voiceover.89 Articles like these not only served to initiate the reader into the secrets of the film industry, but also left a symbolic door ajar for the film fan to open. It should be added that during this period, audiences were encouraged to act out their cinematic aspirations: one could send a photo of oneself to one of the film magazines, which they then appraised, and as the case might be, forwarded to one of the major film companies. Moreover, it was easy to catch a glimpse of or even meet one of the domestic film stars during outdoor shootings, or while they took part in sports events or festivals.90 SF W eekly aimed to straddle all aspects of the film medium. In itself, this tendency was not unique, but the editorial policy of the pamphlet certainly strove to make the most of what was essentially an advertising medium. The Film Im age and Its Contests This part offers a continued discussion of the tie-in phenomenon, at the same time exemplifying the chain of commodities, contests and events offered to moviegoers by one of the most intensely commercial film periodicals of the decade, The Film Image. During the inter war period, the circulation figures of the popular press increased steadily; between 1920 and 1930 several new magazines — mostly for a female constituency — commenced publication.91 All in all, there were twenty-eight popular periodicals with a life span of five years or more.97 The Film Image (1935-1945 ) became a rival of the long- established popular film magazine The Film Journal ( 1919-1953). Already in the first issue, the publication aggressively launched several film-related contests. According to Bo Halvarson, it was a well-tested strategy to boost public interest and circulation, tried by the short-lived forerunners Filmvärlden /Film -W orld ( 1919) and Filmen /The Film ( 1918-1921 ).91 In the following, the first two years of The Film Image's existence are considered, as they constitute a dynamic establishment phase. While The Film Journal retained a dominant position, The Film Image sporadically played a rivaling role in Stockholm's mid-1930s film publicity, adopting abundant advertising to encourage mid-1930s readers to “go places.” In accordance with Giuliana Bruno's evocative theorization of film culture as a landscape, the magazine mapped Stockholm in filmic terms.94 Before describing the film-related tie-in events arranged by The Film Image, a few words should be said about its chief editor, Jules Berman. According to his autobiography, Josef gör karriär /Josef M akes a Career ( 1947), his interest in creative salesmanship arose early, and he acquired a taste for grandezza, and a talent for creating goodwill."s Judging by the characteristic three-node commercial frameworks he was to create around The Film Image's tie-in events — interlinking the magazine with a given event and a department store — he had been the driving force behind the well-nigh carnivalcsque “Ideal Girl” beauty pageant tied to The Girl From the Department Store.H Karl Gerhard's blurb for Berman's autobiography states: “What contacts has he not established between people of differing backgrounds and opinions! His technique of leading two adversaries into believing that they arc both secretly being consumed by a desire to meet each other is brilliant in its simplicity! ”’7 In his work with The Film Image, Berman put these talents to creative use. According to a retrospective editorial in the last issue, actor Gösta Ekman promoted the magazine 's 1935 opening contest with the object of attracting a female constituency. Tapping into the contemporary public focus on children and the current American juvenile stars in one single gesture, the magazine asked: “Who is the cutest film baby in Sweden? Who is the Shirley Temple or Baby LeRoy of our country? The Film Image calls all of Sweden's happy mothers. .”‘1S The contest ran for half a year, during which several enthusiastic parents turned up spontaneously at the editorial office to show off children whose charisma could not be caught on photograph. The Film Image enveloped the event in cinematic trappings: a photographer 's studio beside Röda Kvarn would take pictures of the young competitors; hotels were ready to accommodate outof-town participants; and the film company Irefilm would film the winner. Subsequently, the contest was rounded off with an exhibition of the participants' photographs at one of Stockholm's newest women's and menswear store, Bredenbergs & Co.” Ekman s son Hasse became assistant editor-inchief, as well as the pen behind the editorial “Hats Off! ’ The heading served as a standing opening phrase bringing attention to or celebrating players and films, film policies, theaters and current media opinion. The magazine's positive address involved spreading praise over films and actors, as well as awarding itself due credit for successful events, adopting a distinctive salesmanship key by merging reporting and feature articles with multifaceted and alert marketing. Generally, tie-in advertising provided the financial base for the activities arranged by the magazine, and, indeed, its own existence.100 Despite the abundance of advertising stunts, The Film Image additionally arranged cultural events and attractions without profit in mind.101 Danish film program for T op H a t , with pedagogically arranged stills of the dance routines from the film, 1936 In late spring 1935, the magazine launched a guided tour to Leningrad, “De sköna konsternas fest /The Festival of Fine Arts,” including visits to theatrical plays, operas and ballets, concerts, film theaters and museums — in short, the prime achievements of modern Soviet culture. The Film Image was not a magazine to be absorbed by; rather it resembled an entertainment bulletin inviting readers to partake in activities in Stockholm's filmscape. In parallel to the baby contest, The Film Image's first issue advertised a dancing contest tied to the premiere of the film La Cucaracha (Lloyd Corrigan, 1934). The semi-finals were scattered over four dance restaurants in Stockholm, and attended by film celebrity jurors.1“ The following year, The Film Image launched another dancing contest occasioned by the premiere of the Fred Astaire and Ginger Rogers vehicle Top H at ( Mark Sandrich, 1935); the semi-finals would involve as many as six dance restaurants in central Stockholm. Again, the text bristled with tie-in commodities and brands. The audience interest for screen-inspired dancing seems well established in the capital by this time: both the Astaire-Rogers films Continental / The Gay Divorcee (Mark Sandrich, 1934), and Flying Down to Rio (Thornton Freedland, 1933 ) had caused the dance-crazes “Continental” and “Carioca” As this premiere approached, The Film Image expressed similar expectations for “Piccolino’.’11” A few contemporary Swedish films even comment on the widespread interest in dancing. In Under false Flag, the secretary Miss Berg pulls out a gadget from her desk, a combined music and cigarette box, which plays a Carioca when she opens the lid. By gravely putting their foreheads together, she and Bertil parody the peculiar choreography performed in Flying... In the contemporaneous Àktenskapsleken / The M arriage Game (Ragnar HylténCavallius, 1935 ), Karl Gerhard appears in a cameo role, talking with an elderly lady at a cocktail party. She fretfully remarks : “ I wonder how all these youngsters can be free in the middle of the day... young people lack an aim in life ! ” “Now you are not being quite fair...” he replies with a dandyish drawl, “.. last year it was the ‘Carioca,’ this year it is the ‘Continental ! The evening paper yftonbladet hooked onto the Top H at event two weeks before the contest, indirectly adding to the marketing of The Film Image, the film, and the “Piccolino” The article mentions Top Hat, its dances and “hits,”arguing for the importance of mastering the latest steps. As many as twenty-five advertisements about dance lessons, records, sheet music, radios and gramophones framed the column, encouraging readers to act on the imperative.104 Futurum also F ilm jou rn a len , No. 4, 1935 contributed to the publicity by discussing a successful tic-in display in a music shop in Örebro. An enlarged filmstrip made of stills from Top H at wound across the window; superimposed on it was a gramophone record, on which cutout figures of Ginger Rogers and Fred Astaire danced, an external loudspeaker playing the film's musical themes. The journal noted that many pedestrians were drawn in by the display, and often bought the records played.105 The same spring The Film Journal initiated a Top H at contest of their own: the reader suggesting the best Swedish translation of the film title won an exact replica of Roger 's dancing gown or Astaire 's tailcoat from the dance number “Piccolino’.’ Moreover, the magazine hosted a Ginger Rogers hairdo contest at the movie theater Olympia.106 In summary, this was an intense spring for dancing film fans, encouraged to immerse themselves in film glamour.107 As in the preceding year, The Film Image co-operated with music publisher Reuter & Reuter during the dance contest. Several film actors, as well as representatives from RKO Radio Films and Reuter & Reuter were engaged as jurors."’8 Photographer Åke Lange, recently noted for his film star portraits, would take snapshots of the “smartest” dancing couples — who could win a free picture taken in his studio. Reuter & Reuter gave out free records and sheet music from the film's melodies, and also contributed the prize cup, a gift from the film's music composer Irving Berlin."1'' But let s turn to Top H at 's premiere itself, which approximately coincided with the opening of RKO s Swedish office, RKO Radio Films. Af tonbladet covered the double event, quoting the management of the China Theatre, claiming that the premiere would “mark a new glittering era of the Swedish film scene.” All tickets were sold out in advance.1,0 There is no newsreel material from the premiere, but reviews and newsreels from other contemporary major film releases indicate that a premiere often took place outside as much as inside the theater. Sometimes the influx of people was greater than could be handled by the personnel and the police. At the premiere of M odern Times (Charlie Chaplin, 1936), for instance, the outside crowd was so big that it caused a traffic jam, and a hundred policemen were posted outside the Grand Theater to maintain order.1" After Top Hat's premiere, reviews relate that many of the patrons were in gala, and that everybody had been in high spirits. The Prime Minister Per Albin Hansson and his spouse were present, as well as the diplomatic corps and Swedish stage and screen celebrities. The revue entertainer Valdemar Dalqvist had delivered a witty and humorous prologue, in addition to reading out a telegram from Ginger Rogers and Fred Astaire. An orchestra from Reuters & Reuters had heightened the festive spirit by playing a medley of the film 's melodies. To add to the luxurious air, a representative of the champagne-brand Veuve Clicquot was invited. In addition, alert representatives from The Film Image handed out a special issue among the audience. The film received so much applause and encore calls as to make the projectionist run Fred Astaire's Top Hat number as an encore."2 According to security regulations, it was otherwise forbidden to rewind film « hile the audience was present in the theatre. To some extent this screening situation exemplifies that the practices of sound film had not made the presence of the orchestra obsolete. Moreover, this heterogeneous screening practice was still controversial; the Exhibitors' Association found reason to put a stop to live premiere performances or other additional attractions on several occasions, as they regarded them as a step backwards to the allegedly “low” cultural standard of early film screenings in a vaudeville context."’ At one time, opera singer Martin Öhman was to sing at the premiere of Sången till henne (Ivar Johansson, 1934), in which he starred together with the singing actress Sickan Carlsson. The Association stopped his performance, however.114 It would be difficult to estimate the popularity of musicals and revue films among Stockholm audiences ; neither Top H at nor its forerunners Continental or Flying Down to Rio are placed among the three most popular films within their respective seasons, according to Leif Furhammar."5 But he notes that popularity figures are not reliable per se, as small subgroups of the audience were so devoted to their favorite genres and actors that they made films marketable anyway."1 Furthermore, the tie-in context complicates any easy evaluation of popularity statistics. Flypothctically, attentive viewers transformed the revue films' disjunctive format — entailing long song-and-dance numbers — into an audio visual dancing manual, thus putting the film to instrumental use. These films were generously interpolated with numbers, of which the most noteworthy were elaborated star turns of 10 -12 minutes. The main number in Flying Down to Rio, for example, was subdivided into several song-and-dance routines within the framework of a continuous leitmotif. To be speculative, The Film Image's Top H at dancing contest probably drew parts of the audiences to repeated viewing for the sake of learning more steps. Among film critics, the majority found Top H at's dance numbers most praiseworthy, especially commending Astaire's routines."7 Interestingly, the gala dress code sometimes drew more attention than the film itself. Aftonbladet s critic, Kid (Ingrid Severin) was unresponsive to the novelty of turning a film premiere into a gala event: When you want to go to the cinema on a slushy winter evening, you might just want to wrap yourself up in something old and steal into the theatre unseen, like Garbo. If so, you are much mistaken. Nowadays, an evening at the movies is a gala performance, where you stumble along the red carpet laid out on the sidewalk, wearing high heels and a train, the floodlights sweeping over your person... Everything was carried out in the best of Hollywood styles: The cars came splashing to the sidewalk in an impressive queue, and the ladies swept out, wrapped in ermine or rabbit. Mortals in simpler garb — galoshes and umbrellas — lined the way beneath the baldachin; and each woman walking over the red carpet could feel like a film diva for five seconds... And Fred Astaire danced so elegantly that the ladies immediately wanted to go out and spin the top hat afterwards, since they were already wearing something long; and the whole swell revue merry-go-round was set spinning. 118 Stockholms-Tidningen's critic Robin Hood remarked: “A new era in film history was introduced: dress up in tails to go to a film premiere. When will you have to wear decorations?”"’ The signature Kar de M umma (Erik Zetterström) jokingly threatens to start going to the theatre instead, at least if film gala premieres are to be the new order of the day.120 Eventually, the critics ' comments fueled a minor debate. The Film Image's editor Berman voices his opinion: The audience, at least parts of it, were in gala, meaning tuxedos and evening gowns. This has led columnists as well as critics to warn against such pranks. Isn't it remarkable, that whenever Stockholm aspires to being international, it meets with opposition? And yet, the latest thing in our country is the call for tourists. But then we must do away with our grumpiness, and stop slashing the attempts that are made to lighten up our existence.121 Berman continued the debate in a subsequent issue, for the sake of support he quotes a large section from Robin Hood s latest comment on the matter: ‘How deeply embedded Little Puddletown still is in this country — in some intellectual circles. Is it really such a big deal in these gentlemen's lives to dress for the evening that they get a minor concussion when a film company politely asked them this favor? Here in Stockholm I heard [SF executive] Vilhelm Brydc talk about the possibility of arranging gala premieres where the audience dressed more festively. I was skeptical. You know what they [the critics] are made of. My suspicions were confirmed : The China Theatre put Bryde s idea into practice, and the result was a unanimous laugh of derision from all the intellectual columnists. On the inside of the invitation card to China's Top H at premiere tiny, inoffensive letters read: Evening dress desirable! Top Hat would be nice! The hosts accordingly required evening attire. A guest should respect the requests of a host (see book on manners) — even it he finds them ridiculous. The diplomatic corps thus came in tuxedos. Let us try to make the big premieres festive. The Brydcan idea is absolutely right. You do not exactly have to wear a top hat and tails, your Sunday best will do. And leave your coat in the closet. ’ The Film Image again wishes to agree most heartily with Robin Hood and the signature Dixie in Svenska Dagbladet, who has also reacted against the grumpincss of the columnists. Thus, we await the next film premiere.122 Later in the spring, as Chaplin's M odern Times had its gala premiere, a new press debate over the matter got the controversy started all over again.m As shown in the account of The Girl From the Department Store, Saltsjöbaden provided an attractive backdrop for tie-in activities. In the summer of 1935, The Film Image inaugurated a tennis tournament there for actors, which was even more heavily marketed than the Top H at event. The magazine made a significant effort to achieve the broadest possible media coverage, both in terms of publicity, brand names, and most importantly, to engage and expose celebrity profiles. Writes Berman: Tennis is one of the most fashionable of all sports. In recent years it has also conquered Sweden. How often have we not seen American film stars posing with tennis rackets on photographs, and imagined them to be publicity images. But it is not so: the film stars, with their tough daily schedule, have noticed that tennis is an excellent form of recreation that strengthens body and soul; after one hour of playing, you arc practically a new man... The Swedish actors have also discovered tennis, embracing the white sport with gusto; and many of the most famous names from stage and screen practice tennis, possessing remarkable playing skill. Karl Gerhard has participated in several tournaments and is said to be one of our best players. This also goes for Håkan Westergren, Sturc Lagerwall, Fritiof Billqvist [sic], Harry Roeck-Hansen and Einar Axelson... More details will be given in the daily press about this sensational competition, which is the first of its kind in the world. We can already now promise that the tennis tournament will be one of the season s great events in fashionable Saltsjöbaden.. ,124 Typically, The Film Image had laid out a three-node trajectory for readers to follow between the magazine, the department store and the contest site. A twelve-item prize collection would be exhibited in the shop windows of NK's department store in central Stockholm during the tournament week in July.1’5 All following issues leading up to it included a variety of brand names and companies. As one of the providers of a prize cup, Veuve Clicquot was a prominent advertiser. 126 In addition, Båstad Rackets, Tre Torn tennis balls, NK, Fyffes Bananas, Frisco Soda and Alaska Ice Cream were among the names appearing. The tournament started in big style in mid-July. A short, silent newsreel shows a The Film Image representative selling copies of the magazine to the audience during the games (Kino 101, 1935). Afterwards, a dinner ball was held at the Saltsjöbaden Grand Hotel restaurant. The crowning glory of the event was a telegram to King Gustaf V, alias the tennis King, “Mr. G” read out by the winner, Håkan Westergren. The King s benevolent reply was also read out aloud, “something that aroused enormous enthusiasm among the party.”127 After the games were over, The Film Image summarized the press reception, which was very enthusiastic.128 In his biography, Hasse Ekman later called The Film Image a magazine without readers.129 Nevertheless, the tennis tournament became a popular yearly event that additionally institutionalized interest in the sport among the playing actors, who founded a tennis club by the end of 1936. And the following year, the Saltsjöbaden tournament was expanded to include qualifying rounds for actors in Gothenburg in co-arrangement with the newspaper Göteborgs M orgonpost. The Film Image additionally planned to include matches for actresses, but could not muster enough interest.1,11 The games quickly become such a success that the Saltsjöbaden Grand advertised for all-day trips from Stockholm in connection with the games, including swimming, lunch and dinner. In the film M amma gifter sig /M other Gets M arried (Ivar Johansson, 1937) viewers could even catch a glimpse of a poster advertising the games, on one of the hotel s pillars. The Film Image reported that parts of the interested public from the provinces had started planning their vacation to catch the tournament, and actors were said to hasten from film shootings or engagements across the country to participate.151 The tennis tournament even received international attention through the good tennis player Fritiof Billquist just before the 1937 games: Knowledge has spread abroad about Fritiof Billqvist s [sic] good playing skill, and now the threefold singles champion has received a very flattering offer to the international tennis games ... in Ostende, Belgium between the first and fourth of August. The organizers have offered to pay Billqvist s fare and travel expenses, but unfortunately he cannot accept the generous offer, since he is busy shooting during the said time. To our knowledge, it is the first time that an actor has been invited to a tennis tournament of this sort.. ,132 To sum up, the actors' tennis tournament became a smash hit; during The Film Image's ten-year existence, its popularity never waned. Over the years, the magazine gathered a collection of more or less continuous tie-in advertisers appearing annually. Ideally, the spectators' pleasure in this realm was multi-faceted. Firstly, the extra-cinematic publicity around the tennis tournament as well as The Girl From the Department Store and the Top Flat dancing contest, transformed them from readers to spectators to participants, invited to move between various levels of fiction and reality. By way of tie-in strategies, The Film Image stitched together articles, advertisements and events in a chain of ever-new events staged for the readership. The articles were saturated with glamorous markers encircling attractive commodities, dancing, sports, locations, films and stars. Moreover, the presence of advertising continually expanded the cinematic field of association. Transpositions of Advertising: Advertise and H e, She, and the M oney If advertising went a long way back as an inherent feature of Swedish film culture, it came to play an emblematic role as signifier of the modern spirit during the mid-1930s. The Swedish feature films Annonsera! / Advertise! (Anders Henrikson, 1936), and Flon, han och pengarna/ Fie, She and the M oney (A. Henrikson, 1936) both bespeak the commercial idiom of their age. In multifarious ways, they transpose or make a travesty of the concept, twisting and turning its applications. These manifestations are formulated as visual-textual winks to updated audiences, and by making film the locus of reception, the films even turn the tables on what we generally ascribe to the concept. The comedy format of Advertise and Hon, han och pengarna moreover visualized marketing strategies both within and outside of their diegetic worlds. In relation to their commercial-promotional framework and reception proper, the commercial motif was also displaced in unexpected directions after the releases of the films. In He, She, and the M oney, Göran Hilding (Håkan Wcstergren) will receive a large inheritance from his recently-deceased uncle, on the condition that he marries his fiancee within one year. The will additionally prescribes that he takes over his uncle s publishing firm to raise profits dramatically. Hereby, the combined love and money problem becomes the starting point for the story. On the way to the problem's solution, several comic and contextually interesting episodes take place within the publishing firm, which is subdivided into three editorial offices for the periodicals Livets À ventyr /Life's Adventures, Husliga Härden /Household Hearth and Nöjesvärlden /Entertainment W orld. The two former magazines are not very popular, owing to the half-hearted work put in by their editors; two grumpy, elderly bachelors (Eric Abrahamsson, Erik Berglund). As new editor-in-chief, Göran hits upon the idea of launching a walking contest, including the enthusiastic participation of the staff. The event is subsequently advertised in the entire press. In contrast to her co-workers, Entertainment World's alert editor, Maria Barke (Maritta Marke), is full of ideas on how to boost circulation figures, inaugurating a nationwide dancing contest with semifinals in the provinces leading up to Stockholm finals. To increase the sale of single copies even more, the dance steps are published two weeks in advance; to further stimulate interest, a naming competition for the dance contest is arranged. As suggestions drop in from readers, she is not very satisfied, since they are all yesterday's news: la Cucaracha, the Carioca and the Rumba. Consequently, she herself names the dance “la Margarita,” after the firm's new secretary, additionally the film's heroine (Kirsten Heiberg). Later, Margarita performs “la Margarita” as a song-and-dance number with two of her colleagues. Barke has choreographed the dance according to a “Mexican” model, including steps from Latin dance, tango, tap-dancing, Charleston and foxtrot — adorned by comical gambols and sallies. According to the scriptwriter Torsten Lundqvist, the comic elements from the slightly scatterbrained and ballyhoo-crazed profile of Entertainment W orld originated from The Film Journal ,m However, by 1936, Entertainment World's editorial policy does not resemble The Film Journal as much as it does The Film Image, whose profile was virtually contest-crazed. Moreover, the magazine arranged a walking-contest the same year as the film was shot.1” The reference to it as well as to the elaborately launched dance contest was an eloquent comment. Thus, with a slight disregard for Lundqvist s claim, the travesty could just as well have been directed at the latter magazine. The Film Image, apparently stung by the caricature, responded by giving He, She, and the M oney the silent treatment. Otherwise, the magazine gave Swedish productions a great deal of attention. Here, a few minor pictures and short paragraphs are published some weeks before the premiere of He, She, and the M oney but directly before and after the opening there is hardly anything written about it, except a small interview with the star, Kirsten Heiberg, a Norwegian find playing her first role in Swedish film. The plot is hardly mentioned.1” In her discussion of intertextual discourse targeting female film fans, Annette Kuhn focuses on the British film Sally in Our Ally (Maurice Elvey, 1931 ), starring Gracie Fields, to exemplify reception seeping back into film. Fields plays the title role, a down-to-earth, no-nonsense character who, upon finding her friend starry-eyed and absorbed in front of the mirror trying out a Greta Garbo makeup tip from a film magazine, ridicules her over-devoted fandom as trifling.1” Sally 's critical position on star worship thereby involves herself as the star behind the role, Kuhn claims. Likewise, He, She, and the M oney's poking fun at The Film Image's contests articulates a reservation to film-related publicity, and a critique that ambivalently includes itself. Marke, for instance, acted as juror for the Top Hat dancing contest, the same year the film was released. Much as in Colourful Pages discussed in chapter 1, the film contest phenomenon is the subject of both a straightforward and a tongue-in-cheek address. The same year, the film Advertise was released, a satire on product marketing. Already the film s introductory credits prepare the viewer for advertising galore : an almost limitless number of overlapping names of cinemas, products, newspapers and magazines, seemingly written in chalk, appear and fade out in disorderly fashion against a black background in palimpsestic fashion. This film, too, opens with a financial problem: Henry Miller, (Håkan Westergren) the spoilt son of a successful soap manufacturer (Thor Modéen), is deeply in debt. As always, he expects his father to pay, but the latter has had enough of his disorderly life and demands that he get a proper job. Daddy Miller knows that the son is attracted to his secretary, Mary, ( Birgit Tengroth) and secretly promises her a reward of 10,000 crowns if she can induce him to take the initiative towards financial independence. As Henry proposes to her, she replies that she cannot accept a man who is unemployed. So he decides to try his hand in the soap business himself, using his mother s old recipe. Still broke, he meets with his friend, the publicity expert Ambrosius Bergman ( Åke Söderblom ) who tries to initiate him into the value of catchy advertising and the lucrative prospects attached to it. Bergman is a character with a veritably soap-smooth tongue that regularly drops lines in English, and whose highly charged presence adds a screwball energy to both the dialogue and the camerawork. When Henry lamely protests against devoting so much energy and money to something that he never pays attention to when reading the morning newspaper, Bergman counters at breakneck speed: Oh, veah? So then you have naturally never read this? Johnny Walker — Still Going Strong, Take the Right Thing—Take Cloetta [chocolate], Lovely, Fresh Stomatol Teeth..., Hylins Rakin for a Neat Chin [shaving cream], Skånskans Coffee Blend —Good to the Last Cup, You Can Always rely on an SF Theater,.. .You don't expect me to believe that you think that His Master's Voice is a cognac brand and that Eau de vie is a gramophone, huh? ... He who doesn't advertise is like a man winking at a woman in the dark. He knows what he's doing, but she...!!!? Give me time, money and a full page, and 111 sell sports cabins on the bottom of the Atlantic !1 i7 During his tirade of well-known slogans, reaction shots show Henry 's and Mary 's smiling recognition at the brand names mentioned. Together they work out a slogan for the new product, and unleash a massive campaign for “IB-Soap — bad luck for all dirt! ” To provoke their now biggest competitor, Daddy Miller, they crown their achievement by engaging a band of spectacularly clad men on stilts to parade outside his bedroom window with placards, reading: “13 Soap, My Soap, Your Soap, All Beautiful Girls' Soap [paraphrasing a well-known hit]” 13 Soap Turns Your Bath into a Festive Occasion,”“13 Soap — Bad Luck for all Dirt.’Their advertising poster sports a black Mammy figure by a washing basin, the caption reading “1 3 Soap — Turns Black to White” Bergman's advertising tirades win Henry 's, and eventually Daddy Miller 's appreciation. As a sign of their respective conversions to proponents of advertising, they repeat Bergman s witty summary of current slogans, to the best of their abilities. Even if the motif is screwballishly presented and the product is made trivial, Bergman's volubility rings of the contemporary advertising-friendly tendency referred to in this chapter s introduction, about to reach its peak by this time. His claims that a businessman of today must have insights into the “psychology of printing ink” echoes an established motto, connoting that those who have not acquired adequate skills in advertising, or fail to realize its value, will be overlooked by the market.118 The film Advertise originated from the American stage comedy It Pays to Advertise (W.Hackct & R.C. Merge, 1914). According to film critic Robin Hood, the popular play had been significantly modernized for the 1936 film adaptation: “It has all been transposed to ultramodern times, with slogans to make your head spin.”11'1 In the US, an advertising short with the same title had been released in 1931, causing resentment among exhibitors and critics. The editor of Harrison's Reports, RS. Harrison writes: The Paramount picture, ‘It Pays to Advertise, is nothing but a billboard of immense size. I have not been able to count all the nationally advertised articles that are spoken of by the characters, but some of them arc the following: Boston Garters, Arrow Collars, Manhattan Shirts, Colgate Cream, Gillette Razors, B. V. D's, Hart, Schacffner & Marx clothes, Listerine, Victor phonographs, Murad cigarettes. Florsheim shoes, Dobbs hats, Forhans Toothpaste, and others. But the most subtle thing is the brand ‘13 Soap, Unlucky for Dirt. A trade mark such as this does not, of course, exist; but I understand that Paramount has made the picture for the purpose of making a trade mark out of it. My information is to the effect that Colgate has offered $ 250,000 for it, and that Paramount is asking $ 500, 000.1 understand, in fact, that Paramount has decided to make a regular business out of creating trade marks and then selling them.1+0 Note that the brand names quoted in Ambrosius Bergman's monologue in Advertise almost match those of Harrison 's account: toothpaste, shaving cream and gramophones. When it came to the main article, 13 Soap, it was uncontroversial, appearing as an example of successful tie-in advertising in Sweden. Advertise proved to be profitable in many respects: shortly after the Stockholm premiere, the co-operative food chain Konsum started advertising their 13 Soap. The product had existed for two years, but the marketing of it had been withheld, since the producers knew about the upcoming film, and bided their time. Futurum appreciated Konsum s smart trick, referring to 13 Soap as an example of innovative and successful advertising. A shop owner in Västerås had arranged a tie-in soap display in his shop window during the period the film ran, and had made a good profit.141 Advertising News interviewed the Consumer Co-operation's President, who reported that counting from the beginning of the campaign, the 8th of September, the number of 13 Soaps sold had risen from 2500 in late August to 45000 two weeks later.14’ In conjunction with the premiere, SF and the Swedish Bureau of Telegrams arranged an exhibition about advertising in earlier times at the Palladium film theater. SF’ newsreel ( SF 909-A ) covered the event, focusing more on the celebrity crowd than the subject, however. SF W eekly likewise included a feature about the exhibition, claiming to “demonstrate the more serious side of advertising’.’ Here, too, celebrities get most of the attention, but the article evidences that there is a great general interest for the issue. The newly appointed Minister of Commerce, Elof Ericsson, had been invited, and Helge Hirsch, CEO ol the Swedish Bureau ol Telegrams, opened the exhibition with a talk on the importance of advertising for advertising.14’ When the film premiered in the provinces, the exhibition accompanied it. Apart from targeting the general public, the organizers invited nearly a thousand topform school children from Stockholm's elementary schools to watch the film and the exhibition, for the sake of awakening their interest in advertising as a potential career choice. Writes Reklam Nyheterna on the event: Striding restlessly ahead in our time, advertising is something that must appeal to a young mind with imagination and initiative. I understand that it is a field in need of manpower; and therefore it is quite in order that young people know about it and take it into consideration as they make their choice of profession. It is first school inspector of Stockholm, Ph.D. Bror Jonzon, who utters these words ... on their visits [the youngsters] have heard an orientating lecture about advertising and its development, given by an official from the [Swedish Bureau of Telegrams] ... The School in our days aspires to be a school for life, and therefore wants to make the most of the youngsters’ capacities ... This invitation and lecture gave us an opportunity to orientate them with a new field of activities, and we have gratefully benefited thereof.1+4 If advertising serves society and builds the future — in accordance with Sven Rygaard s motto for Futurum — it seems logical that it also has a significant role to play in fostering the rising generation. The commercial networks I have discussed here cannot be written off as mere consumption in any simple way, as the hybrids that result from their multiplicity become more than the sum of their parts. As Vanessa Schwartz states, the commercial framework does not necessarily explain the form and popularity of events and venues.14’ Surely, they were demarcated by the principles of consumption, but are not wholly over-determined by them. The intertextuality provided by tie-ins and contests in a sense reconfigured the city into a game board for audiences to play on. No t e s 1 2 3 ( my transi. ) Gotthard Johansson, “ Revolution genom reklam? in Svensk reklam . Svenska reklanjorbundets årsbok. 1933-34, Norsteds, 1934, 35 Reklam teknik, Hermods korrespondensinstitut, 1935,1:5 Tom Björklund “reklamen tjänar samhället” in Svensk reklam . U tgiven av Svenska reklam förbundet, Norstedts, 1937, 7-8 4 Folkhälsa och reklam , Stockholm, 1939. LivsmedelsutstäIlningen “Vårt dagliga bröd.”M ars- april, 1935. Katalog, Stockholm, 1935, Livsm edelsutstä Ilningen “Vårt dagliga bröd.”O ktober—november, 1936. Katalog, 5 6 7 8 9 Stockholm, 1936 “Väldig brödpropaganda planeras? in Reklam Nyheterna, No. 1: 1936,1. On fruit propaganda, see No. 3: 1936, 1 and No. 5: 1936, 1 (my transi.) Futurum , No. 5-6: 1937 Tom Björklund, “Försäljaren och kundkontakten” in Svensk reklam . Svenska reklamförbundets årsbok, Stockholm, 1932, 161-179, see also Reklam teknik, 3:8 The other two are Reklam & ^dekoration. Tidskrift för m odern fönsterskyltning, No. 1:1936, and Reklam Nyheterna. N yhetstidning jo r reklam och distribution frågor, 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 No. 1:1936 Futurum . Tidskriftfor reklamkonst och reklam kunskap, Nr 1:1936,9 In an 191 Os American context, Janet Staiger observes that retailers increasingly acknowledged the fact that women were the prime spenders for domestic needs. Bad W omen, 23 Futurum ... Kvinnan och framtiden, No. 7: 1937, 382-3 (my transi. ) Ibid., 341 Ibid., 342-344,376-77 Ibid., 400 Ibid Ibid., “Skyltfönstret — Fru Kunds gratisteater med non-stop-föreställning? 398-400 Ty tti Soda analyzes the role of the Swedish homemaker a 1950s context “ Kvinnan i folkhemmet — Husmodern som nationell ikon” in D ialoger, 94, 101, 105 ; here the housewife is awarded a similarly prismatic role. Per Olov Qvist, Folkhemm ets bilder, 154 - 57, 195 208, 296. See also Qvist‘s article “‘Ungdom av idag.’ Ungdomstiden i svensk 30-talsfilm,” in Frånßygdröm , 274-279, See also Furhammar, Film en i Sverige, 143f, and Jurgen Schildt, D et pensionerade paradiset, 23-28 ( my translation ) “ Det sjunger någonting inom mig, som säger mig, jag har dig kär,”sung by Sven- Olov Sandberg. During the decade “Myrdaleri” or “Myrdalande” were denigrating verbs indicative of a frivilous inclination allegedly spread among those supporting the Myrdals' call to liberalize sexual norms (as one of the several societal measures turning the dwindling birth rates). Furhammar, Film en i Sverige, 144f, 1501. One musical example of this can be found in the well-known filmhit song “Någonting att äta, någonting att dricka” from the film Kärleksexpressen ( 1932 ), lyrics, Herr Dardanell (pseud.), music Karl Wehle. Notesheet from Nils-Georgs Musikförlag, 1932, 6-7 Film program. U nder fälskßagg, Stockholm, 1935, 13 24 Stamp, M oviestruck G irls, 10-24, 102-125, 141-153, Ben Singer, M elodram a and M odernity... 263-287. See also Bruno, 152-160, on Italian tie-in reading. 25 Charles Eckert, “The Carole Lombard in Macys Window”in (eds. ). Jane Gaines & Charlotte Herzog, Fabrications: Costume and the Fem ale Body, Routledge, 1990,102-3 26 Ibid., 107 27 Sara Berry, Screen Style: Fashion and Fem ininity in 1930s H ollywood, University of Minnesota Press, 2000, 8-45 28 Bo Florin, “Anteckningar om kläder och städer. Stiller, modernitet och det urbana” in Aura, Vol. IV, No. 2-3: 1998, 34ff 29 See the article in SF Veckoprogram on Tutta Rolfs outfits in the film Kära Släkten, No. 32: 1933, 22 30 See for instance a number of artides in Svensk Film tidning. O rgan för Sveriges Film uthy rar förening, on advertising contest, No. 6: 1925, 131 ; film riddles, No. 7: 1925, 168; on unfair competition, No. 9:1925, 238; on the controversy over a cross-word contest with high prizes, No. 15:1925, p. 467; on unsuitable commercial breaks in the feature Karl den XII, No. 21, 1925, 668; on newtrade regulations putting a stop to “unsound marketing”No. 6: 1926, 203 31 “ Vem gör mest för filmerna? Svensk Filmtidning och Film AB Le Mat-Metro-Goldwyn anordna en propagandatävling för exploateringsintresscrade biografägare? in Svensk Film tidning, No. 12: 1932,263 32 “ Pristävlingar, de må vara av vad slag som helst, böra icke förekomma i samband med biograf­ föreställningar? in Biografägaren, No. 16: 1930,7 33 “Med röda bokstäver”in Biografägaren, No. 1: 1932, 9. 34 “Reklam^ in Biografägaren, No. 20: 1932, 24 35 Robin Hood, “Mera liv i reklamen” in Svensk Film tidning, No. 14: 1932, 281-283 36 Ibid., 283 37 Biografägaren No. 13:1935, 12 38 “Se Christina-modet hos PUB” in SF Veckoprogram, No. 26:1934, 16 39 Biografägaren No. 15:1935, 3. Other films used in tic-in displays were Sequoia and G lada änkan in No. 17: 1935, 16, U ngdom av Idag and Sequoia in No. 19: 1935, 4, 23, No. 2:1936, Roberta in No. 20: 1935, 4, G lada änkan and 1X2— 3 in No. 2:1936, 22, Ett farligt m öte and D avid C opperfeld in No. 7:1936, 14, Ingaßcr kvinnor, Tarzan, D avid Copperßeld i No. 9:1936, 24-25 40 SF Veckoprogram, No.29:1931, 16 41 SF Veckoprogram, No.25:1933, 18 42 Anne Friedberg, W indowshopping: Cinema and the Postmodern, University of California Press, 1994, 66-68 43 Jan Olsson, “Förstorade attraktioner, klassiska närbilder. Anteckningar kring ett gränssnitt” in Aura, Vol. II, No.1-2: 1996, 44, see also his “Detektivfilm. Några marginalanteckningar ”in dura, Vol. IV, No. 2-3: 1998,10-20 44 Janet Ward, 217 45 Stamp, 122 46 “Vem är den svenska ideal fl ickan?” Filmjournalen, No. 22:1933, 10-11. Photographer Gunnar Lundh was one of those taking photos of local beauties: see Nordiska Museets arkiv, Gunnar Lundh, “Skönhetstävlingar? 47 330825, Sydsvenska D agbladet, 331212, Nya 330825 Film journalen, No 30: 1933, 8 -13. In fact all participants were said to wear them at some point during the show. See Program vidfinalen i Film journalens tävlan om den Svenska Idealfiickan, 1933 Biografägaren, No. 5: 1934, 6 “Tre Stockholmsflickor som fått filma,” in Film journalen No. 28: 1933, 6, also see Qvist, Folkhemm ets. ..211 Mary Ann Doane states that “Metonymy is the trope of the tie-in disseminating the film in an endless chain of commodities..” in Stamp, 122 Stamp, 124 Foucault, “Of other Spaces” 239 Annette Kuhn, “Biografkultur och feminintet i 1930talets England” (transi. Ylva Habel), in Aura, Vol. II. No. 4:1996, 14, 17, 20-23 Mark B. Sandberg, “Pocket Movies: Souvenir Cinema Programmes and the Danish Silent Cinema” in Film H istory: An International Journal, Vol. 13, No.l :2001, 8 Compared to Singer‘s description of the synchronous relationship between serial film premiere and fiction tie-ins in the daily press, 1930s film novellas are more independent of premiere date. Singer, 268f Stamp, 117 Alibis illustreradefilm rom aner, titles: D en stora razzian, Arbetaren, D agligt Allehanda, 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 Enfange har rymt, D en ödesdigra timm en, Spionerna, Sam hällets rovriddare, Polisreporterns upplevelser, H äm ndens natt, Spionhotellet, D ödsdykaren, Sista tåget all published by Romantidningens förlag, 1936-37. Leo Tolstoy, Anna Karenina m ed G reta Garbo. En essä i bild och berättelse, (adapt. Rolf Wiesler), 1936, Louisa M. Alcott, U nga kvinnor. Filmversion m ed film bilder, (adapt. Rolf Wiesler) 1934, Edward C. Carpenter, U ngkarlspappan , 1935, Anker Larsen Flickornas Alfred, (adapt. Rolf Wiesler),1935, Hjalmar Bergman, Swedenhielms (adapt. Stina Bergman) 1935, Hjalmar Bergman, D ollar, (adapt. Stina Bergman), 1938, all published by Åhlén & Åkerlunds Förlag. 59 Sandberg, “ Pocket Movies.11 60 Biograjagaren, No. 16, 1934(unpag.) 61 Olof Brunå, U ppsagd, Stjärnboks-förlaget, 1934. Alexandre Dumas, Kam eliadam en. Sam tliga från M adrid, illustrationer häm tade ur M etro-Goldwyn-Mayers G arbofilm Kam eliadam en, Malmö Art print, 1937, Leo Tolstoj, D en vita dem onen. Illustrerad m ed film bilder, Bonnier, 1930, Erich Kästner, Stackars m iljonärer, (transi. Johannes Edfcldt), Bonnier, 1936, Somerset Maugham, D en brokiga vävnaden: K itty, (transi. Torsten W. Törngren), Geber, 1935, Charles G. Booth, G eneralen dog i gryningen, Norstedts, 1937, James Hilton, Blå m ånen, (transi. Louis Renner), Bonnier, 1937 62 Sm å Film böcker, titles: Ram on Novarro. Enfilm ens rom antiker, 1932, M arlene D ietrich.G reta G arbos största konkurrent, 1932, W illy Fritsch. Berättelsen om en lyckosam karriär, 1932, Janet G aynor. Affärsbiträdet som blevfilm stjärna, 1932, Greta Garbo. Stockholm sflickan som blev världensfräm stafilm stjärna, 1933, all published by Åhlén & Åkerlund 63 Patrice Petro, Joyless Streets: W om en and M elodram atic Representation in W eim ar G erm any, Princeton University Press, 1988, 92 64 Jan Holmberg, Förtätade bilder. Film ens närbilder i historisk och teoretisk belysning, (diss. ) Aura, 2000, 57ff 65 Stamp, 142 66 Biogrcfägaren, No. 13: 1932, 12 67 Ove Lind, “ Förpackningsinlägget - en reklamform i motvind”in Futurum , No. 4: 1937, 204. 68 (my transi. ) Ibid., 204. 69 Ibid., 206 70 “Många besökare i Filmstaden,” in SF Veckoprogram, Kongressnum m er, May, 1934, 12 71 In 1934 there was a naming contest for a Swedish translation of the term “speaker” SF Veckoprogram, No. 19:1934,2. 72 “ Vem skriver den bästa uppsatesen om SF:s matinésöndagar? ”in Ibid., No. 28:, 1933, (non-pag.) backside of the front cover. 73 Ibid., Charlotte Löwensköld in No. 6: 1931, 16f, 20, and Röda dagen in No. 19: 1931, 12,26, 74 “Kupletter ur U nderfalsk flagg” in SF Veckoprogram, No. 22:1935,20-21 75 SF Veckoprogram, See the naming contest for the film theater later named Spegeln, No. 22:1935, 2, and the naming of the theater Garbio, in No. 28: 1933, 2 76 SF Veckoprogram, about the theater Lejonungen, see “Mellan torg och tull? No. 19: 1934, 8, 12, 14, and “Lite historik kring Lejonungen? 16. About the theater Puck, see No. 29:1934, 2, and “Från väderkvarnsbacke till Funkiskvarter? 12, 14, 19, and “Puck hälsar välkommen? 18 77 SF Veckoprogram, No. 32: 1933, 4 78 Nils Beyer, 700 berättelser söka enfilmregissör, Seelig, 1935 79 Ini 937 Gösta Werners script Father and Son was filmed in a few separate scenes with Gösta Ekman and Sture Lagerwall (Kino 10-A, 1937). The production was broken off because of Ekmans untimely death. 80 “ Har Ni tänkt på vad problemet ‘barn och film’ innebär för Er egen son? ” SF Veckoprogram, Nr 3: 1935, 10-11,13,19 81 “ Har Ni tänkt på vad det är som ger en film dess spänning? ,” in SF Veckoprogram., No. 4:1935, 10, 13 and “Har Ni tänkt på vilken roll Ni egentligen själv spelar vid biografbesök? ”in No. 5: 1935, 10, 13, 15 82 SF Veckoprogram, “Har Ni tänkt på att filmen lärt människorna se? ”in No. 13: 1935, 10, 18-19 83 “Moskvas filmhögskola” SF Veckoprogram, No. 21:1934, 2 84 SF Veckoprogram, No. 7:1934, 4,6, and No. 8: 1934, 4 85 “Pudowkin hånar esteterna! ” in SF Veckoprogram , No. 17:1931,24 86 SF Veckoprogram, No. 28: 1933, 6 87 Bornebusch “Man kan tro på Molander och Ivar Johansson! ”in SF Veckoprogram, No. 33: 1933, 6, 16 88 Gösta Hellström, “Sådant är filmarbetet” in SF Veckoprogram, No:29, 1931, 26, “Hur en film kommer till” in SF Veckoprogram, No: 11, 12, 24 89 “Kortfilmsavdelningen hemma hos sig in Ibid., No. 11 : 1931,18 90 SF 719-720 ( 1931 ), depicts the shooting of the film Skepp O hoj , witnessed by a large audience. In SF 827-A ( 1934), representatives from film and theater play No t e s soccer at Hammarby idrottsplats. The place is so packed that parts of the audience sit in the trees. 91 Some examples are Vårt H em , H emm ets Journal, H emm ets Veckotidning, H ela Världen, Lektyr and Allas Veckotidning. 92 Lisbeth Larsson, En annan historia. O m kvinnors läsning och svensk veckopress, Symposion, 1989, pp. 36ff, 118 93 Bo Halvarson, Från branschblad tillfIm stjärnetidning. En innehållsanalytisk studie av en pressgenresförvandling, (lic.), Lundsuniveritet, 1989, 256f, 268f, 305f. 94 Giuliana Bruno, Streetw alking... , 201 -229 95 Josefgör karriär. Skulle vara en rom an, Fritzes, 1947 96 Much as Venessa Schwartz ‘theorization of the Parisian newspapers 'fait divers as drawing visitors to the Paris wax cabinet 's tableaus, readers were mobilized between magazine, tie-in event and department store. Schwartz, 128 97 Ibid. 98 Film bilden No 1:1935, 3 99 Film bilden No 10:1935, 3. See Shelley Stamps discussion of 1910s baby contests, where slide-shows of baby photographs screened in film theaters became very popular among female audiences. Viewers could hereby vote for their favorite. 22 100 Filmbilden, No. 10: 1945, 5 101 Film bilden morover arranged a caricature - contest during its first year, where the newly discovered Ingrid Bergman was the object No. 9: 1935, 19. The contributions coming in from Finland and Denmark encouraged the editorial board to make the contest international, No. 11: 1935, 12. Later, Bergman is claimed to have awarded the prizes herself, but nothing seems to have come of it. No. 15, and 1935, 18. In 1936, the magazine inagurates two beauty pageants, No. 7: 1936, 24, and No. 11: 1936, 24 102 “Vem dansar bästa fantasidansen efter la Cucaracha? Film bilden inbjuder till stor danstävlan” Filmbilden, No. 1:1935, p. 11 103 Filmbilden, No. 2:1936, 4 104 Aftonbladet, 360119 105 Filmbilden, 18-23, 32 106 Film journalen, No: 6:1936, p. 10, 13f. On Ginger Rogers' hairdo, see Film journalen , No. 16:1936, 13 107 The following year, Film journalen launched a contest for readers to make a gown for Ginger Rogers. The winner, Ms. Hallendorf was awarded a free trip to Paris, see SF 954 (1937) 108 According to Aftonbladet, the jurv spread over the different dance restaurants included: Margit Manstad, Valdemar Dalquist, Ragnar Arvedson, Lizzie Stein, Åke Söderblom, Maritta Marke 109 Filmbilden, No. 2:1936, p. 4 110 jftonbladet, 360129 111 Biograf ägaren Nr 9: 1936, 5. Furthermore see Afton blade t‘s review of the premiere of Broadway M elody of 1936, 360119. See also the newsreel “Galapremiär på Spegeln?SF 930-A , 1937, and the premiere of Tillbaka till hem m et, attended by the star Zarah Leander herself, “Zarah Leander-premiär på Palladium, SF 995, 1938 112 Aftonbladet, 360201, D agens Nyheter, 360201 113 Tom Gunning , “The Cinema of Attractions: Early Film, its Spectator and the Avant-Garde” Early Cinem a: (ed.) Thomas Elsaesser, BFI, (1990), 1992, S9f 114 “Blandade program” in Biografägaren, No. 9:1934, 32 115 Leif Furhammar, Stockholm spublikens biopreferenser under 1930-talet, (unpubl. ) Stockholms universitet, Film vetenskapliga institutionen, 1990, 37, 39f 116 Ibid., 15 117 See sign. Filmson in /ftonbladet, 360201, and Jerom e, D agens Nyheter, 360201. 118 (my transi. )/ftonbladet, 360201 119 (my transi. ) Stockholm s-Tidningen, 360201 120 Svenska D agbladet, 360202 121 Film bilden , No. 3: 1936, 5 122 (my transi. ) Filmbilden, No.4:1936, 17. Later, Berman's article was followed up by an inquiry, where the SF and the RI -chain theatre’ executives expressed their views on the matter. “Festpremiärer och högtidsdräkt. Tre intressanta uttalanden? Film bilden, No. 9: 1936,7 123 Biografägaren No. 8: 1936, 14 124 Film bilden No. 10: 1935, 3 125 Ibid. 126 Charles Eckert notes that Veuve Clicquot was included in the RKO-filmen G igolette ( 1935). Fabrications, 114 127 Film bilden, No. 12: 1936, 3 128 Film bilden , No. 12: 1935, 2 129 Hasse Ekman, D en vackra ankunge n, Wahlström & Widstrand, 1944, 152 130 Film bilden No. 20: 1936, 30 131 Filmbilden, No. 11: 1937,7 132 Filmbilden, No. 12: 1937, 15 133 Svenskfilmografi H l, 1929-1939, (ed.) Lars Åhlander, SFI, 1982, 289 134 Filmbilden, “ Flanörerna på gångpropaganda” No. 18 : 1935,4 135 Film bilden No. 18:, 1936, 23 136 Annette Kuhn, “Biografkultur och femininitet i 30talets England”in Aura, Vol II, No. 4:1996, 13 137 (mytransi.) 138 Reklam teknik, 4:2-3 139 Robin H ood in Svenskßlm ograß II, 280 140 Harrison in Eckert, 111-112 141 Futurum , No. 7-8: 1936, 462, 466 142 Reklam Nyheterna, No. 2: 1936, 3 143 SF Veckprogram, No. 24: 1936, 4 144 “Reklamen måste tilltala unga sinnen. Skolan tacksam för att ungdomen orienteras” in R eklam nyheterna, No. 2: 1936, 3 145 Vanessa Schwartz, 44 Space, Frame, Narrative, Flamman film theater, auditorium (Arkitekturmuseet) Foyer, mirrored staircase to the stalls (Arkitekturmuseet) “ C e n tr u m is T h e C e n tr u m fo r A ll L a d ie s!” H o u s e w iv e s , F lâ n e u s e s a n d S tr e e t G ir ls in S to c k h o lm 's M o d e r n iz e d F ilm s c a p e Partly owing to the rise of functionalism, 1930s Stockholm offered a variety of visual-cultural outlets fusing the domestic sphere with the public, often entailing a generally increased focus on furnishing, family health and lifestyles, areas formerly regarded as women's territory. If they remained so even after the Stockholm Exhibition 1930, this contributed to raising these topics to the level of state concern. Inspired by functionalism, acting as promoter for its spirit, SF catered to female audiences. The first part of this chapter centers around the spaces and services offered first and foremost to them by functionalist architecture and advertising. I will recapitulate the publicity around new buildings and the venues for housewives and flâneuses, in order to evoke some of its flair, and render a picture of milieus and activities that are now lost. As argued earlier, filmic sites and events like these constitute micro-histories, and as shown, commercial contexts can bring interesting perspectives to bear on larger historical accounts. If advertising had ramifications for both media and landscape — not only interconnecting the cinema with the street and the neighborhood outside, but with the shop window and the department store — the second part of the discussion oscillates between these nodes, picking the point of departure at Kungsgatan, a contemporary national emblem of urbanity. I will refer to the moral anxiety voiced by social critics regarding the confluence of consumption and audiovisual pleasures as the gateway to the moral downfall of young women, especially those moving to Stockholm from the provinces. A Functionalist Manifesto: Flamman Among the movie theaters built by SF during the boom of the new theatres in 1930s Stockholm, Flamman (Uno Åhrén, 1930) was the first. Opened a few months prior to the Stockholm Exhibition 1930, it was one of the buildings heralding the movement s breakthrough. By way of introduction, let me begin with its opening program, or rather, with the printed opening program as such. Much like SF W eekly, it often presented the new theater by giving a brief historical background on its neighborhood, and as the case may be, what building had preceded it — thus situating the new theater within the cityscape.1 An SF newsreel (SF 663 A, 1930) compiled for the opening similarly situated Flamman, including a micro-history of its neighborhood, primarily documentary footage ranging from the late teens to the early 20s.2 The film viewer's first encounter with Flamman is a phantom-ride taken from a car traveling over the bridge from Liljeholmen towards Hornstull, where the new building's fire wall, advertising “Flamman: Svensk Filmindustri,” meets the eye. In Flammans opening program, functionalist proponent Gustaf Näsström used the convention of historicalizing the neighborhood as an argumentative springboard for functionalism, pitting it against tradition. Triumphantly, he dooms the detached wing of Laurinius' 250-year old country house, Jakobsberg still left behind the new complex to oblivion, saying that it: still remains behind the immense residential block in which Flamman is housed. It is a small red-painted shack, with a beautifully wind-beaten patina... The Beauty Council thinks it so beautiful and cultural-historically extraordinary ‘that it would be an irretrievable loss for the city if it was forever obliterated... ’ [they] want to move [it] to another, more protected area [Skansen] ; and they may just as well let it be done, because .. .Jakobsberg no longer belongs in this part of Stockholm, where the modern era has now powerfully established its claims.* The modernist arrogance of the statement is remarkable, considering that an inaugural program for a cinema was not usually so rhetorically inclined. The newsreel likewise depicted the little old house as hopelessly out of date and place, pitifully drowning in the shadows of traffic cast over it. Ahrén's building, in contrast, is bathed in bright sunshine, and shot from numerous angles and distances, familiarizing the viewer with its surroundings and the gradual progression of its construction. To render the flavor of democratic intent and aesthetics interpreted by Näsström in his treatment, the movie theater, and the residential complex, I quote the opening program at some length: functionalism... signifies a striving to construct buildings in accordance with practical, economic and social demands, rather than... traditional, stylistic paradigms. Consequently, you allow an apartment house to look like a residential block for people with limited incomes, not a palace for princes and plutocrats. It only follows that the movie theatre also is designed for screening films, rather than displaying the aesthetics of an antique temple, adorned with sphinxes around the ceilings, and gods and goddesses on the walls. Don't you think that this principle sounds sensible? And docs it not naturally belong to the post-war period, with its contempt for empty phrases and its demand for candor? If we want to know what's what in all our other concerns in life, why should we not demand the same of architecture?... Maybe you have come here from Hornsgatan, and seen the four neon spirals shine at you from afar, above the colorful posters; the light flooding from the grid of bulbs in the aluminum-colored canopy over the yellow walls of the foyer; the light over the succession of mirrors by the staircase, reflecting the posters on the opposite wall. Light, movement, people engaged in cheerful conversation. You step into the auditorium or the gallery; you see a softly rounded room, painted in a cool and subdued blue shade. The gallery floor, the barriers of the upper stage, the runners and the 945 seats are all red. There are two curtains: one of a soft velvety [tan] color; the other of glittering silver. Frosted lamp globes set along the side walls of the auditorium spread a pleasantly subdued light, and black spotlights sit on the gallery barriers and the six round supporting pillars like giant spiders, ready to flood the silvery curtain or the stage with multicolored light... You could say that the occasion makes the cinema, since this theatre is without fixed décor and can be reshaped by the varying arrangements ot each film program. The foyer in a festive yellow hue, serves as a framework for posters and decorative devices... and the totality constituted by the blue - and red-colored interior form a neutral auditorium... an abstract’ room, where one of its walls suddenly displays a moving drama or a wild farce before your eyes. The only point of fixture in this play of fluid forms, is the calculation of optic and acoustic factors, on which the shape of the room depends. The rows are rounded concentrically in continuous blocks, and each scat offers an equally good view of the screen. The softly rounded ceiling transmits the sound-waves of the orchestra, with almost equally echo-free precision to all points in the room, and the floor and back wall of the orchestra pit are designed with double wood layers, thus functioning as a sounding board, on which the orchestra sits as if on an immense violin. The spotlights play of colors starts before your eyes, while the auditorium darkens, the orchestra strikes up an overture, and the film unfolds its course of dramatic events. You are thrown into conflicts of the heart... you are shaken by passions, lifted by moral victories, choked with laughter before absurd situations, and forget where you are. The film and the music carry all significance, the room none; it offers no resistance to your imagination, but humbly subjects itself to your wish to forget where you are, and that your life is so much less eventful and so much more ordinary than that on the silver screen. Thereby the movie theater has fulfilled its purpose of giving you illusion. What else can you wish for?4 Flamman s foyer, images from Svensk funktionalism , 1930 Characteristically, Näsström interprets non-ornamentation as signifying a democratization of space — and ideally versatile, as if akin to the screen itself. Beatriz Colomina discusses architect Le Courbusiers s theorization of modernist architecture as taking possession of the whole body of the inhabitants or visitors, exerting the power to update their sensory capacities. To appreciate and occupy the sequence of spaces unfolding before them, their eyes and bodies must be mobile, in their “promenade architecturale.”5 Children outside Flamman, winter 1933 (Stockholms Stadsmuseum) Similarly, Pelle Snickars argues that modernist architecture, as theorized by Le Courbusier and Bernard Tschumi, mobilizes the gaze of the spectator by way of montage and sequentiality, resulting in a filmic experience of sorts.6 The day before Flammans official opening tout Stockholm was invited through the press to “see and take possession of the theatre.”7 In a way, Nä sström s above description of the movie theater prescribed an architectonic promenade for the first-time visitor, and it should be noted that this was not the standard opening procedure. The quote further illustrates that functionalism did not abolish glamour, but channeled it into more versatile and suggestive dimensions; he urges the audience to pay special attention to the technology, and to enjoy the aura of purpose and practicality of the theatre in a close encounter. The filmic glamour is intangible; he repeatedly emphasizes the various sources of light: the neon lights; the mass of bulbs in the foyer ceiling, the spotlights with multicolored lights flooding the silver curtain, etcetera. On entering Flamman, the spectator was given a virtual “shower of light” emanating from a mass of lamps in the ceiling of the baldachin, the vestibule and the big hall.8 I will indulge in a minor digression about the significance ascribed to city lighting here. Electrically illuminated advertising, sometimes with blinking and mobile details, were quite common when the first two neon signs appeared in Stockholm in 1924: one in Dagens Nyheters display window, the other, a façade NK logo. Contemporary protectors of the city's aesthetic values claimed that the signs emitted “optic noise;” especially the blinking category of illuminated advertising had recently caused alarm.9 Architect Sigurd Westholm and art historian Åke Stavenow lamented the alleged banalization of the city outline as well as the degeneration of public space, Westholm calling the signs “The riff-raff among signs”10 As late as 1931 a note in Dagens Nyheter relates that a sign had caused anxiety among neighbors, since it was believed to be damaging for the eyes. They wrote an appeal to the Board of Health, who rejected it, claiming that whatever inconveniences the sign might cause, they were not healthrelated.11 Otherwise, we can assume that by the early 1930s, Stockholmers had a relatively disenchanted relationship to electric light.12 On the functionalist façade, the horizontal, unadorned spaces between stories were designed for illuminated advertising, thereby annulling the earlier aesthetic incompatibility of advertising and architectural ornament.12 Yet, such an intensity of light, and of neon, were still exotic eye-catchers in the cityscape.14 In a 1933 newspaper article, Gotthard Johansson poetically calls forth the play of line and color of the light architecture now redefining the outlines of buildings by night: The new city lights are the neon tubes' flaming lines of light, erecting their delicate and bold light architecture in the cities' commercial districts, creating bridges high above the diffuse luminescent floods in the depths of the street canals. It leaps lightly over the façades' craggy landscape, freely making its fiery inscription against the dark space. The city lights are the mobile, big advertisements, drawn by invisible hands above the rooftops, and the luminous façades. The contrast between the lights flowing along the ground and the dark house masses fading against the sky no longer exist. Wherever it is employed consistently to design the central districts in the major cities, the light builds an architecture that is bolder and more imaginative than that revealed by daylight. It is space itself that shines. The light is not merely a factor within the cityscape; it is its own cityscape.15 Apart from giving associations to long-exposure photography, typical for postcards picturing urban views “bv night,” the quote above illustrates how the nighttime image figures here as taking over the daytime picture of the city.16 A contemporary commercial short (Sandell's Advertising Archive, 1 ) for PUB's department store speaks to this sensibility, pairing the attraction of gloriously animated neon lines w'ith a likewise animated Zarah Leander. She (an imitator's voice) expressively sings “Ich bin von Kopf zu Fuß..”. with punning Swedish lyrics, claiming that PUB is the place to go shopping. The suggestive image of the illuminated nighttime outline of the towering building appears as an even stronger sales argument. Similarly, a film promoting Seva's new department store on Hornsgatan (Sandell's Advertising Archive, 2), presents the name and outline of the building in animated glitter. The glorious image is preceded by an introductory “panning” movement over the Södermalm silhouette landscape, ending with a cut to a female hand pointing to a map of the area where Seva's can be found. Here, another famous voice is imitated, Sven Olof Sandberg's, softly singing about the store s offerings, encouraging male viewers to take their sweethearts by the hand and go sec “Seva's brilliant world” More attention will be devoted to the suggestive conflation of landscapes, buildings and consumer culture connected to moviegoing, but for the present I will return to Flamman F ilm journalen, 1934 and its discursive architecture. As Näsström states, the new theater was visible from a long distance, its spirals of red neon set vertically along the building's right façade. On a larger scale, the amount of neon in the city did not yet correlate to the lucent spatiality Johansson describes. For this reason, film theaters were all the more visible. Furthermore, as Donald Crafton states about the transition from silent to sound films, the light architecture of the theaters was part of a reinstatement of cinema as a totality of half-scientific, half-phantasmic “electrical entertainment” in which moviegoers could immerse themselves.17 Flamman is a case in point, straddling the attractions of functionalism and electricity. Catharina Dyrssen claims that the new functionalist buildings were “implanted” in the city as manifestations of the idea of modernity. Among these, movie theaters became particularly attractive objects for architects, allowing playful experimentation with the latest designs. Even as radiant entertainment palaces, these new buildings became public reminders of good housing principles, and the welfare state itself.18 When the audience entered a modernist theater, its interior spatial solutions mobilized and directed their gaze in the sequential manner of “the architectural promenade” she writes, awarding the staircase a particularly ceremonial-transformational role, as it transported them from the everyday to the festive, i.e., from an earth-bound to an elevated state. In Flamman, the majority of the public entered the auditorium via three short parallel staircases with walls covered by mirrors, leading down to the stalls. What mobilized the audience forward was not so much the staircase, but that their gaze was directed through the dominating, horizontal line of the baldachin, the vestibule and the big hall overhead — all brightly lit by a mass of bulbs. The design linked the three spaces by a uniform ceiling height, visible from without through the foyer 's bottom floor glass façade.19 The glass itself constituted a continuum of outside-inside, a semi-fictitious point of transition, choreographing the audience's “last glance” out onto the everyday world before they entered the auditorium.20 Furthermore, the ceiling was covered with aluminum, enhancing and reflecting the brilliance of the lamps. The increasing mass of light and visual impressions in the hall reached its climax when the audience moved down the stairs, where the mirrored walls reflected colorful posters and the grid of lamps — enveloping, reflecting and virtually doubling all of them. Shortly after its opening, Flamman offered a practical service: a terrace-top playhouse where parents could leave their children in the care of a nurse while they watched a film.21 Considering that the idea took shape at an early stage, planned as a daycare service for the dwellers of the complex,22 it is interesting that this upcoming service was not mentioned in Flamman s opening program, nor in any press reviews. In the architectural drawings of the building, the room on the roof terrace is marked “playhouse;” apart from this single room, no such explicit purposes are marked out for the floors above the theater. A short notice in The Exhibitor slate May issue announced that Flamman s playhouse had opened.21 This was well over a month after the SF newsreel SF 673 ( 1931 ) presented it, showing a mother holding a toddler by the hand and climbing the stairs of the new building 's multi-windowed and sun-drenched stairwell, then leaving him with a uniformed nurse. As several studies have shown, exhibitors have long catered to female audiences, both in terms of repertoire and the interior design of theatres. In an early American context, Miriam Hansen and Shelley Stamp elucidate how the exhibitors' economic opportunism catered to Centrum House, early 1930s (Stockholms Stadsmuseum) female consumers preferences. Jackie Stacey s English study discusses the special significance women ascribed to the spectacular staircases, lush carpets, perfumed air and attractively lit foyers; in summary, the film theatre's luxurious, exotic atmosphere during the everyday drabness and rationing of the Second World War.24 In a survey on moviegoing habits and fandom in 1930s Britain, Annette Kuhn observes that the comfort and homely qualities of the favorite theatres could be of more importance to audiences than the program.25 Closer to home, Janet Ward describes the immense Karstadt department store in Weimar Berlin, a combined consumption and entertainment palace housing restaurants, a post office, library, musical entertainment, reading and tea rooms, a winter garden, travel agencies, ticket kiosks for theater and concerts, a movie theater and childcare facilities.26 As Lynn Spigel and Tom Gunning show, Parisian and American women shoppers-moviegoers were offered childcare by conglomerate department stores and film theaters already in the 1910s.27 Stockholm's movie theaters never matched the luxury and exoticism of their Anglo-Saxon counterparts, nor their many consumerist functions. The oriental decoration of the China film theater and the ornamented and pillared auditorium of the Metropol-Palais (Björn Hedvall, 1926 ), were certainly impressive, but lacked such spectacular eye-catchers as spring fountains, Italian stucco, or imperial motifs.28 The obvious reason for this moderation of ornament was the small size of both the film industry and audiences — and of domestic architectural norms. In the 1920s, the style “Swedish grace” had made Swedish architecture internationally famous, significantly through Gunnar E. Asplunds much admired film theater Skandia ( 1923 ).29 Moreover, I would argue that in Stockholm the elements of cinematic glamour were instead disseminated through film-related contests and events, enticing audiences to take part in them, or benefit from the film theaters' events and services. For instance, the Palladium upheld a long tradition as provider of film-related occurrences. In the late 1910s, screen tests were held on the roof of the building ( SF 2877 ), and during the 1920s and 1930s the foyer regularly served as an art gallery. For a time, it even held an aquarium.50 In 1934, hundreds of boys stood in line outside the theater for the audition of the film Anderssonskans Kalle /Andersson 's Kalle (Sigurd Wallen, 1934).51 w-3"; Architectural drawing, Centrum House, block II Flamman s childcare service adhered to the tradition of mobilizing audiences, but more importantly to the functionalist agenda s aspirations to liberate women from domestic chores. By interrelating the residential and film-related uses in the playhouse, the building made good the modernist promise to transform the domestic sphere from a secluded unit into an increasingly open, transparent site in communication with the public sphere. Functionalism s imperative to adjust the family unit s domestic life to fit the demands of urban working life and recreation involved rationalizing and minimizing domestic work, simplifying the interior design of the kitchen, and supplying the apartment house with daycare facilities and a dumb waiter from a central canteen. As the family dwelling was thus reconfigured, domesticity was claimed to lose ground, especially for women, since the rationalization meant that spare time could be spent outside the home.32 In accordance with this, Flamman s service partly anticipated kindergartens. Considering that this service must have made a noticeable difference in women's attendance, it is surprising that it did not get more attention, and competitors.33 Centrum House: “The New Focal Point of Stockholm” Centrum blouse (Cyrillus Johansson, 1928-1932) was another contemporary building manifested as distinctly cinematic, despite lacking a public film theater. Situated at the crossroads of Kungsgatan and Sveavägen, it is a massive red brick complex in three blocks.34 Intended as a versatile business palace, all floors above the first were open-plan, basic interior design without walls, supported by skeletal pillars; each business could thereby choose the size and shape of their office on moving in.35 Outwardly, the building docs not appear functionalistic as prescribed by the period, and Johansson was no advocate, but detested its flatroofed buildings, which in his eyes lacked all architectonic expression. The young functionalist apostles called him “Old Smutch” because of his preference for heavy brick aesthetics, whose rough surface they regarded as unhygienic. A decade later, architectural tastes would turn in his favor.*6 Lejamagasinet/Leja Ladies' Wear occupied the most attractive premises in the building, the imposing, concave corner house, where large, two-storey high display windows formed a semi-circle that invitingly surrounded the customers as they entered through its glass doors in the middle. Janet Ward observes that this architectonic design made the doorway and the shop window visually interchangeable. Simultaneously as the former acquired the look of the latter, the sheet glass construction offered a unified sequence for looking and walking; without disrupting the eye contact that pedestrians established with the window, they were effortlessly “led” into the shop.*7 On account of the two years it took for the Centrum House to be completed, the interior design drawings underwent continuous changes depending on future tenants. In late fall 1930, SF established its head office there, moving from across the street. During the Stockholm Exhibition 1930, the company had launched their travel service for exhibition visitors at Röda Kvarn theater, and as the plans for a shopping center in Centrum took shape, SF repeated the successful concept by furnishing a service and meeting point for the female moviegoer and shopper — the SF lounge.*8 Before describing it, I should offer a general description of the shopping center. There were three entrances to the Centrum House, of which that from Sveavägen was a long passage leading to the shopping center, structured around three glassroofed light wells. Here, thirteen miniature shops with glass frontages were constructed in two opposite rows within an asymmetrical glass-roofed central square, adorned in the middle by an indoor fountain. This part was accessed through the modernistic grandiose entrance from Kungsgatan, its five high porticoes adorned with the name “Centrum” in red neon. Beyond the shops there were two smaller circular glass-roofed light wells, of which the right, furnished with an SF ticket booth, lead to the SF lounge. According to the presentation given in SF W eekly, this room was furnished in “modern... hyper-elegant design” for the urban lady. Here, she could relax comfortably with a cup of tea, meet her friends, or read the latest, exclusive international fashion magazines while listening to the latest film hit songs. She could also order tickets at the SF booth, or just leave a message for a friend.*9 A tiny, lacquer-red advertising folder, The New Focal Point of Stockholm, informed the public that the opening of the center would take place in mid-February 1931. Supplying the city with a long-felt need for an intimate meeting-point, the center would gather the elegant crowd of Stockholm. The shops listed were a luxurious blend, mostly targeting a female constituency: “Thirteen of the capital s finest special retailers have opened dainty little shops, where you will always find le dernier cri... ” 40 The center as a whole offered ladies lingerie, coats and dresses, photography services, furnishing and interior design, flowers, ladies bags and umbrellas, exclusive ladies shoes, a tea-room with a pastry shop, fashion accessories, perfumes, barbershop and salon, gloves, flowers and gifts.41 Those invited to the opening party were treated to a Leja fashion show in the square, tea and a guided tour of the center (SF 703 ( 1931 ).42 Besides the SF lounge, the double rows of glass-fronted miniature shops in the Centrum arcade are particularly interesting. Much in the way Snickars and Dyrssen argue, the architecture of the shopping center was choreographed as a series of views for the mobile subject; the serial uniformity of the boutiques took on the quality of a filmic sequence, or a filmstrip of “stills” 45 Their glass surfaces were broken only by thin stainless steel frames, which set off their brilliant facets.44 Here, too, glass surfaces encouraged reciprocity of gazes: you could simultaneously observe and be observed.45 NK, which probably provided the interior design of the shops, took a collection of crisp, clear photos of each, conveying their quietly sophisticated atmosphere. Every shop had its own style in electrical fittings, setting off their depth perspective in a variety of ways.46 Conversely, the glass fronts visually brought what was inside to the fore, thus flattening the perspective.47 Referring to Norman Kleins analysis of the American mall, Snickars argues that consumerist architecture expresses itself as image, as a consumable sight and attraction in itself - directing the gaze through “scripted space!’4“ A tour of Centrum s shopping center was a sheer visual celebration of glass surfaces. After passing the metaphoric filmstrip of the transparent boutiques, a view of the glassed-in restaurant encircling the square presented itself overhead. Smooth as glass, the very ceiling reflected the visitors, and its rows of rod-shaped electrical fittings were further mirrored by the windowpanes encircling it. Turning to the right, was the SF ticket booth, also with a large concave, seamless window, embedded in the wall so as not to break the circular shape of the light well, or its sequence of display windows advertising the film repertoire. If you passed instead through the left light well leading out onto the long passage, another duplicated sequence of images was presented by large display windows that covered the walls at left and right. The newsreel SF 703 offers a phantom-ride through it, displaying its interior details in silent, long takes, allowing viewers to follow the camera s pedagogically slow movements. The visual information is cued by shots of signs showing what can be bought in the shops, and where “we” are going on our guided tour. As a commercial sphere catering specifically to female flânerie, the Centrum arcade and the SF lounge condensed the attractions of turn-of-the-century department stores. Erika D. Rappaport offers an interesting analysis of Selfridge 's department store in London, whose opening campaign and promotional discourse pioneered the marketing of shopping as a legitimate female pleasure. Gordon Selfridge tapped into a trend among British advertisers, that of creating a comprehensive setting of eye appeal to female customers, as they were ascribed to have a pronounced sense of aesthetics and a sensitivity for attractive packaging and “dainty surroundings” In contrast to earlier conceptions of shopping as a chore, it was now advertised as a pleasurable all-day expedition, a luxurious treat. Given the eye appeal of beautiful interior decoration and commodities, the shopping experience catered to all senses, the tactile fabrics, the scent in the air from perfumes and soaps, the musical performances. Selfridges housed a big restaurant, tearooms, libraries equipped with writing desks and reception rooms decorated in the Colonial, German, French and American styles. There were additionally non-profit services for the comfort and convenience of the customers: tired shoppers could rest in the Silence Room; maids and needlewomen were available for female shoppers needing attendance. But the most enrapturing part of the shopping experience were the delicacies: one could treat oneself to iced strawberries, the soda fountain, or enjoy the pleasures of giveaway sweets. Rappaport claims that luxurious ingestion was “at the heart of consumer experience,” opening up female consumers as desiring bodies.49 Presents... .. .flowers .. .gloves ... the confectioner's .. .ladies hats ... photography .. .hags, umberellas and canes .. .illuminated entrance to... .. .coffee. Wennergren's Bookstore (Stockholms Stadsmuseum) (the small images from Nordiska Museet) Within a Swedish context, historian Orsi Hus/.'s article on NK during its first 20 years (1915-1935) on Hamngatan brings attention to the department stores significance for womens increased mobility. Here they were privileged consumers, for whose comfort tea and lunchrooms were created. Given that the offerings were mostly for the upper classes, the house itself quickly became a consumable public space for all, like a fair or a museum, frequently visited by tourists and schoolchildren from out of town. Furthermore, there were concerts and exhibitions to attend.50 Like Selfridgc's, NK in its earliest days had a soda fountain, a Candy Cave, and a silence room. Their free services were available to all, something that eventually became a problem as some exploited the telephone services while others left their children there to go shopping elsewhere.’1 Central square in Centrum's shopping center, 1931 (photo: Gunnar Lumlh, Nordiska Museet) As presented by Husz, NK's inclusivencss should not be interpreted as democratic per se ; class stratification was rather inscribed in the very disposition of the departments of the building: the cheap commodities could be found in the basement, and with each story the offerings grew increasingly exclusive.52 Nevertheless, the store lent itself well to various temporary class transgressions.’5 Even as consumers, women were not at the mercy of market forces; in fact, their freedom within the walls of a department store around the turn of the century had ramifications for their later demands for suffrage and equality, since political gatherings could he held in their locales. Likewise, Janet Staiger and Rappaport argue that department stores even acted as supporters of the suffragettes in the 191 Os.’4 Given that the various forms of mobility offered to women in the city appear modest, ambivalent and circumscribed by expected gender behaviors and interests, here they were neither insignificant, nor socially isolated. As both Rappaport and Husz argue, the market 's focus on women's consumerist needs and desires gave them a certain amount of power not granted to them elsewhere, even if it cannot be understood unambiguously.55 What Husz fails to take into account, however, is that women 's consumer roles and working conditions underwent significant changes between 1915 and the 1930s, especially the recharged status awarded to women during the formation of the welfare state.56 Flower exhibition in the central square, 1931 (Stockholms Stadsmuseum) In relation to the department store, the SF lounge and the Centrum shopping center embraced a kindred, spatially more open-ended, yet condensed dialectics of ultimate inclusivity—exclusivity. Considering the emphasis on visually scripted space in the center, it implied a built-in paradox; although staged as a distinctly consumerist sphere, there was a discrepancy between audiovisual and literal consumption. It may have been an ideal place for female flânerie involving window-shopping or passing time listening to music. But recalling the offerings of the center, only a small selection of the items could be on demand on an everyday basis, even for the most affluent customers. Given these proportions, the center appears more as a place for imbibing and inhabiting the attractive surroundings for a while, than as a place for purchase proper. As the depression made its impact on the Swedish economy during the early 1930s, this offering of gratis consumption and events must have grown increasingly attractive. One hypothesis is that shop - owners badly needed to people their consumerist spaces, regardless of the returns on their investments being poor. The working-class eye shopper benefited from this state of affairs, since, if she bought nothing, nobody could check the liquidity of her purse. And considering Rappaport's observation on oral consumption as the most associatively powerful aspect of the shopping experience, the dainty offerings of the confectioner's and the restaurant areas offered delicious and relatively affordable consumption. Since many young women lived in crowded households, or as maids living under the same roof as their employers, public places like this must have been valuable as a living room away from home. Especially the SF Lounge allowed them a free opportunity to arrange dates or see their friends out of sight of their families or mistresses. In contrast to Anke Gleber's understanding of consumerist flânerie as more or less thwarted by capitalist containment, I would argue that spaces such as these acquired liberating functions that are not reducible to commodified relations.57 In accordance with an hetcrotopian logic, Centrums indoor square was used as a filmrelatcd exhibition space. German actor Willy Fritsch was particularly popular during the period, so popular that when a photo exhibition was arranged there, seventeen of his in­ character photo enlargements were stolen.58 The exhibition was re-mediated in newsreel ÅRG 9 KONGRESSNUMMER N§9 B I O G R A fÄ G A R fN BIOGRAFÄGAREN Organ fö r Sverges Biografdgareförbund. Ovcfcm Joy SvencjCS fyioyraJacjarcJorluHc) Arg. VIII. B io g raf ä g a ren , No. 9, 1934 23 S K I T K M B E R I M S . N.O 14. B io g ra fä g a ren , No. 14, 1933 BIOGRAFÄGAREN Organ fö r Sverges Biografigareförbund. CENTRUM av Eder biogrofverksomhet är fllmonskofln ingen Def är känt ot S. F, ör landets ledande ledonde tiimnrim. filmfirma och till cfess kontor i CENTRUM ledo förbindelser frän Mo världens förnömra filmproducenter. Står ni villrådig 01» IM-«.» i förbindelse ined oss, sä ligger ni som god etto pä eder plats ifråga om filmernas A.-B. Svensk Filmindustri - FILMUTHYRNINGEN Edutrd Sjöbäck B io g raf ä g a ren, No. 7, 1932 B io g ra fä g a ren , No. 10, 1932 SF advertisments along the empty lot,Kungsgatan (Svensk F ilm industri 25 år, 1944) SF 735 ( 1932), the camerawork and editing playfully “animating” the photos, in a manner resembling the nearsighted and somewhat nervous adoration of a devoted fan. In relation to the Swedish premiere of his film Eines Prinzen junge Liebe (Trude Marlen, 1933) in January 1934, the star himself visited Stockholm, causing a minor mania for his own persona as well as for collecting autographs. SF W eekly reported that during his stay, passionate female fans had stopped at nothing to get his autograph. One innovative woman gave him her shoe to sign at the Skandia premiere of the film, and a group of girls had hid in his room at Grand Hôtel with a similar, rather innocent objective. In the midst of this enthusiasm for the star, the masses of fans were difficult to handle. In newsreel SF 813 ( 1934), people are seen to have gathered by the thousands outside the Central station to catch a glimpse of their idol, and mounted police had to keep them in check for his car to pass; both on his arrival and departure his clothes were torn.59 During his sojourn in Stockholm, Fritsch was of course invited to meet SF s personnel at the head office in Centrum. Over the next few years, visiting celebrities were often “shot” on SF s terrace overlooking Kungsgatan. SF s Filmic Landscape In terms of advertising, SF dominated the lower part of Kungsgatan well before their move to the Centrum House. A large empty lot running downhill the street below the nearest bridgehead was fenced in by planks all covered with film posters, and recurrently SF s mobile and illuminated advertisements were mounted above them.60 Nearby, SF's illuminated sign for current repertoires frequently ran along the entire length of Hötorget s market-hall.61 Moreover, the area as a whole was strewn with audiovisual media. As many as twentyseven of Stockholm's companies connected to film production were located here or in the neighborhood by the early 1930s,6’ and the Swedish Broadcasting Corporation was only a stone s throw further down on Kungsgatan. For several reasons, SF s move proved exceedingly fortunate, one being that the concave corner-profile of the Centrum House lent itself so well to advertising purposes.63 As Ward 's visual material exemplifies, the rounded functionalist corner house often became a fetish object in Weimar pictorial advertising, entailing a triple referentiality to the product, its location, and their joint, mutually reinforcing modern appeal.64 SF drew heavily on these functions. As part of the new urban cityscape, Centrum was clearly suggestive of modernity, and of course — centrality. Over the next few years, “Centrum” became a clear and simple metaphor for SF's marketing vis-à-vis exhibitors and audiences — the SF headquarters, the SF lounge: This was the place where it all happened. The two pictorial devices were used regularly in advertisements in The Exhibitor, the SF logo or the corner house was placed as a centerpiece, from which rays radiated. “Centrum of the film trade” is the heading of an ad where a daytime photo ot the building is superimposed on the SF logo, rays suggesting the output of domestic as well as international film, each country represented by an emblematic building or monument. In another image the neon SF sign on Centrum's façade appears as the focal point; this was also the situation of their office. As in the aforesaid image, the vectors emanating from the sign illustrate the company 's varied repertoire, where each nation is a node on a terrestrial globe placed diagonally above the photo. Another image pictorially interlinks SF 's two most important addresses: Centrum and the film studio site in Råsunda, placed above the SF logo on the middle of the page. The most striking image of all is based on a watcrcolor illustration showing the upper part of the darkened corner house by night. The SF sign on the façade here functions as a powerfully light-generating device: rays shoot out over an indigo sky like search lights, three of the beams projecting film titles against it. Among SF's slogans for the SF lounge in SF Weekly, two of them read: “Centrum is the Centrum for all Ladies,” “Centrum of Centrum in the City Center!”6’ On yet another advertisement photo of the Centrum building, the position of the SF lounge is marked by a superimposed sign, saying “In the middle of Centrum,”simultaneously enhancing the bird s-eyc view and suggesting an inward zoom.66 Similarly, SF's self-promoting films could provide careful situational information about the whereabouts of head office. In connection with the newly introduced automatic telephone dialing service, the information was included as a short newsreel sketch, Stockholms autotelefon /Stockholm 's Automatic Telephone (SF 727, 1931 ) featuring Eric Abrahamsson and a young woman. The opening indoor scene shows her sitting by the phone wondering how to dial, and as he sets about to show her how to order tickets through the telephone service “SF biljetter”/ “SF tickets,” there is a cut to the evening outline of the Centrum House, then to the operator 's desk within the building. Thereafter we are shown the procedure. The short film Ta genvägen till bio/ Take a Shortcut to the M ovies (SF 3115, Gunnar Skoglund, 1933) took a wider view of Stockholm. The subtitle jokingly warns against making the journey to a film theater without securing tickets in advance: “A piece of advice occasioned Viking-Ur, D agens N yheter, „•»■■wwL* IM ah, 1929 ... S f t B f l l J .... J ä tte n s lu n g o r —- ventilations-sysfemct H ur m an gör reklam , 1931 dra i. dc Knatte «hlagema »pri» F* grammofon och har Ni «II hud>kap-"> framföra till någon bekant, depow* Ni det i biljettkontoret, dar adte»aie» kan avhåmta det. Si*t men kke kan Ni i S. b.-talongen kopa fdra Ho bilietier till alla S. F:i stoekholmoeairat SF Veckorpogram , No. 19, 1933 by a journey [to Stockholm] from Tumba” The film opens with a quick sequence of inner city views by nightfall, the street lamps are lit, one after the other. The speaker s claim that 10,000 moviegoers go to SF s theaters every night is visually accompanied by the urban appeal of the eleven flaming neon signs of the company's inner city theaters. SF s neon sign introduces this sequence as well as the following: a likewise attractive bird's-eye view of Kungsgatan by night, enhancing the curve of the concave Centrum House profile and the depth perspective of the image. The façade sign sits in the foreground, high above the streams of traffic. A cut transfers us to the operators desk, where twenty-four SF employees are ready to take orders. Having reached the address, we are introduced into the ordering procedure, starting with a close-up of “the flashing lights box” showing the number of incoming calls. The camera pans backwards from it, over the double rows of operators' desks. “Let's follow one of those flashing lights,” says the speaker, and two silent, intercut scenes visualize the right and the wrong way to get tickets. At the same time as an operator answers a call from Nils Jerring, an elderly lady approaches a uniformed usher in a crowded foyer, imploring him to let her buy a ticket for the film Cavalcade, having come all the way from Tumba. For a while we are left on hold as to whether she succeeds or not; instead the film shows more incoming calls and the stages of booking. A map marked with the inner city theaters and a wall chart showing available and fully booked screenings illustrate the reliable procedures. To secure swiftness and certainty, operators imprint each ordering card with a combined time clock and stamp, which is shown in close-up, followed by a sample imprint registering the beginning and end of each call. Similar to the “telephone films” Jan Olsson elucidates in his article “ Förstorade attraktioner. Klassiska närbilder” the visualization of the technology, especially in the tri-split screen technique, creates a spatio-temporal dynamics of distance and proximity between the calling parties, with the interjacent scene of the city functioning both as a point of transference and an emblem of modernity.67 Take a Shortcut to the M ovies' swift crosscutting visually interconnects not only operators and callers, but also a handful of current films and prominent stars in the domestic repertoire: Tutta Rolf, Gösta Ekman, Karin Swanström, Birgit Tengroth, Sigurd Wallen and Edvin Adolphson. Together with Centrum House, the telephone emblematizes ultimate accessibility for filmgoers. By the help of the kind usher's call to “SF Tickets” the lady from Tumba eventually gets her ticket, and the film reverses the spatial journey performed at its beginning: there is yet another close-up of the flashing lights box, then an overview of the operators' room. A beautiful double-exposure sequence follows, showing neon signs superimposed by individual soft-focus close-ups of attractive operators taking incoming calls. Their receivers luminous by their wellmade up faces, the operators are elevated to the status of film stars themselves. A last cut again transfers us out in the city, beneath the neon signs of SF s theaters. It is no exaggeration to state that SF appropriated the Centrum building as its own. So great was the company's affection for, and belief in the attraction-commercial value of the building that it got to play a significant role in a few newsreel slots. The comic short SF 729-A (1931) begins with two petty criminals (Weyler Hildebrand, Ejnar Fagstad) meeting at the juncture of Sveavägen and Kungsgatan, diagonally opposite the Centrum building. They gaze at the building almost as if eyeing a curvaceous woman, and grow so infatuated with it that they actually decide to steal it. Subsequently, the)- carry off the building (a large miniature model) against a back-projected inner city landscape to the island Essingen, intending to keep it as a summerhouse. During the same fall, a new staircase was opened between the two-level crossing of Kungsgatan and Malmskillnadsgatan, allowing pedestrians to move more easily between the streets at the far end of the Centrum building. In connection with the event, SF arranged a naming contest for it, launched by newsreel SF 122 (1931 ) starting with footage of the 1911 opening of the new Kungsgatan, and King Gustav V saluting the public. By the upper bridge abutment, the image fades over into the 1931 opening. Spatially, the sequence is edited so as to grasp the event, shifting between shots of the mass of feet climbing up and down, and up towards the crowds leaning down from the Malmskillnadsgatan bridge parapet to look at the people in the stairs below, and, in some cases, into the camera. A woman s legs are shown climbing, then a cut returns the viewer to the onlookers’ backsides as they lean over the parapet. After spatially orientating the viewers with the staircase, texts urge them to contribute suggestions. A shot follow s of a ballot box placed in the SF Lounge, into which two fashionably dressed young women drop notes with suggestions. One after another more women walk up to the box, while others sit relaxed around the room reading magazines. Since they are all clad in modern coats and hats in this indoor scene, we might guess that the scene involved some product placement. A subsequent newsreel, SF 129 ( 1931 ), is a trick-filmed night sequence, gradually revealing the result of the contest. Seven men, all in neat hats and coats, move onto the seven landings of the staircase, until there is one man on each of them. Their descent to reach each of the points in fast-motion is intercut with intertitles giving one word for each man and landing in the following manner: “The [simultaneous fanfare] — staircase — was — named — Seven — Hills — Long! ” An accelerating xylophone music score further enhances the impression of the men 's tripping movements. If SF made most of the opportunity to advertise its presence in, and draw on the prestige of the Centrum building, it was surely not the only company in the building to do so. The Viking Watch Company, w hose illuminated sign adorned the corner house façade, utilized a Centrum-by-night image in its press advertising. AB Svenska Fläktfabriken had installed the building's ventilation system, and marketed their services by a crisp drawing of the corner building with the caption: “The Giant 's Lungs’.’68 Vclocipedbolaget Lindblad used an identical image, superimposed by two arrow s in bold type pointing to their two locations within the building.69 In 1928, the Linguaphone Institute had moved into the building, sharing premises with Wcnnergrens bokhandel / Wennergren's Bookstore.70 Linguaphone made a timely advertising alliance with SF just as sound film entered the film repertoire. “Follow the Example! ” says a full-page advertising article, “You may be at the cinema one night, listening to a talking picture. You will most certainly get the feeling that the talking picture will shortly have very much to offer in terms of cultural interest, and what is more, it w'ill be one of the most prominent factors among public amusements’.’71 No matter what your profession, a Linguaphone course will be worth your while, it states. A line set in extra bold type reads: “do not forget that you arc a modern individual, given new' opportunities by modern times, which simultaneously put new demands on you. ”11 Yet, the course itself is a nice pastime, the gramophone records offering a comprehensive learning process for your ear, eye and speech organs. The article is framed by seven illustrative images, of which six are photos depicting study groups. The last, indicating where the Linguaphone Institute can be found, is a sketch of the corner of the Centrum building referred to above. In 1931, SF and Linguaphone launched a more elaborate campaign: [I]f you want to get ahead in the struggle for existence, the new times put a greater demand on our knowledge and skills than ever before. First on the list is the demand for knowledge of languages... To prove that modern times have found an equally enjoyable and effective shortcut to acquiring language skills, and to give the honorable audience the opportunity to become acquainted with this shortcut — The Linguaphone Institute and SF cooperate... to provide ... trial English lessons free of charge at the Palladium... After the completion of a Linguaphone course, you will profit in an entirely different manner from your wireless and the many foreign sound films in SF s theaters...73 As in the earlier example, the modern imperative carries most of the rhetoric force. If modern times allow you to make more demands, be prepared for them demanding more of you, even during leisure hours. The short The Browns at Home (SF SSI, 1931 ) was an interesting conglomerate advertising tool used by the cooperating companies to attract audiences to the Palladium and the language courses. It opens with a living room scene, where a big family is seated. The mother plays a chord on the piano; there is a cut to the father, sitting by a table in the center of the room, book in hand, opening the dialogue: “Well, Grandfather, we have just begun taking a Linguaphone course in English. You just have to know languages these days, otherwise you will never get ahead! ” The grandfather is very enthusiastic : “ Very sensible ! .. .Couldn t you let me take part in the Linguaphone course? As you know, I see every talking picture, and have my own wireless at home ; it would be grand to understand foreign languages ! ” The son promptly answers : “within fifty hours Grandfather will understand every word! ” and starts a gramophone beside him with a brisk movement. An outward zoom shows all of the family, as the gramophone voice begins to speak in a clipped, British accent: This is a picture of a sitting room. The Brown family is in the sitting room. [All adults have now opened their textbooks, mother points to something in hers, and the daughter looks at the page over her shoulder]. The family consists.. .of... the grandfather... [humming in recognition], .. .the Grandmother [grandfather points at her, she nods in affirmation], the father, the mother, the daughter, the son and the baby [grandfather nods, pats the child at his feet on the head] ,74 The camera again zooms in on the father by the table, who claims that: “Every moviegoer can benefit from language skills. Therefore, the Linguaphone Institute invites you to take a trial lesson... offered at the Palladium theater every day between five and six p.m. W elcome ! ” There is a second shot, where the English gramophone voice elaborates more on the family members and what they are doing as we see them in the frame. As in the first version, the statements about the family are given visual confirmation by the members affirmative nods, looks and hummings, so that the viewers can follow each utterance and make a translation cued by activities and gestures. Like a textbook image, the family tableau offered ample illustration for learning. The clear and pedagogical manner in which the offer was presented thereby allowed film viewers to begin learning even at their first encounter with the method. Moreover, the film exemplified how domestic pleasures could be made more enjoyable by going to the movie theater. Hctcrotopian Cinema and Foyer Events for Flâneuses and Housewives Several studies on early cinema have drawn attention to the social space of the foyer, which often acquired a repertoire of its own. Yuri Tsivian's Early Cinema in Russia and its Cultural Reception, describes the Russian 1910s film theater foyer as a locus for extra- filmic events. Enjoying refreshments or the visual pleasure of foyer winter gardens were attractive aspects of the moviegoing experience. With the foyer as cinematic framework, audiences even put themselves on display, striking affected poses.75 Shelley Stamp likewise discusses the foyer as a mirrored arena for bourgeois women to show off fashionable attire, or for shop girls “putting on style’.’7*’ Both before and after the turn of the 1930s, inner city complexes built to include cinema theaters in Stockholm were often constructed as distinctly hctcrotopian. The aforementioned Metropol-Palais (Albin Stark, 1928) at the crossing of Odcngatan and Sveavägen was housed together with the restaurant Metropol, to which it was connected by a passage on the upper floor. The China film theater had a terrace-top dance restaurant. On St Eriksgatan, a towering building took shape, named the Sports Palace (Jean S. Adrian, 1928-1935). Originally planned as a skyscraper, it took seven years to finish, due to several changes. Besides providing the city with Sweden's very first 50-metre swimming pool, the building held a movie theater in one wing, the Rivoli ( 1933), and a restaurant.77 Spegeln (Gustaf Clason, 1935), opening on Birger Jarlsgatan, housed a café in the upper foyer. In 1937, the rivaling RI chain opened the most elaborate complex housing a film theater on Mariatorgct, the Rival (Rolf Hagstrand, 1937), including, a semi-circular foyer bar and a cafe. Like Flamman and Spegeln it was built in state-of the art functionalism, although more luxurious and colorful. The building also held a restaurant and a hotel. In his dissertation on 1920 's Swedish film culture, Mats Björkin recurrently draws attention to the Swedish Exhibitors' Association, and their generally suspicious and critical stance towards hybrid forms of entertainment within an movie theater context, or screenings held outside of it. Members were anxious about raising the status of their medium, which is why they held a tight hand over it, to prevent screening practices lapsing into the presumed jingle jangle, “cheap” film culture of olden times. Björkin describes a deeply controversial hybrid entertainment establishment, called Biografkonditorict/the Cinema Café, which lead an Postcard, Centrum House (Photo: Gunnar Lundh, Nordiska Museet) insecure existence on Regeringsgatan between 1924 and 1926. As the name implies, it offered visitors non-alcoholic beverages and pastries at a fixed price, which they could consume in comfortable surroundings while watching films for as long as they liked. The auditorium was furnished so that patrons could either sit dowrn comfortably in the cafe furniture along the walls, or bring their refreshments with them to pulpits placed in rows facing the screen.78 Early on, the Swedish Exhibitors Association expressed anxiety over being subjected to unfair competition, since the Cinema Café offered both refreshments and a screening for the same price as a regular cinema visit, but they formulated their critique as a moral concern. Some of the worried voices raised against the establishment perceived the feminization of its audience — and their ascribed combination of schaulust and weakness for sweets — as threatening, especially as the concept of female “appetite” was linked to a sexual register. As Björkin argues, the association brings to mind Miriam Hansen s discussion about the metonymical relationship between the prostitute and the cinema in early critical film discourse.79 Juxtaposed with the argument about delicacies as one of the most salient of feminine consumer pleasures, the exhibitors interpreted ingestion as a code for female libidinal expansion. Further, the Association worried about the hard-won status of moviegoing becoming sullied by being associated with the suspected immoral goings-on at the establishment, which was situated within one of the city's prostitution areas. In January 1926, the Cinema Cafe was finally forced to close down owing to shortage of film; all members of the film trade had united in a boycott against it. Analyzing its hostile reception, Björkin claims that not only did it combine two incompatible hetcrotopian spaces, it fused the filmic sphere of the imaginary with a new topos of reality, resulting in a “respatialization of the filmic experience,” considered too provocative to be socially acceptable.80 In the early 1930s, only the odd hybrid screening practice surfaces. In an acrid note, The Exhibitor reports on a new entertainment form generating a craze in the US: Indoor mini-golf courses in movie theaters.81 Within a few months, mini-golf courses were indeed opened in NK's department store and on Sturegatan, but remained non-associated with film theaters.82 Dancing cinemas was another much resented hybrid pleasure among exhibitors.88 Such an establishment started in northern Sweden, advertising: Hallo! Hallo! Greta Garbo is coming to Afors in her latest great film ‘Inspiration on Easter Eve the ISth of April. It will be screened in combination with a big DANCE SOIRÉE starting at. 7 a. m. The T.T. Sports journal writes of Greta Garbo: ‘No other star can be compared to her. She is tremendous.’ The ÅFORS DANCE ORCESTRA will be playing. Fully licensed restaurant. Entrance fee: 1 krona for Gentlemen, 75 öre for Ladies. All are welcome! The Board.84 The preceding spring, The Exhibitors editorial board received copies of posters about dancing cinemas whose activities they mostly succeeded in forcing out of the market by the same procedure that closed down the Cinema Café.S5 Sometimes, their strategies had autocratic tendencies, as when they banned a functioning booking routine for theater tickets combined with a bus fare to Kungsbacka. Provincial moviegoers living at some distance from town had formerly been able to secure a ticket without having to go there first. The Exhibitors ' Inspection agency did not approve, however, since it offered a small discount.86 SF arranged events that may principally have provoked the Exhibitors' Association, but mostly, resistance did not show, on account of the company 's dominant position. After the success of the travel service at Röda Kvarn, SF launched a string of events and exhibitions in auditoriums and foyers. In 1930, the public was offered the opportunity to celebrate New Year s Eve at the theaters Skandia, Palladium, Rio, Göta Lejon and Flamman, between which a group of popular artists circulated.87 Some time after, the same SF W eekly issue advertising the newlyopened SF Lounge, also announced upcoming matinee foyer exhibitions for ladies at Röda Kvarn during week-days, where novelties in textiles, handicraft, home furnishing, and beauty products were demonstrated in the foyer and shown in advertising shorts in the auditorium. “Make a rule of dropping in... every week, it's comfortable, interesting and worth your while.”88 The theater was staged as a hybrid space, offering a chain of experiences, items and images, directly juxtaposing the shop window with the cinema.89 Considered as a genre, the events anticipated the 1950-1970s Husmors filmer / Homemaker Films which Tytti Soila theorizes as contributing to forming a national icon of domestic womanhood. These films adopted a commercial and informative mode of consumer address, as well as an ambivalent image of the housewives' modernized, professionalized, yet traditionally defined domestic sphere.90 Röda Kvarns foyer events were reported to become popular; SF W eekly quoted Svenska Dagbladets article on the series, claiming that the morning strollers and shoppers had now found a new meeting point.91 A few issues later, the commercial demonstrations and screenings have become a “complete success,” especially among women Stockholmers. SF thus repeated the recipe of combining together several consumerist pleasures: in March 1931, the female public was invited to take tea and cakes while listening to “His Master's Voice,” to see fashion shows and exhibitions of baby products.92 All in all, Flamman, the SF Lounge in Centrum and Röda Kvarn were offered to the public as sites to occupy, their services providing housewives and mothers with toddlers practical consumerist pleasures, and the opportunity to fuse domestic work with public amusement, a sense of rationalizing domesticity away from the home.9* The combined exhibitions and screenings for ladies at Röda Kvarn offered a legitimate respatialization of the viewing situation, framed by functionalism's fusion of the home and public spheres, situating femininity within the limits of housewifely flânerie.94 As Rappaport claims, “Sensual pleasures were given moral validity when placed within the language of domesticity.”9’ Moreover, speaking with Janet Staiger, channeling women's desire for mobility into a regulated milieu of moderated, balanced consumerism additionally connoted sexual containment.96 This leads to another perspective of the district around Centrum House. Kungsgatan and its Street Girls, or the Problems of Urbanity and Visual Pleasure Kungsgatan was an epos, written in men and stone by the nation... Kungsgatan was not solely a street. It was a new mentality. The spirit of Kungsgatan was optimism. But now'here was this expressed in a book... Ivar Lo-Johansson, Kungsgatan Before moving on, it should be added that the Exhibitors Association showed a lingering anxiety over loss of prestige well into the 1930s. Generally, they were circumspect in relation to competing forms of public amusements. Many a time when a traveling circus was expected in the capital, they sent a letter of complaint to the Government, to nip the whole thing in the bud.97 While exhibitors continued to be suspicious of mixed media and entertainment forms well into the 1930s, the feminization of audiences was no longer the question of moral concern it was in Björkin's context. At the same time, Stockholm's heaviest prostitution area was situated around Kungsgatan s upcoming entertainment district, where three new movie theaters would later be built between 1936 and 1939.08 From the perspective of those devoting their energy to getting these women off the streets, the film medium along with the shop window — or the former seen as the latter — was still regarded as an instigator of moral downfall." In 1928, Malin Hårdh made a minor popular study of the prostitution problem in Stockholm, including a typology of girls and a statistical chart of their former occupations and given reasons for their moral degeneration. She singles out maids, waitresses and sales girls as those most likely to fall into prostitution, indicating their pleasure seeking and idleness as the causal factors rather than want.100 Films are especially demoralizing of character, she states: Our film theaters with their frivolous American luxury films have created more street girls than anything, destitution aside. The luxurious outfits and happy endings with incredibly lucky marriages, etc, put ideas into the girls' heads; and in combination with the scarcity of employment and earnings it does its work: on the street you can get money, here, adventure beckons, the lottery prize.101 Hårdh s observation is confirmed by the Salvation Army Captain Laura Pauli, whose views on the issue will be referred to shortly, and by historian Tomas Söderblom s dissertation on 1920s and 1930s Swedish prostitution. He claims that young girls from the lower provincial strata, often employed as underpaid maids in upper class households during the mid- 1920s, constantly eye-witnessed extravagant consumption patterns. Moreover, the mass cultural output spoke of an American, glamorous lifestyle, but the consumable goods related to them were outside of financial reach.102 Yet these provincial young women did not choose prostitution out of direct poverty, but for the chance of leading a comparably comfortable life of economic and social independence, even if it meant stigma and regular confrontations with the police. In the introduction, I referred to Boëtuius et al 's claim that between 1931 and 1935, 17,000 provincials moved to the capital annually, for the latter half of the decade, the number was 30,000. If, as they write, the new women Stockholmers came to embody urbanity more than their male counterparts, and moreover outnumbered them by 10 percent, negotiating an updated lifestyle independently was likely to involve some economic strain.101 In her dissertation on prostitution in turn-of-the-century Stockholm, Rebecka Lennartsson observes a link between the increased number of single women in the capital, and a growth of registered prostitutes.104 Could we also assume that the step was partly triggered by a readiness to cast off the old identity in response to the urban imperative to be fashionable? Here, beyond parental influence, nobody knew who you were. Potentially, the young woman from the provinces could be regarded as the ultimate urbanite. In relation to fashion discourse, she was a responsive subject, the one most willing to engage in self-styling, ready to take on the challenge that “In order to even observe the displays, one must give the appearance of being already part of the display itself.”105 However, the disciplinary systems of fashion and morality pull in opposite directions,106 making it hard to negotiate a middle ground where it was acceptable to express consumer desires with small means. Söderblom s newborn urbanite hereby became transgressive for acting as the model consumer. This receptive position should not be confused with gullibility or lack of critical distance towards commodity culture; rather — and this is a speculative hypothesis — what mobilized her in the direction ot prostitution was a rational decision conditioned by the imperatives of urban modernity. Writer Moa Martinson offers as vivid description of the pleasurable confusion of awakening consumer desire rising as she enters a department store. Her intention to buy a pair of shoes is quickly forgotten, as the light, colors and the manifold offerings of the vanity-fair took me a prisoner... I walked around, sniffing... swallowing with my eyes. Colors, hues, nuances, the scent of perfume, of new fabrics, of leather and morocco, buzz in the air, wealth... the barbarian within me had now awakened. If I could, I would have wrapped myself in the department store.107 Instead of the shoes, she buys a pair of emerald green earrings. In a different vein, the windowdresser Elisabeth von Stephani-Hahn metaphorizes the female consumer's look into the shop window as Eve 's fatal encounter with the snake in Paradise: “ [T]he serpent of infatuation cries to us from the display windows: ‘You must — you must — you must come along, enjoy my little dear... you must appear ... Ill help you seem as if you could, as if you were — even if you can't, or have nothing, or are nothing. ")s In an earlier context, Tom Gunning discusses the sheer sensory overload city dwellers experienced in the encounter with electric lighting and technological modernity. As he argues, the varieties of Baudelairian shock cast subjects out of joint, forcibly updating their senses. Likewise, taken by the capital 's consumerist spheres and all the desirable, but mostly unaffordable items it offered, the new city girl became a “passionate spectator,” or as Ward claims about the lover of display-windows, a “light alcoholic.”100 And, as the case may be, she adapted her sexual mores to attain a more urban look. As Annette Kuhn and Sarah Berry argue, in the politics of asserting oneself as a teenage girl or young woman, fashion, especially filmrelated fashion, moreover opened for new kinds of behavior, inspired by the stars.110 The girls in Hardh's, Pauli 's and Söderblom s accounts did not have much spending power; according to Pauli, a shop girl or a secretary earned between 60 and 70 crowns a month.111 Surely they could not afford the fashion items in the Centrum shopping center. In addition, the SF Lounge and the shopping center were short-lived phenomena; by the turn of 1937-38 both were gone, according to the architectural drawings. One of the initial questions was whether streetwalkers from outside had begun to take over among the feminine clientele. The Police protocols on feminine vagrancy (i.c. prostitution) between 1929 and 1937 do not confirm this hypothesis, however. On one single occasion, two prostitutes were arrested by the police in the Centrum shopping area, on account on having tried to escape and hide from a customer they had robbed in his apartment.112 Furthermore, the prostitution traffic mainly went on long after opening hours.11’ As one of several suggestive consumcrist spheres along Kungsgatan, Centrum was likely to exert a high degree of attraction, as did the street itself, which deserves a digression. Both the novel Kungsgatan ( 1935) by Ivar Lo-Johansson and the film adaptation Kungsgatan (Gösta Cederlund, 1943) offer vivid depictions of the street 's mesmerizing powers over both citydwellers and provincials."4 Lo-Johansson finely captures the allure of the street's offerings: Everything invested with life from the entire country is drawn through Kungsgatan - this fertile canyon, beginning in the borderland of Östermalm and ending in poor Kungsholmen. The paving stones exert an attraction as if they were platinum or gold. At night, when children kick off the covers in their sleep, they dream of Kungsgatan... Women's thoughts fly to its shops when they want to adorn themselves for their men, make themselves desirable. School classes, tourist groups, May- Day demonstrations, and Princely cortèges tread its paving stones. Kungsgatan is the walkers' street. It is a thicket of pillars, of arcades, of gateways to hide in, of mirrors to be reflected in, an extended floor to walk yourself tired upon when night falls. [Kungsgatan s] lights reach into all forests, play over all mountains. They spread over all fields with their flying dust. On millions of postcards its arc lamps, its banks oflight on millions of its shops. On millions of its towers. On millions of its streams of carefree gliding traffic. From Kungsgatan shining orbits unfold. They shoot from it against the sky like flames. They reach downward into the soil like rats' burrows." ’ Speaking with Astrid Soderbergh Widding, the street is subjected to the disorderly economy of the night, where “consumption is no longer subjected to the dictates of productivity. ”116 Moreover, it appears as a mercantilist system, a semifictitious universe, magically fostering and housing buyers and sellers. The novel Kungsgatan is about the lovers Martha and Adrian, who both leave their rural existence to become city-dwellers. Martha is the first to arrive in Stockholm, and after working a short period as a waitress in a cafe, she is introduced to “the trade” by an elegant lady friend. Soon, prostitution allows her to lead an easy life, giving her a new set of friends and co-workers along Kungsgatan and the inner city district. As an aside, it can be noted that the Police protocols on Vagrancy offer a geographical picture of the spread of prostitution that somewhat correlates to the novel s narrative. Depending on background, status, health standard and age, the prostitutes were ordered according to a hierarchy of customer desirability involving their spatial distribution in relation to socially coded districts and price ranges. The girls charging the highest prices (10-40 crowns) walked Kungsgatan, Birger Jarlsgatan, Strandvägen and the adjacent streets of Östermalm, while those of the next category (5-25 crowns) belonged to the intersection of Kungsgatan and Drottninggatan. Some of these women were also spread along the adjacent streets of Norrmalm and Vasastan: Beridaregatan, Klarabergsgatan, Odengatan and Sveavägen. Lowest in the hierarchy were the women (charging 50 öre-5 crowns, or a drink) cruising Gamla Stans alleys and junctures, Kornhamnstorg, Västerlånggatan and the part of Drottninggatan closest to Gamla Stan. While there were no distinct lines of demarcation between the districts, Gamla Stan was the end station, where the oldest and most alcoholic prostitutes circulated."7 Often, they also had the longest criminal records, and were involved in bootlegging, smuggling and procuring. Returning to the Kungsgatan theme, the novel conveys the unexceptional nature of Martha s and her friend 's choice, and their elegance."8 By comparison, the prostitutes of the film adaptation wear outfits clearly marking them as vulgar. But regarding the street, the film similarly depicts it as an almost mercantilist system of its own. When Martha first arrives, it is Kungsgatan that arrests her ga/.c, and makes her stop in amazement. Further into the narrative, she is seen to go directly from looking with desire into a shop window on the same street, to picking up her first customer. In both narratives, Kungsgatan becomes her destiny. In the film, the street appears repeatedly as an audiovisual mantra, its significance as the road to destruction rendered through images of the streets city lights and the film's nostalgic theme song. Other visually cued, but uncommented on codes are provided, as in one oi the film s last scenes where Martha accidentally tries to pick up Adrian ( whom she does not recognize ) in a half- dark alley in Gamla Stan. Since she first walked the streets, she has fallen from the highest to the lowest category of streetwalker. Whether Martha's fictional figure can be regarded as indicating a contemporary social phenomenon or not, her profile represents a contemporary image of the rural girl destroyed by her excessive desire for fashion and glamour. Around 1930, Laura Pauli saw the growth of a new generation of prostitutes among the low-paid female work force. They were under-aged girls or “seemingly respectable” women with regular jobs, who walked the streets for extra income. Upon meeting a “senior” prostitute in detention at the Landskrona Citadell ( 1918-1940), a carcéral institution for prostitutes (built after Bentham s Panopticon principles),"9 it dawns on her that the prostitutes' given visibility and moral framework within the regimentation system and the Prostitution Bureau have been disunited since the institutions were abolished in 1919. [Sjhe appeared to me like a museum specimen, with her proud straight bearing, her big coiffure, and her boisterous tongue. She was once one of Stockholm's celebrated ‘Madonnas, ’ but now she was very outdated. The fashion among scarlet women also changes... The prostitutes have lost their proud class consciousness, they no longer hold a statutory place within the state... The big battle between the ‘written’ [at the inspection bureau] and those on the ‘sly’ has been blown off... ‘The written were once powerful ladies, who could scare a poor ‘sly’ to death with their threats to ‘put the police on them’. Now all prostitutes have sunk to the contemptuous class of the ‘ sly,’ having lost their sense of caste and their privileged position. The proud, provocative Madonna type is extinct and all wretched street girls sneak around incognito to the best of their abilities. In former days, all prostitutes upheld the guild spirit; now noone wants to be a full-time prostitute. Nowadays, one is only half a street girl; the other half is an honorable woman. The prostitutes have improved qualitatively and spread quantitatively... The angel with the bare striking sword, standing on guard around the honorable women's camp, has lifted its wings, and a bridge has been laid across the abyss. The prostitute, who wants to change her life's vocation, can march into the ranks of honorable women without encumbrance. The passage is also free for the honest woman into the prostitutes ranks. Many of the passengers in this direction are under-aged girls... the greatest numbers are those younger than seventeen. The prostitute as type has undergone rejuvenation. It is the children's millennium.1’1’ Pauli no longer sees any clear distinction between an honest girl and a prostitute. Many of the latter category have proper jobs as their main livelihood, as seamstresses, industrial workers, sales women and maids, she claims, adding that they partly sell sex for their own pleasure.121 These women's craving for flair, and above all clothes, is the reason for their moral degeneration. Appearance is all-important, she writes: [CJountless are the girls who arc prepared to sell their bodies for a beautiful dress... An ordinary person finds it hard to fathom the boundless love for clothes that drive so many young women to destruction. Many a young girl does not hesitate in her choice between a fine dress and a pure body, between a handsome winter coat and uncontaminatcd blood. The girls' love of beautiful clothes is inexpressible.122 Pauli remembers a dialogue with a woman dying from venereal disease, who would not have lived her life differently, was she given a Kingdom: “Oh, to be beautiful, the most beautiful of all. ”12 5 Disregarding the tinge of moral anxiety voiced here, there is reason to take the relationship she describes seriously. Despite the fact that both Pauli and Hârdh see these women as being enslaved by pleasure-seeking and status needs, their testimonies indicate that the women they encountered had not quietly accepted their bad financial situation, and that they did not necessarily think of their moral transgression as so significant, fatal or irrevocable.124 More importantly, the quoted claims cannot be rejected as simply expressing moral panic a priori. Both had listened to the women's own accounts and reasons, especially Pauli, who had worked among prostitute clients for a long time. Understood in relation to the depression, the will to be fashionable translates as rebellion against the drabness of reality, and as a performative demonstration of status. A fair guess is that these women regarded beautification as a basis for creating social capital, involving a two-way investment of their bodies.1’5 Another question was where one drew the line between prostitution and “treating culture’.’ As Stamp claims, urban dating patterns were often based on an understanding that women were treated to commercial venues by their male dates, in return for sexual “favors.”126 Similarly, in reference to Johan Almkvist, Pauli argues that there was no clear borderline between free love and prostitution.127 What comes across as pleasure-seeking and idleness within Hardh's and Paulis values system of the Lutheran work ethic, gender and sexual norms, translates as a refusal to accept them in Söderbloms documents and interviews with former prostitutes. The women in his interview-based study regarded a maid's, badly paid, 80-hour working week as nothing less than slavery. A significant share of the street girls acted on rational grounds, he claims. They saw themselves as free entrepreneurs and were unwilling to change their way of life, even when faced with pressure from the police or the forced-labor institution in Landskrona.128 However, since the number of informants is rather limited, the validity of his generalizations about their identities and life projects could be the subject of debate, as could the relative absence of feminist theorization in a work he claims to he feministically inclined. Moreover, an important observation Söderblom overlooks, is that within the moral universes defining the working conditions the women had left behind them in the service sector, they had probably been regarded as sexually fair game anyway.129 The distinction between being taken for, anti actually being, a public woman may have grown less and less important to many women thus exposed, the daily wear-and-tear of working experience gradually corroding norms of propriety. As Yvonne Svanström observes in her dissertation on prostitution in Sweden in the 1800s, the spatial premise of sexual mores was a code always already operative when women entered a given sphere. Being seen in the wrong place, or exposed in the wrong social context, may once and for all fix them to that very spot or clientele.150 According to Pauli, there were recurrent instances of young women having gone more or less from virginity to prostitution, inspired by their friends. In the novel Kungsgatan, these girls arc described as especially sought after on the street.151 Söderblom, in turn, refers to the influence girls received from friends, emphasizing that there was often no coaxing or persuasion involved: the choice was both presented and taken as an opportunity. Similarly, Lennartsson claims that women could be advised by friends to accept payment from their sexual partners.152 Paradoxically, this step might be explained by the assumption that if the women were generally posited as the victims of sexuality, subjected to a sexual double standard officially denying them sexual agency and the freedom of pleasure, why not exploit it instead of simply giving it away? Another interpretation is offered by Stamp's perspective on the moral anxiety over the urban working girl s alleged vulnerability to being sexually exploited in the popular culture of the LIS in the 1910s . She argues that the failure of moral critics to fathom the possibility of young women's willful and conscious involvement in eroticized encounters and milieus lead them to imagine contacts initiated in commercial venues as leading to prostitution, i.c., “white slavery’.’ Likewise, Lennartsson states, partying working women who indulged themselves sexually were mistaken for prostitutes by Stockholm's prostitution authorities. By drawing attention to the fact that the girls originated from rural areas with freer codes, such as the sanctioned heterosexual night courtship [nattfrieri], she claims that there was a cultural clash between this convention and the Stockholm bourgeoisie's restrictive and commodified view of sexuality.133 Within the context at hand, “uteliv”/ “going out” is a formulation that continually surfaces in Police vagrancy protocols, as well as in Söderblom, Pauli and Hårdh s texts. The double significance of streetwalking and entertainment is not insignificant here. Those penning the accounts almost invariably offer accounts of why and when the girls started “going out” often referring to their desire to have a good time as the critical factor. Similarly, the prostitutes unwilling to change their lifestyle arc referred to as refusing to stop “going out’.’ Returning to Pauli s characterization of the “part-time-working” pleasure-seeking street girls, the imposed prostitution label was a stigma, but also a guise, under which both entertainment, nonmonogamous dating patterns and sexual practices could be realized as forms of non-sanctioned flânerie.134 Several women in Hårdh and Pauli s account may not have identified themselves as prostitutes at all; this was a label imposed as a consequence of being gratuitously warned or arrested by the local police for vagrancy. In concrete terms, it additionally meant that one could be observed or arrested on one's way to the movies.135 “Vulgarization Through the Eye” As indicated, the problematics of visual impression and appearance figure as the inroad to degeneration. In the following, the prostitution problem is linked to the more general and long-lived moral contestation over urban entertainment during the decade. Medical Professor Olof Kinberg s 1935 study Varför bli människor brottsliga / W hy do People Become Criminals? offers a contemporaneous scientific explanation of socially transgressive practices and criminality by taking mcsological factors into account, i.e., how local socio-economic dynamics propel tendencies of behavior and mobility in a given population, or groups and subcultures. Conversely, this mobility in turn affects that very same social dynamic. Referring to paradigmatic American sociology, he claims that the occurrence of juvenile delinquency often correlates to the closeness to or distance from the city center. In contrast to the sound “call of the wild” affecting rural dwellers, “the call of the street” had an injurious effect on young urban people. “The impressions from the street”the influence from the cinema and the popular press arc infectious, he says, as they cultivate a pleasure-seeking mentality, by which the egotistical “pleasure-first principle” instead of the “duty-first” is allowed to dominate.136 If Kinberg s allegedly scientific interpretation was underpinned by the moral panic that surfaces with every ageing generation worrying over actual or imagined entertainment patterns emerging among the young, it acquired authoritative currency from his own as w'ell as Herman Lundborg's paradigmatic research on normality and deviance among criminals and prostitutes.137 Kinberg's polarization of popular media and the virtue of character acquired a re­ established validity also within progressive quarters, paradoxically enough among sexual educators. While the sexual reformists in Riksförbundet för sexuell upplysning ( RFSU ) /The National Organization for Sexual Education lobbied for abolishing the sexual double standard, and for a spread of sexual education, a culturally conservative perspective constituted their ethical platform. On more than one occasion, their journal Populär Tidskrift för sexuell upplysning / Popular Journal for Sexual Education voices concern over image-based popular culture as a sexually degenerating force, blaming it for leading young people astray. In 1933, Nils Nielsen argues that while society demands sexual restraint for women and men alike, it thwarts those very attempts, by allowing prostitution and the eroticized output of movie houses, theaters and magazines to flood contemporary culture. The degenerating influence taking place here could he likened to what Shelley Stamp calls the “vulgarization through the eye.”1 38 As Kjell Jonsson shows, other social critics defined the process in oral terms: the uncritical public “devoured” the contents of the cheap colored weekly press.139 These media allegedly created an overheated erotic atmosphere that was harmful from a sexual-hygienic viewpoint; watching arousing images without some form of release allegedly put dangerous strains on the nervous system. Like Kinberg, an anonymous writer in The Popular JournalJor Sexual Education argues that the urban entertainment scene contaminates the audiences moral fiber. He observes a brazen attitude towards sexuality in the young urban crowd, above all among the girls, there is a group of pleasure-seeking coquettish girls with a highly eroticized outlook, who retain no sense of affection or tenderness... no deeper consideration for the other party, nor any particular willingness to take on responsibility... this attitude is the most excellent soil for prostitution. And as long as social misery and social discontent exists, the girls will continue to be led into prostitution.140 Another critical sexual educator was Johan Almkvist, who states that modern culture privileges the specular above all others: “Eyesight is the prime avenue for human impressions. To a great extent, vision has displaced all the other senses’.’141 He thereby worries that visual impressions may lead to bad, superficial choices of entertainment as well as sexual partners. In 1931, he called for a congress devoted to a medically inspired, critical discussion of public amusements: Peril is now at our very doorstep. Perverted public amusements are threatening to plunge our originally sound and vital people into indolence and bad health... [, putting] their higher [cultural] interests in jeopardy. Thus, spiritual vacuity will be the result... Young people are those in most danger [of] those who profit from their need for entertainment... Moreover, the pursuit of passive pleasures — accompanied by the drinking of alcohol — is followed by contagious venereal diseases. The more they [passive pleasures] are spread, the more numerous these diseases become; this is an age-old, acquired wisdom among doctors... Swedish men and women, put aside your party-political considerations and unite in this joint struggle against the unsound, rampant public amusements! May all the Swedish people express their opinion about this spiritual gangrene, and the cures against it, in clear resolutions with feasible ideas.142 Almkvist secs an inevitable link between popular entertainment, alcohol, sexual promiscuity and venereal diseases.143 In his capacity as Grand master of the Swedish Order, Almkvist had gathered fifty-odd names to his appeal, and took it upon himself to collect written contributions from those who were like-minded. Like Almkvist, Carl Malmsten saw contemporary popular culture as seriously threatening. In accordance with the psycho-sexual critique, he sees degeneration as emanating from media and “fast” vehicles: “Shall the road hog, the jazz boy, the movie idiot, the spineless slut be allowed to spread, and to typify Swedish youth? ”1++ The gallery of degenerated types speaks of dirty and infectious sensation in several respects. Here is an unhygienic mix of disorderly behavior, unwholesome syncopations and ditto movements. Understood as an endless, contagious two-way process, the power to “vulgarize” was furthermore thought to emanate from the popular media and the recipients alike. Söderblom s refers to an attempt to shield out harmful visual material from girls already defined as prostitutes. Within the walls of the forced-labor institution of Landskrona, girls committed to detention in the mid- 1920s had been deprived of pin-up pictures of glamorous movie stars or fashion clips they had put up in their cells. The staff considered the images to remind the girls too strongly of their former lives, and suspected their visual impact to be powerful enough to draw the girls back to the street after their release.14’ In a passage on prostitution and gambling, Walter Benjamin writes: “Isn't there a certain structure of money that can be recognized only in fate, and a certain structure of fate that can be recognized only in money?”146 Ashe claims, “Prostitution opens a market in feminine types,” destined to be doubly subjected to commodity values.147 Lamenting the urban young women's increased depravation, Bo Giertz formulates this relationship in concrete terms. In his eyes, the lack of sexual restraint among bad girls is clearly conditioned by their insufficient distance to the market. Here, too, the “vulgarization through the eye” runs as subtext to the clear-eyed ideal that he conceptualizes: Our people needs girls that do not buy a little small-ware happiness on sale, that do not give their own hearts away in tiny portions, but who look ahead with great and pure anticipation, with clear eyes, whose gaze reaches all the way to the fresh, sun-drenched fields of the zenith of their powers, and who hold out to be able to give all the richer some day.148 Giertz formulation elucidates the reciprocal market relationship that the bad girl embodies: she is both buyer and seller of trifles, a purchaser being bought.149 Unlike their virtuous sisters, the prostitutes, in turn, would not hold out for a good marriage, or a slightly better position (which still meant low-paid, hard work), but went straight for the money and the desired living standard and commodities they could buy. By looking again at streetwalkers in the consumer landscape more as excessive consumers than sellers, associations are further drawn to the alleged boom of middle class kleptomaniacs in turn-of-the-century department stores, who did not steal out of want, but sublimated sexual passion for the commodity: “If the store was ordered by a circuit that connected looking, the production of desire, and buying,” Lauren Rabinovitz states, “it also sometimes shortcircuited into a relationship between looking, the production of desire, and taking."'''0 The 1930s street girl, maybe provoked by the enticing abundance of objects and milieus, resorted to other strategic ways of abusing her given consumer role, and “the ritual according to which the commodity fetish demands to be worshipped.”151 In Benjaminian terms, the “rebus” of accumulated objects, sights and milieus exerted an inappropriately great attraction. Although a purchase could be conditioned by a temporary or long-term digression from normalized gender behavior, “bad” girls were not willing to wait for the commodity to be attained legitimately, but “took” a different route. Most obviously, both kleptomaniacs and prostitutes abused their mobility, which was predicated upon moderation. For the prostitutes, there was of course more at stake. Not only were they too mobile, spatially as well as socially, they took a shortcut to money, fashion and glamour, thereby being seen as tarnishing established and socially coveted values. They acted both as sellers, commodities,152 consumers and currency in an alternative monetary system. The commercial venues discussed here provided female audiences with a sanctioned form of flânerie that was both rationally-morally demarcated and disorienting. In the eyes of the observers of the “easy” woman infatuated by consumerism, the spatial disorientation brought about by films and the semi-fictional milieus of commodity displays and fashion resulted in an intellectual-moral equivalent. To some extent, they may have been right to make this connection, but for all the wrong reasons, as they were unable to grasp the deliberate strategies involved in the street girls ' moral transgression. As Söderblom shows, some women knowingly turned their back on the sexual mores prescribing that access to their bodies could only be attained through marriage, instead regarding the institution as a socially legitimate form of life­ long prostitution. Yet, he claims, their opposition strategies should not be over-emphasized; they had no political visions, were not liberty champions flying in the face of repression.'35 Even if this was so, why not? They traded the subtler social grid of dependence and subjection for relative freedom, stigma and confrontation. In a way, their choices translate as drastic expressions of Neue Sachlichkeit. N OTES 1 1932, 1933, Spegeln, 1935, Victoria. Sandrews prem iärbiografpå Söder, 1936, D raken, 1938, Rival, 1937, Saga, 1937, Rigoletto, 1939 Around the 1900s, Swedish local film audiences could watch their own city or neighborhood mediated via film, panoramas or slides, see Snickars, Svenskßlm , 166-176, Ekström, “Konsten att se.133 (my transi.) Gustaf Näsström, Flam man, Stockholm 1930,1 (my transi. ). Ibid., 2ff Betriz Colomina, Privacy and Publicity: Architecture as M ass M edia, MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1994, 5f Snickars, “Arkitektur i rörelse. Fotografiskt — filmiskt — fantasmagoriskt? in H äftenfor kritiska studier, 1997: 3,7-11 D agens Nyheter, 300201 Kurt Berglund, Stockholm s alla biografer. Ett stycke Stockholm shistoria, STF, 1993, 117 Thomas Eriksson, Neon. Eldskrift i natten, Rabén Prisma, 1997, 23 ( my transi. ) Jan Garnert, “ Lysande ord och tecken” in D et graßska uttrycket, (ed.) Stockholms Typografiska gille, Stockholm, 2000, 69 “ Ljusskylten ej hälsofarlig” D agens Nyheter, 310121 In 1928 Ivar Folcker claimed that Stureplan was one of the most illuminated areas in the city, Ljuset som säljer. M odern affärsbelysning i bilder, sam lade, Svenska föreningen för ljuskultur, 1928, 3 Ward, 111 See David E. Nye, Electrifying Am erica: Social M eanings of a New Technology, 1880-1940, MIT Press, 1990, 58-74. In connection with the Stockholm Exhibition 1930, Föreningen för ljuskultur published an illustrated paphlet devoted especially to the illumination of the buildings, Folcker & G. Nilsson, Paraden. Stockholms nyaste och m odernaste biograf, G rand. En nyhet för Stockholm, 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 D et elektriska ljuset pa Stockholm sutställningen 1930, Stockholm, 1930 15 (my transi. ) Johansson, in Thomas Eriksson, 26 16 Architect Hugo Häring, in Ward, 112 17 Donald Crafton, H istory of The Am erican Cinem a: The Talkies, Am erican Cinem as Transition to Sound, 19261931, Scribner cop., 1997, 21-30 18 Catharina Dyrssen, “ Filmens hölje. Biografarkitekturen och staden? in Aura, Vol IV, No. 2-3: 1998,42 19 Ibid., 42. See also Gustaf Näsström, Svensk funktionalism , Natur och Kultur, 1930, 132 20 Dyrssen, 42ff 21 SF Veckoprogram, Nr 10:1931,26 22 Stadsarkivets samlingar, Microfilm Kvarteret Tången 9, Dnr 422/4269 23 “Barnkrubba i Flammans hus? Bioarafä aaren, No. 9: 1931,9 24 Miriam Hansen, Babel and Babylon: Spectatorship in Early Am erican Silent Film , Harvard University Press, ( 1991 ) 1994, 116-124, Jackie Stacey, Star G azing: H ollywood Cinem a and Female Spectatorship, Routledge, 1994, 94-105, see also Jeffrey Richards, The Age of the D ream Palace: Cinem a and Society in Britain 1930-1939, BFI, 1984, 23, and Stamp, M oviestruck G irls..., 10-24 25 Annette Kuhn, “Cinema-goingin Britain in the 1930:s Report of a Questionnaire Survey,” in H istorical Journal tfFilm, Radio and Television, Vol. 19. No. 4:1999, 535f 26 Ward, 214 27 Spigel, M ake Room for TV, 20, Gunning, “The Whole Towns Gawking...? 196 28 See David Naylor, Am erican Picture Palaces: The Architecture of Fantasy, Prentice Hall, 1991, and David Atwell, Cathedrals cfThe M ovies: A H istory of British Cinem a and their Audiences, London, 1980 29 David Atwell, Cathedrals of the Movies: A History of British Cinema and their Audiences, London, 1980, 63, Kjell Furberg, Cinema Theaters in Sweden, Prisma, 2000, 115, 121 30 Biografägaren, No. 19:1930, 22. SF Veckoprogram, No. 14: 1931, 14 announces that a French poster exhibition will be held in the upper foyer. In No. 8: 1932, the final page relates to a filmhistorical exposé in Palladium. In 1934, there was an exhibition on Greenland in connection to the film SOS Iceberg, No. 2: 1934, 2. 31 The audition depicted in newsreel SF 816, 1934, “Många tro sig Kalle-kallade? Nils Hallberg, the boy who got the leading role as Kalle, did not think that he made a strong enough impression when meeting the director Sigurd Wallen the first time, consequently he stood in line two times more to do so. At the end of the day a tired Wallén remarked, upon meeting Hallberg for the third time : “ Haven’t I seen you before?” to which Hallberg could only say “yes? and was dismissed again. Discouraged, but intent on getting one more chance, he looked up Wallén's address in the phone book and then waited at his doorstep (some blocks from the Palladium ) when he came home. Wallén invited him in for a sandwich, and eventually gave him the part. “Anderssonskans Kalle trappar ned med musik? D agens Nyheter, 010918 32 Gunnar E. Asplund, Wolter Gahn, Sven Markelius, Gregor Paulsson, Eskil Sundahl, Uno Åhrén, Acceptera!, Tiden, 1931,66, 74 33 After 1931 SF Veckoprogram does not mention it. NK and PUB offered similar services for their customers, the former as early as 1915. N K . 25 år vid H amngatan, Stockholm, 1940, 10; see Orsi Husz “ Drömmar och kompetens. Kvinnor i det tidiga 1900-talets varuhus? in Kvinnovetenskaplig Tidskrift, No. 4:1999, 44. PUB also had a puppet theatre, Stockholm s-Tidningen 291208 34 Biografägaren, No. 14: 1930, 14. The move can be seen in a silent sequence newsreel SF 684, 1930 35 Cyrillus Johansson, Byggnaden och staden. U r en arkitekts verksam het /The Building and the Town: From a Swedish Nordisk Rotogravyr, 1936, 86, 94 36 Anita Stjernlöf-Lund, Cyrillus Johanssons m useum . Soltem plet i Karlstad, Bild, text & form, 1998, 16-26 37 Ward, 209 38 Stockholmsutställningen 1930. O fßciellt dagsprogram och utställningstidning, 23 June, Stockholm, 1930, 4, see also Biografägaren, No. 10 :1930, 4 39 SF Veckoprogram, No. 11: 1931. The last message service is added in No. 36: 1931. According to Biogrcfägaren, the RI-chain of movie theaters opened their ticket and Architect s Practice, 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 information spot, Ri-centralen on Birger Jarlsgatan in 1934, No. 15: 1934,2 Stockholm s nya brännpunkt, Stockholm, 1931 Ibid. SF Veckoprogram, No 11: 1931. Snickars, “Arkitektur...” 7, Dyrssen, 42 According to Ward this technique was introduced in Germany by the Krupp-Nostra firm in 1927, with the object to set off the shine of the glass and to make the profile of the window to protrude. Ward, 210 Dyrssen, 44 Photos from Nordiska Museet, NK:s Grå album, 1931 Ward, 209 Snickars, “Arkitekur...” 13 Erika D. Rappaport, Sho pping... , 167f. See also Janet Staiger's Bad W omen, 10-11, and Nye, 113-115 Husz” Drömmar och kompetens“43 - 49 N K . 25 ar vid H am ngatan, 5,10 Marshall Fields department store, Chicago, had a similar literal stratification, Rabinovitz, 71 Huzs, 48ff Staiger, 24, Rappaport, 220 Husz, 47 See Acceptera!, where the housewife should no longer be confined to her home as “life time forced labor inmate” 41 f Gleber, The Art of Taking a W alk, 171-178 Biografägaren, No. 3: 1932, 28 SF Veckoprogram, No. 4: 1934, 2, 4, No. 17: 1934, 2 See newsreel SF 667-A ( 1930 ), showing a large, lit Titanic-like boat advertising the film Atlantic, and SF 810 ( 1934) depicting a display for Vad veta väl m ännen? created from sketches by Isaac Grünewald. It covers the bridge (Regeringsgatan) running over Kungsgatan. The artist is seen to examine his work. Nordiska Museet, Gunnar Lundh 's photography collection, No. 91852, and Stockholms Poliskammare, Skyltdiarier, C5HC, Vol. 3, H-J, the permit issued for Stockholms Tidningen. 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 No. 5: 1930, 26 See Biografägaren, No. 7, 1932, No 14: 1933 Ward, 68, 113, 118, 120, 212 SF Veckprogram, No. 11:1931, 10, No. 28:1931, 5 SF Veckoprogram, No. 19: 1933 (last page) Jan Olsson, “ Förstorade attraktioner... ” 46 Tom Björklund & Yngve Hedvall, H ur m an gör reklam . En handledningför affärsm annen, Natur & Kultur, 1931, 135 69 “ I Centrum” in Aftonbladet, 301207 Biografägaren, 70 Linguaphone. D en lättaste, snabbaste, intressantaste 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 Stockholm, 1928, 18 ( my transi. ) Svenska D agbladet, 291208, (my transi.) Ibid. (my transi. ) SF Veckoprogram, No 35:1931, 14, (my transi.) Yuri Tsivian, Early Russian C inem a..., 44 - 48 Stamp, 20f, also, see Ward, 185-186 The new bath is shown in the newsreel SF 840 ( 1934) Mats Björkin, Am erikanism , 210-227 Ibid., 224-226. See Hansen “Early Cinema: Whose Public Sphere? ” in Early Cinem a: Space, Frame, m etoden att lära språk, Narrative, 238-9, and Tsivian, 35 -38 for discussions of the conflation of the cinema and the prostitute. 80 Björkin, 223 81 Biografägaren, N o. 13:1930, 12 82 Aftonbladet, 310117 83 Björkin, 216 84 (my transi. ) Biografägaren, No. 8:1933, 17 85 “Dansande biografer” in Biografägaren , No. 6:1932, 22, see also No. 7:1932, 7 86 Biografägaren, No. 15:1934, 6 87 SF Veckoprogram, No. 4:1930, 12, 14, 22, 28 88 SF Veckoprogram , No. 11: 1931, 3 89 .. .but not as a seamless sequence of images, but as a disrupted aesthetics of addition. On the problem of making a too easy association between cinema and shop window, see Stamp, 25, and Rabinowittz, 78 90 Soila, “Kvinnan i folkhemmet...” 86-93, 91 SF Veckoprogram, No. 12:1931,2 92 SF Veckoprogram, No: 15, 1931, 5 93 Flamman s opening program presents of the most convenient use of the SF telephone ticket service, offering another kind of etherized homey ness: if the costumers gives their address to the operator, they willl be regarded as regular costumers, who can collect their tickets a few minutes before the screening. Flam man ,6-7 94 Stamp, 16-18 95 Rappaport, 169 96 Staiger, 5 - 6 97 Olof Andersson writes to Kungl. Socialstyrelsen about the circus Busch in Biografägaren, No. 12:1930, 11 98 Berglund, Stockholm s alla biografer, The Royal, 1936, The Saga, 1937, The Rigoletto, 1939, 130, 134, 140. According to Gotthard Johansson, Kungsgatan in 1930 was not yet an entertainment and shopping street, but quickly grew into one as the decade drew on. Trettio­ talets Stockholm , Wahlström & Widstrand, 1942, 35 -36 99 Furhammar, Film en i Sverige, 127 100 Malin Hårdh, Problem et G lädjeßickan. Ett allvarsord, Stockholm 1928, 18, 20-24 101 (my transi. ) Ibid., 76 102 Tomas Söderlblom, H oran och batongen. Prostitution och repression i folkhem m et, Gidlunds, 1992, 32 103 Boethius et al. Fränßygdröm ..., 19-22 104 Rebecka Lennartsson, M alaria U rbana. O m byräßickan Anna Johannesdotter och prostitutionen i Stockholm kring 1900, (diss.), Symposion, 2001, 203 105 Ward, 226 106 Ibid., 233 107 Moa Martinson, “Barbaren och myntfoten” in Bonniers M ånadstidning, No. 3:1934, 32 108 Elisabeth von Stephani-Hahn, in Ward, 232 109 Gunning, “The Whole.. .”193, also see Ward, 122-123 110 Kuhn, 2If, Berry, 29 111 Pauli, Kroppar och själar, Albert Bonnier, 1930, 32 112 Stockholms Poliskammare, Lösdriverimål, Förhörsprotokoll 64, 1933, Stadsarkivet 113 Ibid., 1929-1937 114 On the film Kungsgatan, see Bengt Bengtsson, U ngdom i fara. U ngdom sproblem i svensk spelfilm , 1942-62, (diss.) Stockholms universitet, 1998, 129-138 No t 115 (my transi.) Ivar Lo-Johansson, K ungsgatan , ( 1935 ), Bonnier, 1966, 155, 32 116 (my transi. ) Astrid Soderbergh Widding, “Den fördömda staden?in Aura, Vol. IV, No. 2-3, 1998, 9 117 See Rebecka Lennartssons discussion of turn-of-thecentury spread of prostitutes and prize ranges, 143. In Lo-Johansson, Kungsgatan and Birger Jarlsgatan are mentioned, 266 118 See Hårdh, 8f, Söderblom, 111, and Lennartsson, 174f 119 Söderblom, 61 f 120 (my transi.) Pauli, 27-29 121 Ibid., 29 122 Ibid., 32 123 Ibid. 124 See for instance a “demimonde” 21 years of age, and an exclusively clad ex-maid, almost a prostitute veteran at merely 23, in Hårdh, 8, 29-31 125 Berry, Screen style , 36ff, 45, 102f, and Pamela Robertson, G uilty Pleasures: Fem inist Cam p from M ae W est to M adonna, Duke University Press, 1996, 79 126 Stamp, 49, 127 Pauli, 41 ff, Staiger, 125 128 Söderblom, 157-162, 168 129 Lennartsson, 111 130 Yvonne Svanström, Policing Public W omen: The regulation of prostitution in Stockholm , 1812-1880,( diss. ), Atlas, 2000, 218. See also Lennartsson, 111, 137 131 Pauli, 22-24, Lo-Johansson, 267 132 Söderblom, 143f, Lennartsson, 226-227. Staiger refers to The New York City Committee of Fifteens belief that 1910s women were attracted to, rather than coerced into prostitution, 48 133 Stamp, 50f, Lennartsson, 275. See also Staiger, 125 134 As Giuliana Bruno shows within the context of Italian silent melodrama, “infamous” women lived out their desire for mobility in the public sphere, 284-286 135 Stockholms Poliskammare, examples found 19291937 are: 18-year old girl, No. 50, 15/3, 1930, 26-year-old woman, No. 4, 17/1, 1931, 26-year-old woman, No. 152, 30/11, 1935 136 Olof Kinberg, Varför bli m änniskor brottsliga? K riminalpsykologisk studie, Natur och Kultur, 1935, 57-64 137 Between 1923-25 Herman Lundborg made racebiological studies on the Landskrona inmates, including photographical nude stiudies and phrenological measurements. Söderblom, 69-71. Kinberg made surveys on prostitutes based on the documents from Stockholms Poliskammare, see Lösdriveriprotokoll No. 47, 1931 and No. 146, 1934. See Tidskrftför Polisvetenskap, Torsten Lindner, “Varför bli människor brottliga? ” bearing signs of Kinberg‘s influence, No. 3:1935, 8-10 138 Stamp, 68 139 Kjell Jonsson, “ Den allmämna nedbusningen” in Lychnos, 1991, 123. Also, see Björkin, 225 140 “Könslivets inordnande i samhället” in Populär tidskrft för sexuell upplysning, No. 5:1933, 97 141 Almkvist, Sexuell kultur, 27 142 (my transi. ) “Upprop” in D agens Nyheter reprinted in G ym n. Tidskrftför G ym nisk kultur. O rgan för G ymniska förbundet, No 1:1931, XVII. Compare to Fevrell s es pamphlet U ngdom ens nöjesliv i vara dagar. U r Tidskrftför Stockholm, 1917 143 Gayle S. Rubin discusses the allegedly inevitable chain of vices in “Thinking Sex: Notes for a Radical Theory of the Politics of Sexuality” in (eds. ) P. Nardi & E Schneider Social Perspectives in Lesbian and G ay Studies, 1998, Routledge, 117 144 Carl Malmsten in Fran Flygdröm till swingscen, 49 145 Söderblom, 112 146 Walter Benjamin, The Arcades Project ( Passagenwerk, transi. Howard Eiland & Kevin McLaughlin), The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1999, 496 147 Ibid., 515 148 Giertz in Söderblom, 193 149 Staiger, 125 150 Rabinovitz, 97, see also Friedberg, 42 151 Benjamin, The Arcades Project, 18 152 Benjamin, in Ward, 29 153 Söderblom, 162 det svenska folkbildningsarbetet, H e a lth , B e a u ty , C h a r a c te r : T h e R a m ific a tio n s o f N u d is m , B o d y C u ltu r e a n d H y g ie n e The previous chapters have centered on the distinctly modern, urban and commercial aspects of the Stockholm media landscape. By drawing attention to a Swedish nudist movement, HgN — Hälsa genom Nakenkultur/Health through Nude Culture and its media coverage, I now engage with an instance of counter-discourse, even if its orientation away from contemporary popular culture was not synonymous with turning away from modernity entirely. According to Karl Toepfer, there is a misguided inclination among critics to interpret the German Nacktkultur 's friction-filled relationship to urbanization as merely reactionary, proto-fascistic or anti-intellectual. In part, he sees this widely spread idea as resulting from an overemphasized focus on those ranks that employed eugenics as justification for their activities, and on the retrospective understanding of “natural” nudism as anti-erotic. On the contrary, the spread of political orientation and the production of metaphysical writing among movements defy any simplification of them as either homogenous or politically reactionary.1 As shown in chapter 2, the HgN movement's prime mover Johan Almkvist was also one of the key figures in the discourse on the health and viability of the Swedish population. Though flectingly referred to in research on eugenics or its peripheries, Almkvist appears marginal, and his dual role as proponent of eugenics and nudism has gone relatively unexplored.2 Influenced by Germanic nudism, his ideological stance fits the prejudiced description Toepfer, quite sympathetically, would like to question. The nudist program Almkvist embraces takes shape within the 1930 s hygienic discourse, yet echoes the turn-of-the-century's more romanticized naturalist idiom.! Starting at the early phase of his project, I will outline his position as advocator of, as well as the reception of, the HgN movement and the film depicting it. Furthermore, I offer a minor overview of the Swedish nudist journals' rhetoric, replete with images of nudist role models. Another direction is given in Almkvist s affiliations with other profiles advocating nudism or body culture in contemporary Swedish periodicals, such as Gymn , edited by CarlErnfrid Carlberg. An experienced venereologist, and professor at Karolinska Institutet, Almkvist additionally turned his efforts to educate the public, addressing young people in particular, on issues of sexual morality, sexual hygiene and marital life. Between 1928 and 193S, he published an array of instructive works, pamphlets and articles offering approaches to topics such as faithfulness and decency in relationships; proper clothing for the sake of health, convenience and decency; matrimonial concerns; birth control and eugenics.4 He was also a strong believer in film as the ideal medium for spreading sexual education. When founding the HgN, Almkvist s source of inspiration was a trip he had made to several nudist camps in Weimar Germany and France in the summer of 1931.5 He was much enthused by the pedagogue Adolf Koch, one of the German nudist movement 's most influential profiles, and leader of several nudist schools.6 Closer to home, Almkvist found inspiration in literary works such as the 1895 essay by Viktor Rydberg “On Nakedness and Dressing Manners” and Gustaf Fröding's poem “Morning Dream” as well as his essay “About Dress.” When referring to their writing in his book, Hälsa och nakenhet. En socialmedicinsk studie över klädedräkens inverkan på kropp och själ /H ealth and Nudity: A Socio-M edical Study on how Dress affects Body and Soul, he sets their conception of nudity s ennobling and purifying effects as a model for his readers.7 Almkvist adopted a philosophy straddling the medico-social, hygienic ideology of contemporary and turn-of-thc century discourse. Focusing on health and hygiene as key arguments for naked culture in physical as well as psychological respects, he argues that clothes not only hinder the body's ventilation and movements, but furthermore cause and exacerbate unsound erotic titillation, creating an atmosphere of wanton and artificial sensuality between the sexes.8 In contrast to the modernist conception of nudity as a new form of expression in Toepfer's Germanic movements, Almkvist clad his arguments in the morally rousing rhetoric prevalent in the social reform movements of earlier decades — the fight against alcohol, prostitution and moral degeneration.9 Nakedness, he argued, would restore innocence and beauty to the body, metaphorically wiping away the stamp of shame, a construction of Western society. He envisioned a coming generation oflevelhcaded, responsible, naturally and moderately sexualized men and women, whose interaction in mixed parties was imbibed by comradeship, not eroticism. The absence of clothes should encourage improved hygiene as well as hardening body care, and thus doubly improve the nudists health status. Joint activities, like sunbathing, swimming and gymnastics would strengthen them and enhance their well-being — at the same time keeping their minds off sexual matters.10 In the booklet Våra kläder Jrån hygienisk och sedlig synpunkt / Our Clothes: An Ethical and Hygienic Perspective, Almkvist advertised the HgN, proposing regulations for those interested in starting one of their own. He advises that they be totally non-political, and uphold the respect for the naked body and its proper care. Members should also abstain from the use of alcohol and nicotine. Most importantly, their sexual conduct must be responsible, taking the question of future offspring into account. Almkvist also includes a health-promoting list at the end, where he advises readers about sunbathing, a vegetarian diet, or the merits of leading an alcohol-free life. “Alcoholic joy” and erotic thoughts are all empty pleasures, he claims, as they are damaging both to one's creativity and working ambition." As Karin Johannisson argues in her article “Folkhälsa. Det svenska projektet från 1900 till 2:a världskriget”/ “ Public Health: The Swedish Project from the 1900s to the Second World War,” the mid- to late 1800s ideological web of bacteriology, social darwinism and philantropy constituted the basis for the discursive construction of public health as concept. Seen in relation to contemporaneous theories of moral degeneration — claimed to result from social upheaval and urbanization — the conception of public health as well as hygiene became master metaphors for the socially and medially rousing efforts in Sweden. The remedies to the existing social and moral ills were social, racial and sexual hygiene, sports and sobriety movements; and Johannissoon notes that hygiene targeting the physical realm acquired psychic and moral connotations, ideally malleable, and transferable to ever-new levels of application. “Not only the hygiene of the feet, the hands and the oral cavity were subjected to the imperatives of hygiene. Hygiene could even serve as a label for moral-religious purification efforts.”13 In his essay “Man måste härda sig”/“You have to Make Yourself Hardy,” Jan Olof Nilsson likewise sketches a micro-historical outline on the rise of hygiene as ideological discourse and practice. He picks his starting point around the period when bacteria were discovered, tracing how the concept of hygiene traveled from scientific to popularized scientific and popular media.'5 Johannisson and Nilsson both posit hygiene within a diachronic schematic where it acts as a continuously mobile, versatile and expanding signifier, and Nilsson notes that practically as soon as it is conceived of, it links up with ethics and aesthetics. He refers to the Swedish sanitary pioneer Dr. C.G. Grähs, whose three key concepts for improved hygiene in the 1851 essay “The Sanitary Question” were air, water and light. Drawing on contemporary arguments put in an English article, Grähs contended that there was a clear connection between dirt and moral degeneration: “The true foundation of moral elevation is a tap of fresh water.”14 Soon, popular medical pamphlets and magazines informed the public about the beneficiary effects of bathing and sunbathing. In accordance with Grähs’ observations, it was thought that if such sound habits were spread, particularly among the lower classes in society, their moral standing would be greatly improved. Growing attention was also paid to the care of the body, its need of proper skin care and physical exercise. In many parts, the genealogy of nudism can be traced to this period.15 According to Nilsson, the imperative of circulation, cleanliness and physical exercise acquired increasingly indisputable moral and aesthetic value by the turn of the last century: “To set everything in motion was one of modernity’s major principles. In a culture that set progress as the highest standard, whatever was stationary represented stagnation. Like air, everything must circulate. Especially, this concerned the body... The care of the body enacted through disciplined movement also entailed taking care of the soul.”1,1 In relation to this genealogy, Almkvist s conception of hygiene had firm moral anchorage in his personal working experience with prostitutes, and those afflicted by venereal disease. From his medical perspective on social relations, bad health and bad physical-spiritual hygiene reflected mutually on each other, something that also showed in his press appeal concerning “rampant public amusements” quoted in the previous chapter.17 Conversely, clean, bare skin was a visible signifier of inner as well as outward purity. In his writings about the HgN, Almkvist expects that sexual transgressions will be highly unlikely: “As a consequence of the large number of people who meet at the bathing and gymnastic resorts, and of the strict and good spirit that will prevail in these places... sexual advances between men and women would be very difficult to initiate.”18 The same counts for homoerotic encounters. By indication, the paradisiacal promise of nudism was thereby infused with an interjected function of automatic surveillance. In Foucaultian terms, the power of observation was transferred from its agency and internalized by the members, “the surface of application:” He who is subjected to a field of visibility, and who knows it, assumes responsibility for the constraints of power; he makes them play spontaneously upon himself; he inscribes in himself the power relation in which he simultaneously plays both roles; he becomes the principle of his own subjugation.19 The guarantees for chastity are thus already given in the bodies’ visibility and the preordained spaces for, and limited choices of interaction. Even if participation in the HgN was not characterized by panopticism, “visibility [was] a trap.”20 Despite Almkvist s own unobtrusiveness as a nudist proponent, he had to suffer exposure in many senses of the word. He and his movement could be situated in the intersection of Discipline and Punishment and The History of Sexuality, whose logic of productivity and surveillance are conditioned by the automated circulation of disciplined and deviant subjects. The statement that the agencies of power cause sexuality “to speak through explicit articulation and endlessly accumulated detail“ has a double bearing; 21 firstly on Almkvist 's writings on “the sexual problem,” central to the 1930s project of societal betterment enacted through the family. In his professional role, he was one of these agencies; in his capacity as a nudist proponent, he had to answer to them, when exposed to public moral outcry.22 No sign of sexuality was too small to allow to pass unheeded by his adversaries, and was countered by Almkvist s discourse on health, beauty and the turning back to Hellenistic ideals.23 The more public pressure he received, the more detailed and accountable the nudists activities were required to be. Interestingly enough, his ability to oscillate between the dual positions of relative subjugation and control must have been lasting. Several of his articles on the medico-hygienic advantages of nudism were written during this period. Outside this context, Almkvist expressed a more liberal view on sexuality, something that makes his anxiety within it appear all the more telling — especially as he was a follower of Adolf Koch, who stated that erotic desire was not a problem to be solved by nudism.24 By virtue of his prestigious profession and social standing, Almkvist appeared as a leading figure in various contexts. When the nationalist society the Swedish Order held its first meeting at the Concert House in 1929, Almkvist delivered an opening speech as Grand master.25 Further, he was a warm supporter of the Swedish Order's aristogenics (the genealogy of nobility). The society promoted its own hereditary research institute where interested members could get their family tree drawn up.26 In colleague Gerda Kjellbergs posthumous outline of Johan Almkvist s personality, he appears as a decent and sensitive, but very naïve man, something of a laughing stock. His interest in nudism, she writes, arose from his total ignorance of, and subsequent curiosity about what the concept signified.27 However, his ability to abstain from letting conservative thought spill over into his nudist program somewhat defies his reputation.28 Caricature from A esculapii Söner, 1930 P rofessor Johan A lm kvist The Launching and Reception of Nudism: Lachendes Leben and Nudist Camps How was the HgN movement received, then? The press sometimes ridiculed Johan Almkvist s nudist rhetoric, but he nevertheless quickly gained a following in Stockholm, and in some of the provincial cities where he acted as a traveling lecturer on the subject: Helsingborg, Malmö, and Valdemarsvik. Apart from his works and the films, he contributed regularly to two out of four Swedish journals on nudist culture, Dagbräckning /Daybreak] ( 1931-42 ) and Natur och Hälsa / Nature and Health ( 1933-47), the latter of which he was a patron and co-editor. Almkvist propagated and justified the nudist movement through a series of articles that had been or later would be published as the books Health and Nudity ( 1932 ), and Our Clothes ( 1933). Both journals were instrumental for spreading nudism, especially Nature and Health. In the summer of 1933, the editorial board arranged a trip to a German summer camp. A group of adherents then went to Sonnenland in Egestorf, where they spent a week of disciplined existence. Early each morning they were awakened by soft lute music then marched off to gymnastics and a subsequent collective roll in the dewy grass, followed by a bath in the lake. The rest of the day would be spent on activities such as kitchen duties or gardening, with the exception of two afternoon hours devoted to compulsory siesta. By ten o’ clock in the evening, lights were out. The article covering the trip claims that the Germans particularly appreciated the Swedish presence, and asked them of their opinions about the new German regime. The anonymous writer does not go into this subject, however.29 Before Christmas the same year, Nature and Health 's special issue surprised their readership with a present: a 10,000 square meter “glorious gelände” in Bj ärred, in the province of Scania. The grounds facing the Öresund strait were described as paradisiacal, with long beaches, lawns, flower beds and fruit trees. Additionally, showers and sports facilities were planned for the coming season. “The climate in the district... is especially suitable for naked bathing. The air is clean and fresh, and according to a professor in Lund, totally free from bacteria, why this place can be called one of the most salubrious in all of Sweden.”30 The journal later reprinted various protests voiced against the “Bjärred Paradise’.’ J.E. Erwall claimed that the editor Paula Petersson had failed to mention that the grounds were not one coherent block, but two smaller ones, between which there was a public highway. It would be unfeasible to erect two-meter high fences around them to avoid exposing the nudists. The Chairman of Bj ärred s House Owner's Society, Axel Öhman, asserted that no nudists would be allowed to cross the highway unclad. Oscar Winberg “thank[edj his lucky stars” that he no longer had a house there. Couldn't the nudists instead keep to the woods? To make things worse, Petersson had failed to get a permit from the local police superintendent to open the camp.31 In Stockholm, SF drew on the public attention created around the HgN movement by releasing the German film Lachendes Leben / Back to Nature(H. Schoycr, 1933), at the Arcadia theater in September 1933. Almkvist held an introductory speech on camera for the HgN newsreel ( SF 753A, 1932 ), which was included at the end of the program. Apart from printing an illustrated transcription of his speech, the distributor Fribergs Filmbyrå included his article “Domestic Life and Nakedness” as well as a declaration of the movement's aims in their advertising leaflet, Bionytt / Film 'News}1 SF W eekly likewise rendered an illustrated transcription of his introduction, and the coming into being of the movement and the film.” In many ways, the film material shot at the nudist camp on Ingarö and its subsequent release brings out the delicate balancing act of keeping audio-visual mediation of nakedness and eroticism apart. The newsreel opens with Johan Almkvist s on-camera address: showing traces of nervousness, he stutters as he briefly lectures on the goals of the newly started movement, placing the stressful and decadent life of urban existence in contrast with the hearty and healthy simplicity of gymnastics and bathing in full nudity. He carefully points out that “nudity is not an end in itself, only a means” to achieve greater health and well-being.!+ As he turns to the subject of nudity's presumed sexual connotations, there is a cut to a close-up for emphasis, which ends as he goes on to speak of less delicate matters. But as far as the close-up serves to clarify, it has the unfortunate side - effect of making his speech come across as everything but de - dramatizing, especially when taking the intensity of his diction and camera view into account: Note that the life depicted in these images [squinting his eyes] does not show... any traits of .. .schc-c-e-ming lustfulncss,... or obscu-u-re [sexual] mo-o-o-vements. No courtship or flirtation. No coquettish smoking, no drinking of alcohol. Note instead how these images show good comradeship between men and women, and how gymnastics, bathing and sports in full community, are carried out in joyful, refreshing heartiness ! Sec how their social life is characterized by open, honest joy! And without any traces of sexuality.” Next scene shows a HgN enthusiast bathing his feet before going to the archipelago. Initially, a cheerful musical score accompanies this part, but just before the intertitles introducing the sequences of the nudists' resort appears, it is cut abruptly, and taken up again on a dramatically suspenseful and menacing note. As the first image of a sun-glistening water line fades in, the score slows down, and changes to a restrained, but still tense key. When the first nudists cross the image, the music changes yet again, to a hearty strain, which remains for the rest of the film. Instead of the nudists own dialogue or addressing of the camera, the viewer is offered explanatory intertitles and post-synched music; in accordance with ruling norms of newsreels shot outdoors at this time, direct dialogue is for practical and economical reasons more often than not excluded. The intertitles summarize the healthy goals previously advocated by Almkvist, stating that the movement has made an exception to its rule against photographing for this film. How then, were the viewers to be cued to watch without gazing voyeuristically? At first, the HgN participants are mostly shown at a distance, from behind, or against the light, as if to spare the viewer from a too sudden confrontation. Gradually, a closer framing is introduced. Their bodies are often shot in poses turned away Irom the camera, but in scenes where gymnastics, agility and acrobatic exercises are performed, the shot scale is somewhat closer. The introductory sequence implies that participation in the HgN's get-togethers on summer Sundays are open for all, but the imagery mostly singles out young families, and a few handsome men and women who demonstrate their physical strength. The footage bears a slight premonition of the aesthetics permeating Leni Riefenstahl s Olympia (1938): the camera lingers on bodies performing gymnastics or acrobatics; on athletic poses; on arched backs and arms stretched up for accentuation; on bodies bathed in sunlight. The nudists arc often captured from low angles against sunny skies, rendering their figures statuesque and monumental. There is a visible dynamic between a de-dramatization, an often discrete depiction, and aesthetic misen-scène of nakedness. A second part of the newsreel (silent, SF 753B, 1932) reveals compositional aspects about the first one, as many of the shots are outtakes, rehearsals and continuations from scenes from it. In the closing image of the first film, for instance, a man and a woman walk into the water hand in hand in brilliant sunshine; in the second, they come out of the water again, in two subsequent takes. The details of their bodies arc discreetly obscured by the sunshine employed as counter-light technique. Similarly, there is a sequence where a young athletic man balances a woman's body on one hand; they are shown rehearsing the trick a few times. In the first film only the successful lift is depicted. Notably, there are a few relatively long takes in the second film, of a shot type mostly absent from the first, such as a number of scenes showing group gymnastics. Here, the framing is somewhat closer than in the first film, showing the participants' bodies head on, and their faces relatively frontal in relation to the camera. We see a mixed group, following a male leader performing movements with Lingian strictness. Additionally, there is a fine scene of a couple shot against the light, standing face to face on a steep hill. At an off-screen cue they slowly perform the sun greeting twice. In his writing, Almkvist states that the human body is shown to its best advantage in gymnastics; one of his most fervent arguments nude culture is his professed admiration for well-proportioned, beautiful bodies.36 However, the outtakes imply that the film was carefully directed, rehearsed and edited, as if the filmic representation was perceived as too disturbing for a general, uninitiated cinema audience. The SF program introducing the HgN film accordingly states that: “Propagating naked culture must quite understandably be a delicate matter. Especially after the heated polemic debate emanating around the birth of the movement, the Swedish ‘Almkvists’ have certainly avoided publicity as far as possible. Their .. .bathing and sports resort at Ingarö has been inexorably closed to all uninitiated people, and all types of photography have been strictly forbidden,” but adds that the HgN had made an exception for this film.37 To boost attendance at the film premiere of Back to Nature, a challenging advertisement was put in the press: What is your opinion of the nudist movement? Is it indecent or not? In some countries the [nudist] movements arc]... forbidden. In Sweden we have recently seen the rise of a vital organization. SEE the first authentic film account from the movements in Germany and Sweden. JUDGE FOR YOURSELF! ‘Back to Nature’has its premiere on Monday at the Arcadia.38 On the opening night two crowded screenings were held. According to Nya Dagligt Allehanda, a small congregation of ‘A lmkvists’ had gathered in the corner of the auditorium for internal moral support.29 Svenska D agbladet's Eveo writes that the audience was otherwise mainly made up of adolescent boys and young men, who apparently expected spicy details, but that they fell short of any sensationalism. “Were they disappointed afterwards?... In any case, the film was shot so as not to stimulate any such instincts. It is well meant and a bit ridiculous... [propagating] the astonishing truth that it is nicer for people to be outside in sunshine and fresh air, than to be confined to a factory.”40 He adds “If you should try describing the nudist movement after watching... [Back to Nature] it appears to be made up of mildly feeble-minded individuals, prancing about..’.’41 Stockholms-Tidningen's review is worded in a similar vein: “The naive delight of ‘the naked people’ knew no bounds: it was as if they had discovered only yesterday that it is fun to splash about in the water. ,’.’42 Göteborgs Handels- och Sjöfartstidning thought the hourlong gospel of nudist body culture was tiring, and Nja Dagligt Allehanda found that Almkvist's introduction as well as the film's “tendentious pathos” rang false.42 Reviewer August Neiström asked if naked culture is really the answer to the stressful life of industrialism, while the signature -II pondered over the narrative S o n n ig es L a n d , No. 3,1933 logic that propelled the German film's under-paid workers from urban misery to glorious nudist life in nature without any socio-economic changes in between.44 Apart from these acrid reviews, some provincial papers were quietly positive, while others refrained from including more than a standardized publicity article.4’ On one point most papers agreed though: compared to the German film, whic h leaned too much towards plastic posing, artifice and gratuitous prancing about, the Swedish footage of the HgN appeared as much more authentic and natural.46 In the city of Linköping, the paper Östgöten was approached by the artist Eric Leoo Verde, who made an aesthetic evaluation of Back to Nature. Like other commentators, he was initially disturbed by the German film's rhythmical gymnastics giving “the viewer the impression that he has landed in the midst of an acrobat family on vacation’.’47 He furthermore found the physique of the Swedish nudists much more appealing, their plastic exercises more beautifully performed than their German counterparts. Verde was convinced of nudism's potentially purifying influence on “bodily and mental hygiene,” anticipating that naked culture s ennobling effect on the relations between the sexes might check the “affected” public amusements of contemporary social life.48 All in all, Back to Nature gave the HgN and Johan Almkvist considerable attention, and a reception that was more benevolent than might be expected. He was moreover awarded the opportunity of making propaganda for his movement; it is exceptional that a private society should get this kind of publicity all over the country's film screens. In contrast to regular tiein events, there was probably not much profit to be made, or other types of remuneration for the nudist parties involved, except that there may have been a small fee paid to Almkvist. Additionally, the sympathies for German film were beginning to turn on account of Adolf Hitler coming into power. In a few months, the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO) would boycott all German products and films for many years.49 More likely, then, Fribergs Filmbyrå and SF needed the support of domestic nudist ideology to envelope a doubly delicate subject matter. And this, it seems, only Almkvist could give them. N aked — D ecent? Nudist Journals and Their Legitimizing Strategies Iconographically, nudism was indeed a problematic matter to present; at the same N a ket — S ed lig t?, 1934 time, the naked body was the given means for advertising. As Toepfer points out, the iconographie representation and unknowable reception of nakedness was too elusive for them to ever reach a sufficiently symmetrical encounter, where an exhaustive amount of explanation or legitimizing documentation could be mustered.50 Nevertheless, judging by the feature material of Swedish contemporary nudist journals, the movements relied heavily on photographic representations for spreading their credo, and images accompanied by clarifying captions undeniably and repeatedly acquired explanatory functions. Moreover, the impossibility of satisfactory explanation and fixture appears to have intensified the nudists' spontaneously self-surveilling impulses. The freedom promised by nudism demanded a significant number of counter- sacrifices, whereby the properly trained participant must demonstrate a readiness to complicate, subdue or suppress nudity's presumed pleasure by legitimate practices, to hinder the critical eye and sexual imagination from hitting the bare skin. This tendency is particularly noticeable in photo illustrations in contemporary nudist periodicals. Photos of classical poses, exercises, winter bathing, skiing, carrying out of everyday tasks indoors — all point to a desire for legitimacy. Judging from the imagery in Solvännen / The Sun Friend ( 1935-37), but even more from that of Nature and Health, Naket /Naked ( 1934-36) and Naket-Liv /Naked Life ( 1936-47), the nudists are inscribed in an ordeal of implicit criticism. Simultaneously, as I will try to show, their imagery betrays a perceivable undercurrent of anxiety, namely that a truly indolent paradisiacal nudity may, after all, lead to sin. Leading back to Foucault's theorization of the circulation and exploitation of punishable bodies within institutions and prisons, the nudists as well as the inmates' bodies here acquire a disciplinary anatomy. Carcéral institutions constitute mercantile micro-societies with their own imperatives of economic and social profitability, where criminals not only generate currency by the work of their hands, they embody it doubly, as they must constantly prove their valor to their guardians. Yet, this system of total visibility and accountability does not adhere to simple monetary profit, as the point of investment is human character.51 In a similar manner, nudists were implicitly choreographed to disciplinary, productive uses of their bodies — in ways that were clearly visible and decipherable to potential onlookers ' scrutinizing gazes. Sonniges Land, No. 7,1931 Notably, the Swedish nudist periodicals consistently strived to legitimize their movements by associating themselves with classical art motifs. This tendency is most noticeable in the two short-lived periodicals The Sun Friend and Naket — Sedligt? /Naked — Decent? ( 1934- 1936). Inspired by the recent unveiling of Carl Milles' sculpture group “Orfcus” outside the Concert House in 1937, Berhard Dahl debated nude art aesthetics and nudism in The Sun Friend. He draws a parallel between the event and a man taken to court for going skinnydipping. Why is human public nudity considered a crime, when nudity in art is regarded as beautiful? he asks. For D as Freibad, No.2,1933 emphasis, the article is illustrated with images of a nude Dahl himself in athletic poses.52 Naked — Decent? offered a mix of poetry, articles and reproductions of art, somewhat compressing and popularizing the style of Gymn, a more culturally prestigious journal and society for body culture, which will be described later. Naked — Decent? approached the contested subject from a similar standpoint, hoping to bracket a sense of shame traditionally associated with nakedness. Here, the example is Olof Ahlberg s “ Father and Son” ( the sculpture embodying human beauty in the exhibition “The Land of Sweden” in chapter 1 ): Look... at the artist Olof Ahlberg's sculpture “Father and Son”... Then look at H. Gnest's photography “Father and Daughter”... If Gnest's photography is to be considered indecent, because it is a picture of naked people, then, in the name of consistency, Ahlberg s sculpture must be judged accordingly. But a question arises: is it the sculpture as such that is indecent, or is it the photographic reproduction of it? If we were to admit that none of these should cause offence, then we must also acquit the photograph of any such quality. If legal steps should be taken to prevent the publication of naked pictures, then it is also necessary to get clothes for the statues.5’ The Sun Friend repeatedly claimed that nudity, and by association, nude culture, was not only an integral and accepted part of art history, but that it had the potential to revitalize and revolutionize the art world from within, with nude models as its activists. In its photographic album, Erik Schlytcr writes: They [nude models] want to be depicted as they walk and stand, indoors and outdoors, in activity and repose, at work and play, in everyday life and at festivals. No dead art [sculpture] in the world can possibly compare to that of Nature's own. It will be the invaluable mission of the camera to realize the dream of live art... There shall be great, inspired artists, who will take their places behind the camera, who will mould their naked human material, and build tremendous artworks of beauty and perfection.54 Moreover, the introductory comments in this and the following issues of the album launch its photographs as good substitutes for live models for artists who cannot afford to hire one.5’ Johan Almkvist, too, sought argumentative support for his movement in art, preferably from classical aesthetic ideals. Comparing the nakedness of “primitive” people to that of the ancient Greeks, he states that the naked pri mitives lead a life of undeveloped naturalness, while the Greeks had “developed a culture of nakedness .”56 And he enthusiastically anticipates the potential for Swedish nude and natural nobility in the Hellenistic tradition when he writes: “What if our time could awaken a similar sensibility for S o n n ig es L a n d , No. 2,1932 the beauty of the body, and develop artistic ability! The evidence of how much importance the Greeks accorded to nudity is best shown by looking to the great philosopher Plato, who thought that nudity should be commonly practiced and sanctioned by law’.’57 When his contemporary proponent of body culture, gymnastics director Maja Carlquist, speaks about the body in motion in the late 1930s, she invokes a similar dichotomy of cultured and primitive cultures, but she sets the latter category as an example for the former in terms of “natural” motoric grace. ,s Performed in gymnastics, dancing and athletics, Western corporeality however signifies a cultivation and acculturation of the body, a level to which “the primitives” cannot aspire. This process roughly involves taking the body through a Vem tar hollen? in N a ket, No. Ill, 1934 three-stage process of renegotiation: the first two entail the desexualization and mobilization referred to earlier; the third is acquired through the return to Hellenism, where the body is appreciated as an aesthetic object. Photographic material and poses seem to have been circulated among Swedish and foreign nudist journals and interest groups as a supportive network of cross-referential codes. Thereby, they employed an aesthetics of repetition, as their photographic subjects rehashed motifs such as the greeting of the sun, the mixed party involved in a lively ball game, the one-hand lift performed by two participants, or the classical motif of a bowman or woman aiming at an off-frame target, etcetera. To make a culturalN a ket — S ed lig t?, 1934 aesthetic point, photographs of Swedish or foreign nudists are often juxtaposed with pictures of sculptures or paintings of nudes in similar poses, letting the sculptural quality rub off on the embodied nude. Apart from the sculptural poses, images of greeting the sun, sports activities and dancing tableaux are those most often reproduced. Understood as role models, the photos in nudist periodicals also served as iconographie guides, screening, overlaying and framing nakedness with acculturating references, yet indicating a complex and unpredictable readability by virtue of their involuntary “over-representation” of embodiment. In Femmes Fatales, Feminism, Film Theory, Psychoanalysis, Mary Ann Doane uses the concept for a different purpose: to encompass woman's problematic relationship to subjectivity in classical Hollywood film, which, at the same time as it presents her as a cipher, captures and determines her femininity. Fixed in this dual position, she shares the hieroglyphic sign's mystic capacity to bar decipherment from the uninitiated, while being ultimately accessible as pictorial language for those who are.59 Its immediacy, its accessibility are functions of its status as a pictorial language, a writing in images. For the image is theorized in terms of certain closeness, the lack of a distance or gap between sign and referent. Given its iconic characteristics, the relationship between signifier and signified is understood as less arbitrary in imagistic systems of representation Needless to say, Doane s approach has been subjected to critique and revision.61 However, her elaboration on the hieroglyph is illuminating in itself, as her claim that within the pictorial system the closeness between signifier and signified in the iconic sign disavows the arbitrariness characterizing phonetic language proper.62 In a similar manner, the pictorial language of nudist photography overflows with significance, decipherable for both the initiated and thcuninitiated — uncontrollably — since the pictures of embodiment could not be adequately separated from the real, sexualized body. In that respect, they probably offered equally useful argumentative support for both camps — pro or contra nudists. Interpreted in such a literal sense, the hieroglyph's iconic readability, yet mystical quality could be useful for illustrating how nudist body culturists repeatedly try and fail to contain signification in any definitive sense. Yet, the value of the poses as hieroglyphs meant conveying to readers what nudist embodiment was about — all at a glance, as it were. Despite the observation that signification was probably hard to contain, nudists did not fail altogether. Turning to the fine arts for support must have been a politically wise step, especially since the classically defined nude had a long-established capacity to serve as an iconic-historical ellipsis, universally legitimate in a way that mere nakedness was not.6* Karl Toepfer's The Empire of Ecstasy: Nudity and M ovement in German Body Culture, 1910-1935 places nudity within a politicalaesthetic framework, centering on the modernist aspects of physical movement and embodiment. He observes a temporal ambivalence at work in the signifying practices in Weimar nudist circles. Rather than turning back to nudity as a lost “childlike” origin, the nudist's perception of modernity was as a new, reconstituted state of innocence, with the bare skin as signifier. This association was accomplished N a ket, No. I, 1934 through an elaborate framework of metaphysical philosophy, conflating innocence with maturity and evolution. He writes: “Nacktkultur projected an ambiguous political identity because it treated the body as a double sign: on the one hand, it presented nudity as a return to an eternal primeval; on the other hand, it regarded modern identity as an unprecedented condition of nakedness.”64 He emphasizes that these practices aimed at breaking down the traditional split of “mind and body, subject and object, self and world,” using the body as a universal “manifestation of modernist desire.”65 Another temporally synthetic framework for embodiment is found in Miriam Hansen 's Babel and Babylon: Spectatorship in American Silent Film, which devotes an interesting discussion to the national-cultural ramifications of hieroglyphic language in the film medium around the 1910s. Referring to American millcnnialist and transcendentalist visions of retrieving a lost universal language, she explores the manifold links between these thoughts and the contemporary conceptions of cinema as a “visual Esperanto.” By way of textual analysis, she discusses D. W. Griffith's versatile use of hieroglyphic language as a master trope for the film Intolerance (1916).66 Employed both iconographically and tcxtually, she claims, the hieroglyph fuses the different temporal planes of the parallel narratives into one historical universality, which “marks a pivotal disjunction between the claim to iconic self-evidence, transparency, and universality and an irreducible textual heterogeneity...” 67 Referring to the writings of Vachel Lindsay and Béla Balâzs, she argues that the conception of film as a universal language tied into instances of contemporaneous resistance to hegemonic language in American culture.68 In reference to Balazs, she writes: “The ideal language film promises to restore is a language of immediate expression, projecting a visible integrity of body and soul. Balazs posits the origin of such a primordial language (‘humanity's mother tongue) in the spontaneous expressive movement ( Ausdrucksbewegung) of the whole body.”69 Although their texts speak to different contexts, both Hansen and Toepfer point to modernism's sensitizing of the body as at once a pure and palimpsestic surface. Similarly, they demonstrate how modernist conceptions of inner integrity as well as the desire for non-mediated expression, are transferred to the skin. Leading back to the nudist journals, the editors of Nature and Health and Daybreak expressed their enthusiasm for film as the “visual Esperanto,” i.e., as the ideal medium for disseminating nudist perspectives.70 Appreciating this potential, Anton B. Svensson, editor of The Sun Friend, held that “Pictures speak louder than words” In pedagogical terms, his conviction additionally plays into the object lesson's annihilation of the mediating instance of written text, by bringing the objects themselves to the viewer. Certainly “people have learned to sec in images... The omniscient camera has become an indispensable tool for spreading knowledge and ideas, and it is as effective as any teacher. The image has become an integral part of the spirit of the time. ”7I In Nature and Health, A. Andersson writes about Back to Nature, which might champion the nudist cause in Sweden the same way it has Germany and Switzerland. He very much shares Svensson s views of the film medium 's educational potential. The great strength of film is that it is independent of all national boundaries. No matter which country it is made in, it can reach all over the world. Cinema is the world idiom recognized by all. Unfortunately this quality has not been utilized to such an extent as might be desirable. The rise of the talking picture at the expense of the silent film has limited the reach of the medium to some degree... Lately, Germany has produced several films inspired by nude culture, of which the film Lachendes Leben is probably the best... What if we in Sweden were to try influencing the film companies to include this film in their repertoire? I pass this question on to Professor Almkvist, who may be able to do something to that effect in Stockholm... About eight years ago a German body culture film, called ‘Kraft och skönhet’[ Wege zu Kraft und Schönheit / Ways to Strength and Beauty] played in Sweden. In that film, nude men as well as women appeared; and... no one was affronted by it. If censorship could thus have passed a film made in the spirit of naked culture at such an early stage, it should meet with no objection now, when the movement has gained widespread understanding ... We have seen cultural films covering all areas: plants growing at the speed of one meter a minute; we have studied cats, dogs and bugs down to the minutest detail. The only thing we have not seen on the silver screens is the Crown of Creation — Man - [shown] simply and solely as Man. Homo Sapiens has good reason to be indignant at such disrespect. Should not human beings be worth some hundred meters of celluloid, just as the scorpion? Do we ... lack interest in our own bodies? No, that is not the point. Owing to thousand-year traditions, the human body has become taboo... In the fine arts, it is permitted to depict the nude human body. There, it has actually become the highest symbol of beauty. In literature it is allowed... But in film it is forbidden. And yet this art form, with its almost unlimited powers of expression could be the greatest teacher concerning the inner and outer functions of the human body. When will it begin to sense its duty?7’ In accordance with a somewhat anachronistic post-sound logic, Svensson partly expects a return of the universal hieroglyphic language Hansen describes, and in which naked embodiment will acquire transparent, and iconic self-explanatory functions. Whether Almkvist was instrumental in getting Back to Nature screened in Stockholm remains unclear. As implied, he was probably a man of discretion, paradoxically enough. Rhythm ical G irls Karin Johannisson regards the 1930s as a climactic moment in the national formation of the concept public health, during which both the popular movements and the Workers' Educational Association ( ABF ) engaged in health-promoting education as part of their ideologies. Arguing that the body became the prime object of civic fosterage, she points to the conflation of hygiene, health and education as a modern discourse, whose imperatives acquired an almost indisputable value. Body culture and gymnastics were salient instruments for hygienic and social upheaval. As the individual s outward signs of health and muscularity could be employed as selfpromoting tools, the process of acquiring physical strength additionally opened new ways to class transcendence.7’ In chapter 2, I argued that hygiene and ideal embodiment carried considerable rhetorical force within media addressing eugenics and the population issue. While I do not claim that A-peoplc discourse, eugenics and nudism were ideologically affiliated as such, they shared the practice of turning the representation of embodiment into a slogan. An although not in tune with nudist discourse, body culture movements shared the nudist s conceptions of exercise as spiritually as well as physically rousing. In the following, I will highlight the contexts and stylistics of two short films: Rytmer i sommarsol /Rhythm s in the Summer Sun, depicting the gymnastics group Sofiaflickorna / the Sofia Girls; and a Swedish short about Third Reich body culture, called Rytmiskaßickor /Rhythmical Girls. While not refraining from commenting upon their political setting, I will focus more on their utopian objectives for physical training. Turning to the first of the films, Rhythmical Girls (Nils Jerring, 1936), it is shot in outdoors natural environments close by the body culture institute in Mcdlau, Germany. Visually, the film oscillates between creating visual mass effects of bodies and individual. An establishing long shot shows a group of young women walking across an open, sun-drenched landscape with slow, rhythmically synchronized and gracious movements in rectangular formation. The speaker meditates over the serenity and beauty of the scene, claiming that girls from all over the world come together to get their training here, and that they will later return to their respective countries as educators of their peoples. The voiceover holds that we Swedes can certainly reach a higher level of physical beauty expressivity through this educational system. Watching these “rhythmical bodies,” he says, makes us “long for a more beautiful and harmonious human type. ”7+ During his comments, there is a cut to a closer angle taken from below, showing the line of smiling girls performing a traipsing exercise towards, and past the camera, their faces slightly up-turned. All are clad in identical short white tunics, setting off the streamlined muscularity of their legs. At this point the speaker stops talking, and the girls demonstrate some of the body-culture programs, rhythmically synchronized with unobtrusive music. We are shown ball exercises performed in a variety of group formations, and jump-rope routines, both reminiscent of Idla gymnastics. Next they demonstrate a strength-and-agility-promoting hand-clapping routine on a wooden stage, where the women gradually move from standing position to lying down, then back to the original stance, all the while alternating between clapping their hand and the floor. The camera angle is low through most of the shots, with a framing that show the women s body movements in their entirety. Similar to Leni Riefenstahl s stylistic devices in Olympia, the camera angle assumes a compositional quality in itself, by amplifying bodily expressiveness, framing it against the atmospheric depth of open landscapes and sunny skies. In his discussion of body culture, Karl Toepfer soberly warns against a critical focus that too easily conflates fascist or Nazi policy and aesthetics with contemporaneous bodily expressions.75 Yet, it is difficult, if not impossible, not to observe an uncanny proximity in the above film — not so much for what is shown, but for what voiced by the speaker — the enthusiasm for the Nazis' new human type. Apart from offering a gymnastic education, the Third Reich body culture schools for women were institutions with far-reaching ideological agendas, based on already established systems. According to Lynne Frame, earlier Weimar schools in neo-classical Körperkultur concentrated on medico-aesthetic “remedies” to what they perceived as modern society's neglect of the female body and mind. Their programs aimed at restoring to women's bodies the feminine grace of the Vollweib in movement and appearance, and to induce them to unlearn coquettish vanity, allegedly so damaging to their health. These movements staged a literal “recultivation” of their reproductive, caring capacities, and their roles as reproducers of ideal, national gender values for future generations.76 Referring to the UFA educational film Ways to Strength and Beauty ( 1925 ), she writes: “The widespread pursuit of sports, dance, and, above all, body-conditioning programs according to the various methods of the ncoclassically styled Körperkultur schools of expressive gymnastics and dance would pave the way to achieving a harmonious proportion of the body [that] was the ideal of the ancient Greeks.’”77 As the Nazis came into power, these forms of physical education were further endorsed and developed, in contrast to nudism, which was almost instantly banished from 1933. A quick look at the Rhythmical Girls' Swedish political setting may also be valuable. As Jan Olsson has observed, SF were ambivalently neutral towards German contacts, sometimes even collaborating more with Third Reich interests than was sanctioned by dominant views and Swedish national policy. SFs CEO Olof Andersson took a German-friendly stance, although the company's affiliation with the Third Reich-initiated Internationella filmkammaren/the International Film Chamber involved resistance to the German demand for a European boycott of American films. In Sweden, the widespread boycott ( 1933-1941 ) against Third Reich culture was occasionally broken by SF and contested by The Exhibitor ;78 Rhythmical Girls could thereby be regarded as one of SF s controversial practices. If German body culture movements may have inspired Swedish practitioners and their programs,79 their own practices were largely based on the domestic system of Ling gymnastics, which itself had acquired long-standing international repute. Gymnastics director Maja Carlquist started her group Sofiaflickorna in the mid-1930s by recruiting teenage girls from Sofia folkskola.80 Although her program was based on the Ling system, she modified the militaristically disciplined, stiff and straining movements of the exercises to school gymnasist Elin Falks program. The main principle of her philosophy was to minimize the muscular effort needed for each movement, while maximizing its effect.81 The result was a system where pendular arm and torso movements softened the expression of the stretching exercises — also inspired by Elli Björkstens rhythmical gymnastics and the Dalcroze method.82 In her address delivered at Lingiadkongressen/the Lingiad Congress in 1939, Carlquist stated that her program offered physical as well as spiritual relaxation, badly needed among young people “whose nerves are strained by these times of war neurosis, car traffic, film, illuminated advertising and radio. ”8Î Gymnastics would thereby subdue the menial effects of urban stress and the artificial body postures to which they have grown accustomed. The “primitive” peoples depicted in the films M oana (Robert J. Flaherty, 1926) and Elephant Boy (Robert J. Flaherty, Zoltan Korda, 1937) offer examples of naturally rhythmical movements, she argues. According to Mats Franzén s interviews with former Sofia members, the girls came from working class backgrounds; they felt privileged in their increasing status as athletes, and flattered by the attention they received.84 Yet, their physical training required a morally immaculate framework. As both Franzén and the authors of the popular anthology Storstadsungdom /Urban Young people claim, Carlqvist kept an authoritarian eye on her girls.85 She did not approve of them forming “attachments” and thus expelled members after marrying. Physical education was not compatible with carnal knowledge.86 Sofiaflickorna s popularity grew quickly and boomed internationally with their performances in connection with the 1936 Berlin Olympics and at the World s Exhibition in New York 1939. Counting from Berlin, they performed three hundred times, or almost once a fortnight.87 Rhythms in the Summer Sun (1938), depicting their repertoire, opens with lighthearted, upbeat string music and a long establishing shot of the Sofia girls running in disorderly fashion towards the camera. As they come nearer, they approach the camera leaping in successive units of twos, shot in semi-slow motion. Each pair's gracious landing is emphasized by an impressive orchestral chord. Prior to their performance, their faces are all visually presented in a quick sequence of fifteen close-ups. Here, too, the cinematic technique of negotiating between mass and individual embodiment is reminiscent of Riefenstahl s signature. This presentation calls to mind a sequence in Trium f des W illens ( 1934) of a daytime Nürnberg military manifestation. One of the commanding officers here asks his fellow soldiers from which German province they originate. As they successively answer, each soldier's face is shot in close-up. Throughout most of Rhythms in the Summer Sun, shots of individual girls are continually intercut with long shots of the group, rhythmically edited. Thus every section of the choreographed program is rendered as both individual and group performance. The girls' discrete pausing movements at the end of each phrase, indicate that the gymnastic demonstration is as much choreographed to the music, as the music is adapted to the movements. Repeatedly, there are cues marking a transition to another part of the program, as when the girls arrest their motions in various “frozen” attitudes. The chord of a harp further underscores their temporary transformation to Hellenistic-inspired figures. Similar to the imagery in Rhythmical Girls, the camera angle in Rhythms in the Summer Sun is often low, which gives the partly cloudy sky a decidedly expressive role. Apart from creating an instant depth-perspective composition of each girl s gestures against the skies and the forest line, the low angle technique renders their figures almost mythical. While both films roughly adhere to a mass-ornamental aesthetic, the latter's oscillation between group and individual performers renders a specific larger-than-life quality to the depiction of each girl. Towards the end of the film, this effect is enhanced. The girls do leap-frog exercises in quick succession, and as the last of them concentrate more gymnastic energy and agility in their jumps, they arc increasingly filmed in slow motion, still against the expressive skyline. The film ends with an impressive chord, while the image slowly fades to black, showing the last girl floating through the air. Hygienist Ideology: Gymn Although not entirely in tunc with the 1930s public health and welfare project, nudism and body culture can be regarded as tangible and visible phenomena of a shared hygiene-idiom. Straddling the realms of practice G Y M N T l D S K R I F T O RGAN Årg. , /• 0 R FOR G Y M N / S K C Y M N I S K A K U L T U R F O R B U N O F. T i $ Juli lyzS G ym n , No. 1, 1928 and discourse, they clarified the interrelationship between societal and individual efforts, a quality they moreover shared with eugenics. But, as Karin Johannisson rightly argues, it would be an anachronism to interlink this seepage if hygienist discourse with the race mysticism of Nazi ideology.88 In connection with the discussion about nudist periodicals, I flectingly mentioned the association and journal for body culture, Gymn ( 1928 -1932 ). Ideologically it was initially situated in the borderland between conservatism and fascism, and provided Johan Almkvist and several other profiles in medicine, the arts and body culture with opportunities for disseminating their ideas. The wealthy Carl-Ernfrid Carlberg, at that time becoming one of the financial sponsors of the Swedish Nazi movement — which he remained for several decades to come — published the periodical. Gymn promoted a revival of Hellenistic ideals, offering edifying articles on education, gymnastics and the arts. Here as in within nudist discourse, film was accorded a significant role for spreading their ideology. Carlberg himself was a former elite gymnast, having participated in the 1912 Stockholm Olympic Games. He was a fervent adherent of Per Henrik Ling's program as well as his poetry, the latter he both G ym n, No. 1, 1928 republished and emulated in his own writing. As the emblem of the movement, Ling's stern profile featured on a bronze coin, framed by the Gymn mottos Health — Character — Beauty. The opening editorial read: In this journal, the Gymn token presents the three words: Health, Character, and Beauty. Among ideals, there can be none greater than these. To seek them with reverence and sincerity is a worthy and liberating endeavor... A world war has ravaged the Earth, it has mutilated bodies and spoiled the work of millions of hands. But above all it has devastated minds. Yet! At this very moment a cry arises from countries and peoples. Reaction! Renaissance! Our wounds heal, our backs straighten, and our yearning seeks something beneath and beyond matter.. .What we seek could be called culture, beauty, art, religion, the names themselves are insignificant. If we are to prevent Western society from ruin due to physical, ethical and egotistical slackness, a radical improvement of character is necessary... the spiritual spring must burst forth from healthy bodies, clear minds and good hearts.89 The cover of Gymn s first issue sported a photo of Olof Ahlberg's “Father and Son,” and the sculpture itself had been acquired to adorn the society's clubroom. The journal s manner of address was solemn and instructive, the layout austere, and the texts were interspersed with notesheets of Gymn hymns and marches, poems and reproductions of artworks. The editor hailed a new, ethically and biologically superior human type, ennobled by physical training: sports, gymnastics and body culture. Its first issue moreover offered the reader “Race Biological Perspectives,” penned by eugenicist Herman Lundborg.90 Targeting a young constituency, Carlberg's article “Under the Gymn Sign” outlines a program in which medicine and prophylactic health care, Gymn culture, and the disciplines of the arts and sciences should interlink through information, exhibitions and festive events. By chance or by design, the first issue roughly coincided with the Olympic Games in Amsterdam, which supplied Gymn's ideology with an attractively emblematic framework.91 Captain Gunnar Dyhlén's perspectives on film, published in the second issue, are of particular interest. To some extent his discussion is placed within the same conceptual universe as that of the nudists' discourse; he opines that film has been underestimated as a tool for spreading Gymn ideas, further arguing that lectures accompanied by films about physical activities would have a singularly captivating effect on viewers: If we only had an adequate amount of Gymn propaganda films at hand at this moment, we would surely experience a national rebirth in the Gymn spirit soon enough. Truly, there are forces trying to bring this about. But the means of propaganda at their disposal lack the efficiency that our time demands. We need good films about fine body culture and the science connected with it, films about gymnastics, rhythmics, games and sports, outdoor life, camping and scouting, handicraft and home culture, eugenics and health care.92 Like the nudist proponents, Dyhlén sees film as a medium as the ideal educational resource; its iconographical status powerfully fused object lesson pedagogy and aesthetic pleasure. Above all, his interest gravitates around the interdisciplinary, scientific and aesthetic merits of film: For a long time, the scientist has already taken film into account as a resource for studying the functions and movements of the human body. In this respect, film can contribute to improving methods in various sports performances. The biologist — but first and foremost the motion physiologist — may decipher from the filmstrip many of the answers that would [otherwise] have remained unknown... the slow motion film will be specifically useful here. The human eye is an insufficient instrument for capturing the typicality of a motion or a whole kinetic sequence. The artist, who is not an active athlete himself, in many cases experiences difficulty in catching the characteristically and technically correct quality of a motion. Film can be of good use... both for rendering a position correctly, and for memorizing a typical kinetic moment... no other medium is more adequate for giving prominence to the beauty of a motion. Where the human eye is not even able to discern the kinetic form... film will be of help... Without resistance, people have embraced the film gospel that speaks to their craving for pleasure and sensation. It is about time that ... film was also used to satisfy the apparent need for Gymn upbringing and enlightenment among our race.. ,93 Likewise, Dyhlén's argument that the eye is an insufficient instrument for a close analysis of kinetics echoes the scientific ambitions of early photography, most of all chronophotography. As Marta Braun, and later Trond Lundemo, has shown, Etienne-Jules Marey 's chronophotographical experiments on sports performances and animal movements aimed to de-compose and reveal those parts of the kinetic sequence imperceptible to the human eye.9+ In Dyhlén's interpretation, film should be used to similar ends using slow motion technique, and the conflation of science and aesthetics makes the medium all the more powerful for propagating the Gymn cause. Like the prominent member Walter Fevrell had claimed before him, film must be re-appropriated from entertainment, so that audiences “craving” for images is channeled over to educational purposes.95 The Gymn movement quickly attracted a powerful constituency; among the list of members and contributors one finds a number of artists, composers, doctors and gymnastics directors.96 Gymn even drew members from other countries, both Swedes residing abroad and foreign interested parties. Given the affinities between right wing reformist projects of the movement and that of Johan Almkvist, it is not surprising that he appears as one of the co - editors in 1929. In Gymn's winter issue of 1930, he writes on “Amusements and Sexual Life” where he calls for replacing enfeebling and “passive” urban pleasures with vigorously active ones: creative hobbies, sports, outdoor activities, sunbathing and swimming. ’7 Those committed to the Gymn idea often appeared in multiple roles: as writers of articles, as advertisers, as composers, leaders of seminars and courses. Moreover, within the discursive sphere of Gymn, several profiles made use of their authority outside, or at the margin of their professional capacities. Apart from reporting on sports events, Captain Bertil G : son Uggla also acted as an article writer, sports reviewer and gymnastic course leader. In his above function, Almkvist was an upholder of culture, and he was featured in the journal's advertising for an upcoming brochure, bearing the same name as the above article.”98 Editor and civil engineer Carlberg frequently published his own poems and hymns in the journal, several of which composer Ture Rangström set to music; he, in turn, also appeared as an article writer.99 Architect Carl Malmsten wrote on the subject “The Present Day and its Demands on Our Schools.”100 Carlberg s ideological fervor, his wealth and former status as an Olympic athlete gave him substantial influence over physical training and education. The Swedish Labor Movement 's Archive and Library holds extensive files set up by him and his followers, among other things a correspondence on the subject of adorning the Stadium grounds with gymnastic sculptures. As an idea, the project had received support from the government. But still lacking funds, Carlberg attempted to raise money by turning to the Gymn members and to companies and athletic clubs in Stockholm. Most responded with surprise and indignation. The architect Torben Grut, who had grown impatient with being insufficiently paid for his work, and with seeing no more than pin money raised for the project, ended their cooperation in a straightforward letter.101 In 1924, Carlberg had bought Lillsved manor, formerly owned by Josef Sachs, and built the Central Gymnastic Institute, which retains its educational function, however under the name Svenska Gymnastikförbundet / The Swedish Gymnastic Association.102 It is situated in beautiful surroundings at Värmdö, in the inner Stockholm archipelago. Gymn advertised for summer and weekend courses there: in 1929, a series of seminars on Gymn culture were scheduled, offering the following lectures and demonstrations: “Gymn ideals,”by C-E. Carlberg; “Sweden and Hellas’by author Olof Rabenius; a demonstration of Jacques-Dalcrozc Eurythmies by Karin Fredga and fifteen girls from Adolf Fredrik s public school; “Agrarian health culture” by Dr. Georg Hallbäck; “Grundtvig and the Nordic Renaissance” by lecturer Walter Fevrell; “Gymn poetry” by author Nils-Magnus Folcke; “Inbreeding or new blood? ” by Dr. Hugo Toll; and “Gymn film” by captain Gunnar Dyhlén.103 Taken together, the courses offered an all-embracing aesthetic-political education program for their young constituency. Above all, Gymn aimed at being a sanitary project, and as such it was remarkably well organized. Gymn made use of hygiene as a metaphor of universal significance to their striving for aesthetic and political upheaval. Although this inclination was also perceptible in the hygienic, nudist discourse referred to earlier, it had more elitist implications here. Gymn writers frequently imagined an ideal, pure and spiritualized body with a cleansed, clarified intellect. One example can be found in Ture Rangström s article “Gymn Poetry and Tone’.’ Comparing the work of the composer to that of the athlete, he claims that: “There is no basic difference between a genuine work of art and a ditto sports performance, or a feat of battle’.’104 He further states with manifest confidence: We [composers] desire straight, proud lines and a lyrical perspective... We desire life manifest, not the phrase... A beautiful song resembles the geometric distance between two points: the straight line! Even if the melody seems to wind, it always — if it is sound — takes the shortest course... The phrases, the slackness, the bombastic make detours; this goes for both word and tone. And as an athlete, you know what goes. You do not run towards your goal in crooked fashion, your throat choking on a hallelujah or a breathless cheer; you race as wisely and as quickly as your spirit and your legs will allow, and all the same, it sang within you all the while... it was your own melody, the melody in your blood! That I would gladly set to music... I think that the present-day musician is also a follower of our time and its hygienic rousing of our basic way of life, he is often an interested lover of nature and sports, as far as his nocturnal profession allows.. .'°5 While amply illustrating the interface of hygienic embodiment and sanitized artistic expressions, Rangström's idiom additionally rings of Adolf Loos' proto-functionalist credo referred to in chapter 1: “The lack of ornament is a sign of intellectual power.”106 Likewise, as voiced in the enthusiastic appraisals of functionalism quoted there, his lvricism of the straight line implies a process by which adornment is transferred from the surface of the artifact to the artist-turned-hero. To sum up, in the films and texts discussed here, embodiment is made the universal point of orientation, from within as well as from without. Johan Almkvist and his movement certainly had to come to terms with the problem of “over-represented” bodies. Yet, they came into their own as semantic units of a pictorial language in the photos of naked people in nudist journals, and as advertising discourse. More than Almkvist himself, his writing colleagues showed an acute awareness of this. Together with body culture practitioners, they all shared the conviction that the properly cued and exercised body constituted the prerequisite for personal development and moral-spiritual elevation. Returning to Gymn, its contributors came from many walks of life, each fitting into the aesthetic-ethical-physical goals of the movement; in a way, these profiles came across as ideologues in their own right, each acting on the basis of a prior authority. In the latter half of 1931, however, the number of contributors dwindled quickly, probably on account of Carlberg's veering more and more towards Nazism and race-biological perspectives. By the last issue in early spring 1932, where he expresses his Nazi sympathies on an apocalyptic note, filling the pages with advertisements for Third Reich literature and paraphernalia, Johan Almkvist had dropped out as had practically all earlier co-operators.107 Later, Carlberg additionally compiled nationwide lists of Jewish persons, ordered by borough, profession and marital-familial connections. Those files listing Jewish names alphabetically appear to have been most widely circulated and reproduced among his movement. He went as far as keeping track of dates and outcomes for Jews applying for changes to more Nordic-sounding surnames. In cases regarding celebrities, well-known Jewish persons and their social relations, he delineated their character in memos estimating their danger to society. Ingrid Bergman ' s and Isa Quensel ' s names are two ol several actors and actresses that appear. Another is the aforementioned editor of The Film Image, Jules Berman, characterized as a “pervert,” who suppresses German and “purely” Swedish film in his writing. He is also accused of writing Soviet propaganda in Stockholms Extrablad / The Stockholm Extra. The entry on Berman ends with a racial definition: “Negro-Jew.”I0S In 1939, Carlbcrg's followers raised a monument in his honor at walking distance from Lillsved. Bearing the shape of a sun cross in sandstone, facing the bay, it still stands on the top of a steep hill, as a gcoglyphical reminder of his ideological and monetary investment in the place. It is hard to spot from the lower regions behind it, but clearly visible from the sea. Annica by the sun cross, Lillsved, Midsummer, 2000 No t e s 1 Karl Toepfer, Em pire of Ecstasy: 2 3 4 thus we take care of our future. For the sake of our cultural progress we must therefore adhere closely to our forefathers ' deeds, appreciate them and make use of their potential. Our deeds must be carried out in reverence for the forefathers. And therefore HAIL THE MEMORY OF OUR FOREFATHERS! [raised hand] .. .We can rejoice in our forefathers ' beautiful, Swedish deeds. We should be reverently grateful for them. Because we can proudly say: WE ARE SWEDISH ! .. .We want to keep our culture purely Swedish, to love it as Swedes, to assert our Swedish character and essence, and to promote our hereditary feats of valor. Therefore we profess: WE WANT TO REMAIN SWEDISH IN A FREE AND INDEPENDENT SWEDEN! ” Swenska O rdens N udity and M ovement in G erm an Body Culture, 1910-1935, University of California Press, 1998, 31 Almkvist s “ Sexuell kultur på naturvetenskaplig grund. Ett försök att bringa överensstämmelse mellan människans natur och sederegler” is mentioned in Runcis ' Steriliseringar ..., 120, 306 Klas Sandell, Sverker Sörlin, “Naturen som fostrare: Friluftsliv och ideologi i svenskt 1900-tal” in H istorisk tidskrift , 1994, 14f Almkvist, Aktuella synpunkter på sexualfrågan, Till frågan om folkökningens ..., Våra kläder,från hygienisk och sedlig synpunkt, Stockholm, 1933, D enfram tidafam iljeläkaren..., Kärlekens ansvar..., Trohet och otrohet. Ett Natur och Kultur, 1934, Sexuell kultur Almkvist, H älsa och nakenhet. En social-m edicinsk studie över klädedräktens inverkan på kropp och själ, 87ff, 93ff Toepfer, 36 Viktor Rydberg “Om nakenhet och klädselsätt (Med anledning av striden om Oscar Björcks frismålningar i operakällaren. ( 1895 )” in Viktor Rydberg, sam lade sexuellt problem, 5 6 7 skrftserie, 1. Tvänne tal. Av stormästaren, professorn m .m . Johan Alm kvist vid Swenska O rdens höstfest å Konserthusets skrfter. Singoalla, U ppsatser, barndomsm innen, tal, Stockholm, 1943, 261-284. Gustaf Fröding in Almkvist,H älsa och nakenhet..., 51 - 53 Almkvist, Våra kläder ..., 9-12, 21 Karin Johannison, “Folkhälsa.” 146 Almkvist, H älsa och..., 48-58, Våra kläder ..., 25f Almkvist, Våra kläder. ..,2 , 37f. See Johannisson, 150 (my transi. ) Johannisson, 152, 144-146 Jan Olof Nilsson, “Man måste härda sig” in M öjligheternas landskap. Nordiska kulturanalyser, Fritzes förlag, 1994, 197ff, 207-208. (my transi.) Ibid., 201. See also Johannisson, 154, 156 Ibid., 204-206 (my transi.) Ibid., 209-210 On this mutually reflecting relationship, see also Ekström, “ Konsten att se... ,”156 (my transi. ) Almkvist, H älsa och ..., 110-114 Foucault, D iscipline and Punish, 202-203 Ibid., 200 Ibid., 248-252, H istory f Sexuality, 18 Foucault, H istory..., 10, 36, 41. On Almkvist, see “Nakenheten är sedlig“ in nudist journal N atur och H älsa. O rgan jör nakenkultur, No. 19: 1933, 2, 6, “Tryckfrihetsmålet mot N atur ScH älsa” in No 5:1934, 6, No 6:1934, 2, 5, No. 7:1934, 2, No. 8:1934, 2. See also the nudist journal D agbräckning, No. 2:1932, 16, and H usmodern, “Nakenkulturen har lidit nederlag” No. 37: 1932, 14,46 Foucault writes thus: “A twofold evolution tended to make the flesh into the root of all evil, shifting the most important moment of transgression from the act itself to the stirrings — so difficult to perceive and formulate - of desire? H istory..., 19-20 Toepfer, 35 The opening address goes as follows: (my transi. ) “HAIL SWEDEN ! [He raises his right hand in salute] In our efforts, we want to build on the foundation that earlier generations of our Swedish people have laid.. .We in our turn should then hand down this our work to coming generations for further development; m .m ., 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 Sv. Tryckeriet, 1930, 2-3. The pamphlet describes Almkvist's salute in footnotes. Enthusiastic reviews can be found in Stockholm s Tidningen, “Sw'enska Orden firar höstfest.” 291208, D agens Nyheter, “Swenska Ordens höstfest? 291208. Swenska O rdens skrftserie 3, A. Frederiecksson [pseud, for Sven Olsson] Blått Blod. En inledning till Nordisk raskunskap, Bokförlag Scriptura, 1933. see also Swenska O rdens skrftserie 2, “Swenska Ordens släktforsknings­ institut, Stockholm?in J.O Thorsson, Barnets utveckling ochfolkhälsan, Swenska Ordens kansli, 1933, 17. According to Sven Olsson, the Institute is founded in 1931 by Med. Dr. O. Olsson, professor Wrangel, Major Kuylenstierna, Baron K. K:son Leijonhufvud, Baron Fleetwood, statistics prof. J. Linders, 8 Gerda Kjellberg, H änt och sant, Stockholm, 1951, 141 ff, “Personliga intryck av några av Dermatologiska sällskapets första medlemmar” in Svenska D erm ato­ logiska sällskapetsfestskrft, 50-årsjubileet, 1951, 19f. Since the Nazis did not approve of, and quickly put a stop to, most of the German nudist movements when they came to power, he does not appear to have found their ideology appealing On the neutrality of the HgN movement see B ionytt, No. 5:1933, 4, and jacket pages in Våra kläder... On his reflections on the Nazis, see H älsa och nakenhet, 86 “ Semester i Sonnenland? in N atur och H älsa, No. 12: 1933,4-7 ?.. julgåva till svenska solvänner. Ett härligt gelände vid Öresund,” N atur och H älsa, No. 18B, 8-9 N atur och H älsa, No. 4:1934, 3f Bionytt No. 5:1933,4,6-12, 16-27, SF Veckoprogram / SF-nytt, No. 21:1933, 2, 4-6 ... like Hedwig Hagemann had argued before him in her German feminist nudist program, Toepfer, 45-46 (my transi.) Almkvist, Våra kläder, 29 (my transi.) SF Veckoprogram / SF-nytt, No. 21: 1933, 3 Unidentified newspaper clip from the Swedish Film Institute, 330908 N ya D agligt Allenhanda, 330912 ( my transi. ) Eveo , Svenska D agbladet, 330912 Ibid. Stockholm s-Tidningen, 330912 stora sal D . 7/12 1929, 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 Nya D agligt Allehanda, Sjöfartstidning, 330912, G öteborgs handels- och 331003 44 Neiström, [-K uriren, -11, Social-D emokraten 45 Sydöstra Sveriges D agblad, 330926, Ö stgöten 330919, Ö stgötacorrespondenten (no (late), Folket (no date) 46 Social-Dem okraten 330912, Aftonbladet 330912, Stockholm s-Tidningen, 330912, Folkets D agblad 330912, D agens Nyheter 330912, Sydöstra Sveriges D agblad 330926, ]-Kuriren 330916, Ö stgöten 330919, Ö stgötacorrespondenten, Folket 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 330919 Ibid. See Jan Olsson, Svensk spelfilm . ..,31, 61 Toepfer, 30 Foucault, D iscip lin e.201, 215-220 Bernhard Dahl, “En jätteparodi” in Solvännen, No.1:1937, 15 ”Sedligheten i fara? ” in N aket-Sedligt? (anon.), 1934, 8. (my transi. ) Erik Schlyter, “Levande konst och död” in N aket-Liv, No. 3, 1938 Ibid. Almkvist, Flälsa..., 26. (my transi. ) Almkvist, “Sexuallivets hygien,” 106 Maja Carlquist, Lings gym nastik efter principen m insta Ö stgöten, m öjliga spänning. Föredrag vid Lingiadkongressen 1939, Stockholm, 1939, 3f, 9 59 Mary Ann Doane, Femmes Fatales: Fem inism , Film Theory, Psychoanalysis, Routledge, 1991, 18 60 Ibid., 18-19 61 See her essay “Masquerade reconsidered: Further Thoughts on the Female Spectator” in Ibid., 35 62 With a reference to Oswald Ducrot s and Tzvetan Todorov s Encyclopedic D ictionary of the Sciences of Language, Doane makes the reservation that not even hieroglyphic language is perfectly iconic; the universal understandability of an imagistic system is an unattainable ideal. Ibid., 19, 271 63 See for instance Lauritz Edv. Rasmussen's article “Nakenmotivet i nordisk bildhuggarkonst” in Solvännen, No. 12:1936,7-14 64 Karl Toepfer, 32 65 Ibid., 4, 7, 31 66 Miriam Hansen, Babel and Babylon, 77, 188-198 67 Ibid., 198 68 Hansen, 77-79, 188-189 69 Ibid., 188-189 70 It is not by coincidence that one of the pamphlets sold by N ake t‘s publishing firm is on the subject “ Esperantorörclsens historia? N aket, No. 1:1934, 2 71 (my transi.) Anton B. Svensson, Solvännen, No. 1:1936, 2 72 (my transi.) A. Andersson, “Nakenkulturen och filmen,”N atur & JLälsa, No 4:1933, 6 73 Johannisson, 186ff 74 (my transi.) 75 Toepfer, 9 76 Lynne Frame, “Gretchen, Girl, Garçonne? Weimar Science and Popular Culture in Search of the Ideal New Woman” in (cd. ) Katharina von Ankum, W omen in The M etropolis: G ender and M odernity in W eimar Culture, University of California Press, 1997, 29-31. 77 Ibid., 29 78 Olsson, Svensk spelfilm..., 9, 31 -39, Biografägaren, No. 2:1934, 17, 23, No. 5:1935,6 79 Part of the German body culture influence in Sweden originated from Jacques-Dalcroze method schools. From their most basic to their most advanced forms, the Dalcrozean exercises trained the pupils to improvise creatively, guided by musical cues given in changes of tempo, rhythm and tonality. Tempo and concentration exercises aimed to stimulate memory, body control and the mental-spiritual focus in the moment. Pupils should learn to respond to a given command, without having to spend time first cogitating and interpreting movements, then performing them; instead these processes should take place instantly and relatively effortlessly, in one flowing motion. See Edith von Goette M etoden Jaques-D alcroze och dess m ål, Göteborg, 1923, 6, see also Italo Bertolotto, Jaques-D alcroze-m etoden, (diss. ), Stockholms univeritet. Musikvetenskapliga institutionen, .(1973) 1984, 21. In several European countries, Dalcroze Eurythmies was applied in public schools. In Sweden the Swedish Dalcroze teacher Karin Fredga started teaching it to fifth grade girls in the Adolf Fredrik public school in 1928. See Karin Fredga, “Rytmikens uppgift ”in G ym n, No. 1:1928, 25f 80 Mats Franzén, “ Fart och fläkt. Ungdom, sport och modernitetens ambivalenser” in Franßygdröm ... , 220 81 Maja Carlquist, Lings gym nastik u form ad ejter principen m insta m öjliga spänning. Föredrag... ,2. see also Carlquist, Sofia flickornas gym nastik: Lings gym nastik utformad efter rytm ens princip, Stockholm, 1942 82 Franzén,216 83 (my transi.) Carlqvist, Lings gym nastik..., 14 84 Franzén, 220, 227 85 Ibid., 228f 86 Storstadsungdom ifyra generationer, Helena Frisman, Helena Henschen, Lena Högberg, Eva Silvén-Garnert, Ingrid Söderlind, (ed. ). Eva Silvén-Garnert,Tidens förlag, 1991, 161. As Jan Olof Nilsson claims, the well-trained body within the Swedish 1930s rousing effort becomes desexualized, transformed into a piece of functional machinery, “Modernt...” 89 87 Franzén, 223 88 Johannisson, 178 89 ( my transi. ) Carl - Ernfrid Carlberg, “ Några ord som anmälan? in G ym n. Tidskrift för G ym nisk kultur. O rgan för G ym niskaförbundet, 1928:1,2 90 The works most frequently shown are by artists Carl Eldh, Christian Eriksson, Olof Ahlberg, Carl Milles, Carl Fagcrbcrg, Nils Möllerberg, Gunnar Hallström, Ivar Johnsson.Herman Lundborg, “Rasbiologiska perpektiv,” in Ibid., No. 1:1928, 7-10. 91 Torsten Tegnér, Sven Lindhagen and Bertil G:son Uggla report on the games in “På Olympiaden. Om fotbollen,”TT, G ym n, No. 1:1928, 12-14, “Sverige och Olympiaden. Våra utsikter i allmän idrott? SL, No. 1:1928, 15, “Sverige och IX Olympiaden” No. 2:1828, 12 92 (my transi. ) Gunnar Dyhlén “Några ord om filmens användning för gymnisk upplysning? in G ym n, No t e s No. 2:1928, 25 93 (my transi.) Ibid. 94 Marta Braun, Picturing Tim e: The W ork of Etienne The University of Chicago Press, 1992, 27-35, 42-49, andTrond Lundemo, Jules M arey ( 1830-1904), Biidets opplosning. Filmens bevegelse i historisk og teoretisk (diss.), Spartacus, 1996, 76ff, see also Jan Holmberg, Förtätade bilder..., 144 95 Fevrell s Åskådningsundervisningen och de perpektiv, kinem atograßska bilderna. Föredrag, hållet i K.F.U .M :s hörsal den 13februari 1915, Stockholm, 1915, and Våra föreläsning föreningar och de kinematograßska bilderna. Ur tidskriftförfolkbildningsarbetet, Stockholm, 1917. On Fevrell, see Jan Olsson, I (ffentlighetens ljus, 241 -253 96 Some of the prominent Swedish members were : Professor Herman Lundborg, composers Ture Rangström, Bernhard Lilja and Wilhelm Peterson Berger, feature editor Torsten Tegnér, Captain Gunnar Dyhlén, Captain Bertil G:son Uggla (speaker in radio broadcast morning gymnastics), architects Torben Grut and Carl Malmsten, sculptors Olof Ahlberg, Carl Eldh, Christian Eriksson, Carl Fagerberg and Tore Strindberg, artists Bruno Liljefors, Stig Blomberg, Count Björn von Rosen and Carl Milles, art reviewer Gustaf Näsström, rhythmics instructors Karin Fredga and Edith von Goette, gymnastics director Karin Karling, medical professors Israel Holmgren and Hugo Toll, Dr. Georg Hallbäck, professor emeritus Ewert Wrangel, and Johan Almkvist, lecturer (and former film censor) Walter Fevrell, authors Nils-Magnus Folcke and Olof Rabenius. G ym n, No. 1:1929 ( unpag. ) 97 Almkvist, “ Nöjeskultur och sexualliv,” G ym n, No. 1: 1930, 26-30 98 G ym n, No. 2:1930, VI 99 Ture Rangström, “Gymnisk dikt och ton? in G ymn, No. 1:1931,20-23 100 Carl Malmsten, “Nutiden och vad den kräver av skolan”in G ymn, No. 1:1928, 10-12 101 Carl Ernfrid Carlbergs stiftelse, Kapsel 4, “handlingar om Stockholms Stadion prydande med skulpturer, 1929-1930? Letter from Grut to Carlberg, dated 300420. On Grut, see Micael Ekberg, Torben G rut. En arkitekt och hans ideal, (diss. ) Acta Univeritatis Gothenburgensis, 2000 102 Carl Ernfrid Carlbergs stiftelse, kapsel 4 103 G ym n, No. 2:1929, (unpag.) 104 (my transi. ), Rangström, “Gymnisk. ..”22 105 Ibid., 21-22 106 Loos in Ward, 58 107 G ym n, No. 1:1932 108 See Carl Ernfrid Carlbergs stiftelse, kapsel 1, “PM ang. namnbyten* kapsel 2, “Som judiska betecknade personer. Stockholm. Spridda listor* and kapsel 3, “Som judiska betecknade personer. Listor? Arbetarrörelsens arkiv Sciopticon image from “Fritiden's” propaganda campaign, 1935-1936 L e a r n in g to H a n d le “ M o d e r n L e is u r e ” In the summer of 1936, the town of Ystad became the center of national attention in Sweden. An exhibition called “Fritiden”/“Modern Leisure” was held there between June 19th and August 23rd. At a preliminary stage, the idea for the exhibition was to promote the city and its new art museum. However, Gregor Paulsson and a group of politicians and national organizations with foresight changed it into a national exhibition devoted to the growing contemporary problem: the increased amount of leisure.1 The objective was to bolster the propaganda for the Compulsory Vacations Act, which was to come into force in 1938, and most importantly, to inspire active and creative ways to spend one s vacation. This chapter revolves around the informative propaganda exhibition “Modern Leisure” and its followerup in Stockholm, “Semestern 1939”/ “Vacation 1939.” Much of my interest is devoted to the discursive framework of the vacation issue, and of the organizers' imperative to their audiences not only to watch exhibition displays and films, but to put into practice a modern vacation more or less directly, inspired by the guidance they had received. January 1938. Sweden mourned the recent death of Gösta Ekman, one of the country 's most beloved and charismatic actors. The magazine The Film Journal presented a cavalcade of photos taken throughout his career interpolated with loving obituaries written by colleagues.2 But suddenly, after you had turned a few pages, a spirited notification of a competition grabbed your attention: What do you know about Sweden? The successful film ‘Sun over Sweden’ is the inspirer for The Film Journal s great competition... In this issue, we present a new and original competition... inspired by Europa Film's feature Sun over Sweden, which has now had its premiere, and was praised by a unanimous press. Accordingly, we too name this competition ‘Sun over Sweden.’2 On the opposite page was a map of the middle and southern part of Sweden, divided up into eleven numbered districts. A film still showing regional characteristics represented each — only, they were all misplaced. Contestants should therefore identify and fit the regions together correctly.4 The Film Journal further hoped that this competition — which we dare say, is of a quite unusual kind — will serve a dual purpose. It should be a nice pastime; but the competition serves yet another purpose. It teaches you something about our beautiful Swedish country, in which you have the undying honor to build, live and work. That was a beautiful thing to say, was it not?5 By rewarding winners with round-trip railway tickets, The Film Journal thus wished their readers to get doubly acquainted with Sweden. The filme had its premiere in early January and the competition ran until mid-March, so contestants keen on winning tickets could see it repeatedly and solve the puzzle. Sol över Sverige /Sun over Sweden (Arne Borncbusch, 1938), the first feature released in 1938, was an adaptation of a Danish forerunner, Sol over Danmark / Sun over Denmark, (HolgcrMadsen, 1935). The film takes the viewer on a virtual trip through the middle and southern parts of Sweden; as Jan Olsson observes in his article “Sverige årsmodell 1936 [sic 1938]. Folkhemmets soliga Road-movie,” it straddles the aesthetics of the postcard and the strongly foregrounded visuality of the early phantom ride, frequently showing regional motifs in the Swedish landscape shot from a car-mounted camera. Thereby, the film conveys a series of doubly mediated views, i.e., the car as medium simultaneously constitutes a frame within the frame and a marker of the modern.6 The conspicuous number of 22 wipes foregrounds the sequential presentation of the picturesque images, further emphasized by the music score of a corresponding F ilm journalen, No. 4, 1938 medley of recognizable local songs. Compared to its Danish predecessor, Sun over Sweden recycles more documentary footage, and its phantom-rides acquire a more independent attractional appeal.7 Stylistically, the beginning of Sun over Sweden employs an interesting mix, starting with a real-time sequence of choirmaster Sven Lilja bowing to the camera (a reverse shot showing that he is bowing to his choir and orchestra). He goes on to conduct their performance of “Flamma stolt mot dunkla skyar.’ As the song ends, the prelude scene dissolves into an image of a Swedish flag against sunny skies. This shot is also the patriotic upbeat for the film's introductory scenes showing a mounted guard parade that gathers immense public interest. The film's barely coherent plot is structured by the intertwining and crossing of the traveling routes of six main characters on vacation, two girls on bicycles, two young men in a car, and a man traveling by truck to collect his fiancée. The narrative is driven by the combination of love interest, conflict and money problems — and by the respective vehicles that the characters use. Their — and the viewer 's — journey goes from Stockholm to Scania, where the film's lovers are all united. Along the way, they pass regionally significant and familiar sites, monuments and well-known people, and the following is but a small sample of the provinces and sites that are shown. The girls cycle through Värmland, where a short sequence of documentary footage shows author Selma Lagerlöf standing before Mårbacka. They further pass Åmål. The men drive through Gränna, recognizable by the sign “Gränna äkta polkagrisar”/“Genuine Gränna Peppermint Rock’.’ After their marriage in Leksand, the third party travels via Borås to Gothenburg, where they visit the amusement park Liseberg. As Pelle Snickars shows in his case study of Härnösand around the 1900s, the population enjoyed watching attractive views of their own home town.8 From a more national perspective, Sun over Sweden could be claimed to cater to such preferences; those parts of the audience living in or originating from the provinces below Stockholm were surely familiar with many of these views. Moreover, the phantom-ride motifs and documentary sequences bespoke a shared national as well as local heritage, depicting nature both as a moral resource, and as source of modern production.9 In his essay “Effigy and Narrative” on the open-air museum Skansen around turn-of-thccentury Stockholm, Mark G. Sandberg interrelates its ethnographical presentation of Swedish rural culture to Stockholm audiences with the contemporaneous influx of provincials to the capital. As industrialized modernization was late in arriving nationally, he claims, the new Stockholmers material encounter with modernity in Stockholm was structured as a temporal shift. In concrete terms, this could mean that, when they moved, the rural working routines and tools from their former milieus were turned into history more or less overnight. Sandberg conceptualizes Skansen and its authentically peopled and furnished, narrativi/.cd ethnographic tableaux and rural buildings as a site straddling this temporal gap. As provincials became urban spectators of their former work tools and dwellings, “the absent folk body, collectively imagined, acquired great representational currency, as did that body's props.”10 Likewise, the narrative framework for the phantom-ride footage in Sun over Sweden presented picturesque landscape sequences for a basically urban, tourist gaze. By amalgamating modernity with nostalgia, the film gave new Stockholmers a virtual return “back there, back then’.’ In a way, Allhcm's contemporary albums Sverige ifärg och bild / Sweden in Color Images, add an intertextual dimension to this iconography, offering a similar set of nation-wide views, accompanied by characterizations of landscapes, provinces and cities." Towards the end of Sun over Sweden, the regional tourist views shift focus. At the two young couples engagement dinner, Reverend Lundgren stresses that their love for each other may indeed have deepened by their experience of the journey through the beautiful Swedish countryside. “Young marriages are important for the continuance of the nation” he claims, blessing them with a speech about their promising future in it. At this point his speech changes into a voiceover, and the film's abundance of picturesque sights is also transformed into a panoramic presentation of Swedish landscapes, intermingled with the productivity of domestic industries. The upcoming marriages are evoked as the central metaphor for the dialectics of pleasure and commitment, tradition and modernity involved in a fecund love for the mother country.12 The film thus condenses and transposes the earlier trajectory of the journey into a discourse on civic duties and domestic virtues.13 Presenting the Leisure Problem Sun over Sweden and The Film Journal 's tie-in contest were both ramifications of two closely connected political discourses, involving socio-political negotiations and reforms for the Swedish welfare state. The first addressed the allocation policies and measures against the dwindling birth rate, a topic discussed earlier; and the latter was the lobbying and propaganda preceding the Compulsory Vacations Act of 1938. In 1931, the government's labor legislation drew up preliminary guidelines for a general vacation,14 and between 1936 and 1937 an expert group was formed to work out suggestions for the definitive wording and extent of the act.15 Meanwhile, private organizations, interest groups and societies worked more or less independently to promote the issue.16 The propaganda exhibition “Modern Leisure” was launched as a model for vacationists-tobe. Like the Stockholm Exhibition 1930, it was designed as a far-reaching societal inspirer. The 1930 event had signified the official starting-point for the functionalist program, which it was not only believed would improve the standard and manner of living for working city dwellers, but additionally would reform people and their lifestyles. The movement 's Swedish initiators, Gunnar Asplund et al. had promoted the concept of active spare time, which was now further developed. In “Modern Leisure” the functionalist design would still be visible, this time in architect Erik Fribcrgcr's prefabricated sports cabins, and in Ystad s new sports center, “The Ball” also serving as the main restaurant.17 Here, an evocative variety of Swedish leisure activities and utilities for outdoor and indoor life would be presented. Additionally, film screenings, theatrical performances, concerts and athletic contests would be interspersed among the halls in the exhibition landscape “all with the purpose of making the exhibition site an ideal environment for the diversified leisure habits of the visitors.”18 Consequently, Swedish and foreign visitors were also encouraged to spend their vacation in Ystad in connection with the event. The brochure's emblematic vignette photomontage sported a young blond woman in a bathing suit — the Leisure Girl — stretching her arms joyously into the air in a Y-shape, her hands ecstatically embracing her new leisure, as well as the heading “Modern Leisure’.’ At the level of her hips, a mass of miniaturized people surrounded her like a hilly landscape; many of the men and women in the crowd look into the camera, some men saluting it with a smile. The prospectus material for the Ystad exhibition took the current political situation as the starting point for encompassing the problem that “Modern Leisure” would address: “Since the law had been passed regulating the working day to eight hours, the time the masses devote to getting their livelihood has been reduced; thus the increased amount of leisure from which they now benefit has become a significant social, cultural and economic problem”19 which continues as follows in the English version: requiring to be solved in such a way that each citizen shall benefit as much as possible — mentally as well as and physically — from his leisure. [It] should certainly be free time without any burdensome obligations and wearisome restrictions on the individual, yet on the other hand it should not be a dead time frittered away on idle amusements which can only lead to dissipation, or on listless loafing which breeds boredom and dissatisfaction. If the people are unable to fill up their leisure hours in such a way that they derive health and pleasure from it, then the community should help them by advice and action, in order to give them the possibility of spending [it] in a richer, finer and more profitable manner... The Ystad Exhibition will display a new social reality and will make use of a technique new to the exhibition world... An illuminating exhibit of huge photographic enlargements with conspicuous arresting text will run like a red thread through the various sections of the exhibition, all explanatory and instructive, yet at the same time entertaining. You will be amused by the spiritual manner in which everything is arranged, while the lighthearted form of presentation will convey to you a lasting impression of how one of the happiest people in the world spends its leisure hours, and at the same time you will be studying the leisure of the Swedish nation as a matter of national interest.20 The threefold leisure “problem” would find its solution here; socially, since leisure ideally functions as “a spiritual and physical power source”; culturally, as it “gives a previously unimagined space for the free cultivation of personality through sports and outdoor life, education and aesthetically valuable entertainment ;” and economically, since it contributes to propelling sectors of national production, such as weekly press, radio and film, communications and the clothing industry.21 Articulations of the vacation issue as a “problem” appeared frequently both in the pamphlet material and the campaign leading up to the event. Apart from connoting the practical aspects of solving the societal question, the concept was associated to a scientific presentation of a problem involving mapping and thorough analysis of the field, a fruitful process into which the public was now invited to participate. But although the increased amount of leisure was formulated as a stimulating problem complex involving popular participation, this was only one aspect of the discourse. Gunnar Hirdman s radio lecture in the fall of 1935, “Internationella synpunkter på fritidsproblemet”/ “International Perspectives on the Leisure Problem,” draws the listeners' attention to leisure's short history and development. He claims that even though the progressive reform regarding the eight-hour working day roughly coincided with the end of the First World War, a widespread sense of disillusionment and loss of future prospects prevented the working masses from spending their new free time on more than superficial and transitory pleasures, which left them feeling dissatisfied and “nervous”22 Today, by contrast, there is a vast amount of both organized and private leisure activities of a c y k e lfr ä m ja n d e t Vin fö r v a ra d ty k lte fe ffia sA n fr e sse n Cykelfrämjandet, sciopticon image from “Fritiden's” propaganda campaign much sounder quality, he claims: youth movements, allotment societies, amateur theaters, camping, sailing, motoring. All 5lä ihop Göteborg those involved in any of these activities arc aware of the great importance of active leisure, Hirdman means, adding that the more leisure people will enjoy, the greater jgf SKSlSS1 ikïueLÄÄ- thc Potcntial problem. “Leisure that is ()nly filled with idleness becomes empty, ■ 1^^. HÄi™'375*000. ' that is’ Hlled with boredom- Leisure spent on diversion finally makes people absentminded’.’23 This last phrase later acquired great currency among advocates of vacation, who repeatedly quoted it. The passage was ^ / VlalmiU v -J Sciopticon image (Vom “Fritidcn's” propaganda campaign printed in the exhibition program, and Hirdman himself recycled it in an address during “Modern Leisure’.’ But, comparing with thc organized leisure culture of the dictatorships in Italy and Germany, Hirdman holds that leisure must be free time, unencumbered by the state; interventionist policies should therefore restrict their measures to guaranteeing the citizens the possibility of using their leisure in such a sensible way that they as well as society benefit from it. He furthermore endorses the increased purchasing power in the lower social strata, which meant that leisure could be enjoyed in more varied and rewarding ways. Traveling, for example, would no be longer a luxury for the privileged.24 To give preliminary guidelines and points of departure for discussing the proper ways to take advantage of one 's leisure, thc exhibition committee arranged for a Swedish translation of sociologist C. Delsisle Burns' book Leisure in the M odern W orld which was published before thc opening of “Modern Leisure’.’2’ In his preface, Gustaf Näsström writes with solemn emphasis that an increased amount of leisure equally demands increased individual responsibility: Thc question of leisure has only lately begun to be treated as a matter of public significance on a level with working hours. During the battle over the 48 -hour working week, regulated leisure appeared as a human right. Like other rights, it has proved to run the serious risk of being abused, and more than before it is now generally realized that the gift of leisure involves a binding promise. In particular, political upheaval has been a contributory cause to this shift in attitude towards leisure... And now, when our Swedish democracy wants to secure its future, it has all the more reason to consider the importance of its people becoming conscious of the responsibility that leisure entails. Because, after all, modern democracy rests on the premise that each citizen possesses adequate knowledge and the judgment required to exert [her/his] political rights. For most workers, their spare time is their only opportunity to acquire such qualifications. And society has seen to it that well-equipped establishments for mental and physical self-fosterage are open, free of charge, to those who respond to the logic that societal democracy requires an aristocratization of the individual.26 As in Hirdman's radio lecture, a Lutheran ethic of productivity is hereby transferred to the realm of leisure.27 Moreover, there is a slightly oxymoronic flavor to the statement that democracy demands an “aristocratization of the individual.” While writing within a political context with a democratic-egalitarian agenda, Näsström articulates progressive views in terms of individual upward mobility. He thereby implies a process by which workers could reach a certain degree of nobility by physical and intellectual training; this should be their way of administrating the trust the state would put in them by granting them a vacation. However, by taking the consumerist and physical education aspects discussed earlier into account, Näsström s argument may not sound so contradictory after all. Burns himself covers multifarious aspects of modern leisure, and his arguments are distinctly utopian. He predicts that current leisure pursuits, such as moviegoing, will displace family domesticity, and that new domestic habits and products will accelerate the processes of modernization from within the home. Somewhat anachronistically, he exemplifies home cooking and homemade clothing as basic domestic concerns that could be rationalized by largescale production. Many people, he claims, lack the vitality of health and spirit because they are unskilled cooks, and do not know how to maintain a proper diet. Likewise, their home-sewn clothes are unnecessarily thick and cumbersome, making people sickly as well as physically or mentally lethargic. Lighter, more hygienic fabrics and brighter colors in clothing will stimulate aesthetic playfulness; likewise, improved skills in cooking “will bring forth a new human type” healthier and more vital than before.28 Even as Burns acknowledges political change as the initial prerequisite for modern consumption and leisure pursuits, he states that the new everyday habits that will ensue from reformed objects and practices play an important role. Better products and leisure activities affect the atmosphere of the dwelling place, bringing out reformed human beings and impulses. Furniture and clothes “speak” through the subject, but not merely in the consumerist sense of adorning the personality with status or attractive attributes; in a more literal manner, they determine one's life expectancy and outlook.29 Ideally then, social betterment takes place individually and instantly, as when the elements of alchemy are added together. Although the exhibition discourse hardly corresponded closely to Burn 's views, organizers presupposed that Swedish visitors were ignorant of how to handle their new freedom, but that properly spent leisure in itself held utopian, liberating powers. “Modern Leisure” would fashion a new leisure concept30 to create” fulfilled, “harmonious people.”31 Likewise, the vacation issue was sometimes formulated as a humanitarian act, a powerful tool curing workers of discontent.32 A small pamphlet published by the Swedish Trade Union Confederation, reads: “To the extent that this development... shows results, formerly disfavored social groups will be satisfied with their own as well as societal conditions; the overall civic solidarity will improve, and the entire democratic societal organization should undeniably be strengthened. ”33 “Modern Leisure 's” exhibition committee included several of the leading profiles that had been involved in the Stockholm Exhibition: Gregor Paulsson, Gotthard Johansson, Gustaf Näsström, Harald Rosenberg, Bengt Gate and Hans Westman. In Ystad, the newspaper Aurora's energetic editor-in-chief Elias Nilsson was the driving force. At an early stage, Johansson's discussion about “Propaganda Exhibitions in the Provinces” set the rhetorical framework for “Modern Leisure. ” Instead of only presenting an attractive collection of items, “Modern Leisure's” semi-circular entrance area Behind each fold, there was more information in brochures and on wall displays. he claims, a propaganda exhibition must make use of pictorial advertising discourse, and to lead the spectators attention by pedagogical and agitating methods.i+ The committee had relatively little time for preparations, and the relationship was sometimes strained due to the Stockholm representatives tendency to dominate. Yet, the campaign was elaborate, and according to the press reception, successful. The propaganda material shown to the press in early spring 1936 included a substantial collection of visual material and an almost complete model of the exhibition. According to Stockholms-Tidningen, Näsström, Johansson, press representative Harry Wallin and the architects Bengt Gate and Hans Westman took turns presenting the exhibition and its slogans during the Stockholm press conference.35 The article writer was very enthused by the illustrative demonstration, which also included posters, sciopticon images and slogans put on the walls. The sciopticon images are particularly interesting, as they narrativize the demonstration as a journey to the exhibition. An introductory slide reads “WELCOME TO,”followed by two t ! tjp ITRODUKTION , UD!STILLINGSKONTOBET ;t r é \ DET FOLKEUC OPLYSNINGSARBEJDE slides of bird 's-eye views of the town. The first shows the harbor area, the second is of the central square and Maria Church. But there is certainly more to the sciopticon collection than a mere introduction to a coming event. One gets the impression of slogans being tested and launched on a trial and error basis. The images based on photos appear to have been used both for public promotion, and internally among the committee as raw material for the finished collage screens. Some motifs are later included in the exhibition as they are; others are duplicated in several versions, indicating experiments with scale, with selection and coloring of the background, or juxtapositions of photographic contexts. “Modern Leisure” and Eye-Pedagogy The exhibition “Modern Leisure” opened on June 19th, 1936. Situated in a park at the center of the town, it was thus spatially integrated with the permanent buildings. According to the book Ystad under 1900-talet / Ystad in the Twentieth Century, the exhibition was likened to an immense picture book, illustrating ideas and suggestions for products, sports cabins, and holiday resorts; as many as 1528 different leisure activities were shown.36 As a whole, the exhibition site was dominated by photo collages, influenced by El Lissitzky's cinematic photomontage aesthetics. And in accordance with his style, graphic impression was created by juxtaposed pictorial elements of strikingly differing scales. Like the vinjette image of the Leisure Girl, the photographic material sported a dialectics between monumentally blown-up individual figures and a framework of masses of people. The photomontages made up an “optically dynamic” landscape that visitors stepped into — where there was no clear distinction between architecture, pictorial photomontage or slogans.37 The entrance was constructed as a sequence of immense photo collages arranged in a semi-circle and overlapping each other like dominos, welcoming the visitors with rhetorically powerful images and catchwords. Behind each fold were tiny rooms providing more information about the organization pictorially presented.One montage, showing demonstrators with national flags, was headed “The Leisure Multitude Gather Within The Great Popular Movements”38 The next montage had a smiling woman backpacker as the most prominent figure; she appeared to wave at the approaching visitor. She towered over a group of smaller figures engaged in various sports, Per Albin Hansson with a bowling ball, among others. The headline read: “Leisure [spent on] Sports and Outdoor Life Strengthens Your Muscles and Spirit’.’39 Another photo collage, labeled “Leisure has Become a Societal Concern” consisted of a split image; the left side dominated by an over-dimensioned fist, tightly clenched around harness-like strings pulling the miniature public unanimously hailing it in fascist salute. The caption read: “Modern dictatorship organizes leisure for the good of the State’.’40 On the right side, a similar hand presents a paper with the proposed budget for 1936 for cultural activities to a more relaxed public. The caption reads: “The Democratic State desires that leisure should be free time, but want to enable the individual citizen to use it in a valuable way’.’41 Another image sported a male worker with a bare torso, squinting happily The educational section Wall display demonstrating the national spread of study circles against the sun, one hand arrested in the movement of wiping the sweat off his brow. Here the text read: “Leisure is Not an Enemy of Workl’To the left in the semi-circular entrance display were cut-outs of male and female figures in leisurewear, looking as if they were rising from masses of miniature people, and stretching their arms up in a victorious, Y-shaped gesture. “Modern Leisure” was divided into thirteen sections in the following order: an introductory propaganda hall; library and educational exhibition including press, art, theater, radio, film and music; traveling; hobbies; sports; allotment garden cottages; domestic leisure; sports cabins; camping facilities, restaurant; film theater; festival plaza, and pleasure grounds.42 Many sections presented their material in pedagogical imagery, often making use of mass effects. A recurring organizing figure was the national map, which filled the multiple purpose of situating, condensing, or showing the nation-embracing character of various leisure pursuits. The adult education section thus demonstrated the spread of the Cooperative Society 's self­ tuition courses, interconnecting the statistics and a map placed on opposite walls with a fine web of indicating treads. The Officials ' Educational Organization presented their membership figures, spread and activities in a photo-collaged map, flanked by columns of statistics. The values of education were linked to the municipal libraries, “the center of adult education” Iconographically, the Stockholm Municipal Library's main hall constituted the focal point, to which large arrows with superimposed texts pointed. The art section propagated for spreading good art literature, which would facilitate “a penetration onto the essence of art’.’+! A woman and a man on a collage screen were seen catching scores of books falling from above. A national map offered a situational overview Exterior of “the Radio” Interior of the “Radio” Exterior of “the Book” Exterior of SF 's Film Bar of Swedish museums, which were accorded great significance as sources of visual education and aesthetic joy. “The silent language of objects communicate spiritual values that book­ learning can only give us [in?]directly. No one can claim to possess a sure sense of personal culture without the ‘education of the eye’ [...] As yet, all our people arc not aware of the museums’ rich possibilities. Therefore, contribute to making them socially interesting by visiting them yourself.”44 This caption spoke to an earlier context of educational visual culture, namely what Anders Ekström calls “eye-pedagogy” As referred to in chapter 1, his point of departure is the growth of object lesson pedagogy, directing the pupil s attention to the objects themselves rather than texts about them.45 This method proposed to provide unmediated access to reality: “if the pupil opened [his/her] eyes properly, the named world would speak for itself.”46 According to Ekström, it was an encyclopedic, normative practice, by which “the living truth” was claimed to reveal itself effortlessly. Consequently, by the turn of the century, natural materials, wall-charts, excursions and class experiments had grown into a vital part of school education material. But in order for the object lesson item to be transformed from a sensory into a spiritual experience in the embodied “inner eye” — the actual object of pedagogy — the eye needed practice that developed the viewing subject s spiritual powers. [T]here was... a tendency to place the educational object lesson's way to truth above theoretical reflection. The former was about insight, the latter about knowledge; and insight went deeper, penetrating straight into the core of man. The insight became View of “The Press,” in the foreground the pool and the canoes. To the far left, the entrance to the travel section. Detail images of “the Press” The Travel Section incorporated with the body of the viewer. At the same time as the third eye went into the world, the world entered through the window of the soul, into the eye.47 The outcome of this process was a subject with an increasingly active, exploratory view of the surrounding world.48 To a large extent, the Ystad exhibitions presentation of objects, photomontages, scenery and pictures could be situated within such a conceptual universe. Yet, speaking with Patrice Petro, they pointed as much towards the increased pictorial dominance in contemporary text-based media49 as this educational ideology. I would claim that eyepedagogy was here recharged with its own heritage as well as with El Lissitzky s photo-collage aesthetics.50 At “Modern Leisure,” the third section for art, theater film, written media, music and radio offered propaganda as well as actual performances and screenings. Additionally, one encountered musical instruments, gramophones and radio equipment. “The Book,” “The Radio” and “The Press” were separate, almost circular pavilions along the main walk. The façade of “The Book” was partly covered in advertising, partly constructed as a shop window, and its interior appeared as a downsized, simplified version of the circular-shaped central hall in the Stockholm municipal library. In Ekström s terms, it offered viewers an instance of “exemplary realism” in a duly reflexive sense, by providing the imperative mis-en-scène and tools for exerting a civilizing and educating influence.3' Visitors could choose a book to read and sit down for a while, thus benefiting from the exhibition while they became temporarily integrated within the display, in the manner of peopled sceneries, or “living pictures” in earlier exhibition contexts.52 Furthermore, the visitors' presence in the “picture” gave the section a comprehensive and narrativized character. Their interaction within it thereby assigned them the status of mediating agents tying together objects and creating context within the scene.55 S] s Section, Axel Granholm makes an indicating gesture When visitors entered “The Radio” they first encountered a similar vestibule shop window displaying Aga Radio products. Inside was a listening parlor where you could cither sit down to listen, or walk along the rotunda walls to view the information material about the Swedish Broadcasting Corporation. Here too, the educational value of the medium was emphasized. Viewers were encouraged to form radio study circles, and to benefit from school radio: “A textbook that is forever new.”’4 Having gone one third into the exhibition area, one saw “The Press” one of the most spectacular buildings. Much like “The Builder's Journal,” the meeting-point for architects during the Stockholm exhibition, it signaled its text-based medium by “pages” vertically attached to a semi-circular building. Here, each page was a blow-up of a periodical, measuring three by six meters. The travel section ran parallel to the three round pavilions, the long façade was rhythmically broken up by upright photomontages, each flanked by a traffic sign, and each pictorially representing a vehicle. In the sciopticon collection, one of the sketches is of an airplane, the caption reading “Extend Time - Fly! ” The montages had been cut so as to constitute an archway for visitors and to provide dividing walls for minor exhibitors halls. The entrance to the indoor part was an oversized rectangle serving as the introduction and main “departure hall” from which signs directed visitors to various “destinations” and means of transportation further inside. Entering, spectators encountered an immense photo-montage of a woman and a man with outstretched arms, both embracing superimposed images of the continents, gazing towards the horizon in happy anticipation of their adventure. In an early sketch, the male figure was the sole globetrotter. “Travel, The World is All Yours” read the caption. Visitors who went straight ahead passed a “checkroom” then came upon a rail line and a platform built on site by Statens Järnvägar (SJ) / The Swedish State Railways, lined with a sequence of informative photo and text collages. In nine of them, the full-length figure of SJ s Vice-President Axel Granholm was inserted into the collage to make an indicating gesture tt.6 « 7 11.8 kl.9 kl.lOkLII 11.19 kl.l 11.9 kl de v hem - v x b e lin d e t .. r- n. .i i . 1 . « o < i\ ‘ 1 ‘ 1 l " '■U * - V m tllO J ! t . U - F * -al l a» kl 7 B 8 kIS s I * i kM kL5 kl C v I 1 Ik ». Uk/iM~U~t i t\* 1 “Leisure and the Home,” statistics “What can be Done?” Display of home electronics Model kitchen The Cycling Promotion Society's section Exterior of the travel section, note the gas pump towards noteworthy details, much as a pictorially integrated lecturer.55 As one instance of this pavilion 's intermingling of virtual and actual travel, SJ even sported a small train of their latest railroad cars.’6 One of the screens depicts Granholm leaning over a young lady in a negligee — to demonstrate the company 's fine third class sleeping cars.’7 During the exhibition, SJ also offered a combined exhibition and vacation ticket, including the journey, the entrance fee, a bus ride to the beach and a dinner at the main restaurant, “the Ball.”’8 SJ s section official Ebbe Grönvall later wrote an evaluative report about the hall, claiming that it was much praised by most visitors. His description of it calls both Hales' Tours and Arrivée dun train en gare de la Ciotat to mind.59 The train, including tracks and all, was integrated into a blow-up photo of a landscape, thus the train seemingly came out of its depth- perspective, offering visitors to board and take a ride. A mirrored wall along one of the walls additionally created an illusion of greater space in the “train station” Loudspeakers both in the train and in the hall played information about the section and commercial dialogues about the advantages of travelling with SJ. While these gramophone-recorded messages and the occasional melody was very appreciated by the public, they did not respond to the record giving The Cooperative Wholesale Society s display straightforward traveling information and advice, Grönvall states.60 The travel section made particular use of mass effects by juxtaposing thirty-four giant blow-ups of Swedish Prime Minister Per Albin Hansson with a hundred dittos of Adolf Hitler, while the car section illustrated Sweden's and Germany's number of cars per person. In contrast to this intimidating pictorial motif, the text declared that Sweden had three times as many cars per capita as Germany. Next to the exhibition restaurant, the Swedish Tourist Club, SJ and the Swedish Cooperative Wholesale Society screened commercial shorts; and in the evenings, there were feature films shown at SF's Film Bar. 61 The latter was adjacent to “the Ball” and was one of the buildings finished last of all on the grounds.62 SF also ran a section called “Film and Leisure;” a collage of film images on a white screen, dominated by a blow-up of Greta Garbo. In a rectangular, glassed-in opening in the screen, one could see the dress she wore in Gösta ßcrling's Saga. Only three days before the exhibition opening, an inquiry had shown that Swedish housewives had practically no leisure at all. In cooperation with Sveriges husmödrars riksförbund/the Swedish Homemakers Association, Sveriges socialdemokratiska kvinnoförbund /The Swedish Social Democrats Women's Movement, Bondeförbundets kvinnor /The Agricultural Political Movement, The Women s Section, SF's young and multitalented film architect Bibi Lindström and architect Ingeborg Wœrn-Buggc had put together a special section named “Fritiden och hemmet”/“Leisure and the Home” addressing this issue.6’ In fact, early planning drafts show evidence that the committee had planned for the section to be included at an early stage ; in later drafts, it has disappeared.64 As one among many other lobbying-oriented sections, “Leisure and the Home” presented a rural housewife's everyday chores in statistics and charts. Another part put several provocative questions to spectators on folding wall displays, intermingling slogans and statistics: “Do you think it is right that the boys lounge on the kitchen sofa while mother carries wood?,” “Do you think it is right that the young daughters are served coffee in bed by their tired old mother’ and, “Do you think it is right that mother docs the dishes while father takes a nap? ”65 This part, too, brought attention to the plight of women in rural areas, arguing that if they should be induced to stay and be satisfied with their life prospects, their working conditions must be significantly improved. Although much space was devoted to feminist critique of the current situation, “Leisure and the Home” additionally made pledges about the modern woman and her outlook. The feminist of today is neither a bluestocking, nor a domesticated homemaker, but a “professional woman, a citizen, a friend, and an outdoor person. Here, visitors were further shown how to rationalize kitchen design; the rhetorical question “What can be done? ” was promptly answered by drawings, and in an adjacent part, a model home with a spacious, peopled kitchen amply illustrated practical novelties. One of the walls was open, making up a glass-less display window, with electrical kitchen utensils attractively arranged. A caption placed above read: “The more electrical equipment, the more leisure’.’67 Part of the Cooperative Wholesale Society's display w'as presented as a series of threedimensional domestic tableaux, peopled by cutout figures. They represented different sizes and types of households, and above them were photomontages of products and the society's agrarian production and factory buildings. Additionally, snacks and canned foods “rained” down from them. Part of the section additionally included a library and a reading room with periodicals.68 In the end, “Leisure and the Home” received the most media attention of all, because of its progressive and agitatorial stance." In his review of the exhibition, Viking Göransson noted that visitors had studied the section with astonishing energy; maybe because it reflected the visitors' everyday living conditions to a greater extent than many of the others.70 Like the travel section, the sports pavilion incorporated authentic vehicles and vacation scenarios in their displays. The Cycling Promotion Society had constructed a slope trafficked by row's of bicycles. At the feet of it was a bicycle packed with camping gear and an erected tent. In similar fashion, the Skiing Promotion Association had put up genuine backpacks, skis and ski wear on the display walls. Outside, those so inclined could play tennis on a full-size court. Across the main w'alk, one encountered the maritime part of the sports section; here visitors could relax by the wading pool and look at a v ariety of canoes by the simulated sand beach. The interior of the pool itself was painted in a greenish blue, to give a Mediterranean feeling. Straight ahead from the pool lay the semi-circular shaped “Ball,” and adjacent to it the amusement grounds “Det fritida Grönköping”/“ Leisure Puddleton,” partly built in Caligariesque angles. To the far left, one could see Lindbcrgcr's prefabricated functionalist sports cabins. In the first chapter I argued that Tom Gunning's and Anders Ekström s theorization of the turn-of-the-ccntury exhibition and panorama culture offered a useful frame of reference for discussing equivalent 1930s events, exemplifying how the 1930 Stockholm Exhibition mobilized the educational, consumcrist and interactive aspects of embodied spectatorship. Visitors were surrounded by a visual-material rhetoric conveying a strong imperative for them to circulate and be reborn as “new human beings” in a consumerist landscape. Maybe this commercialized mobility was what provoked adversaries, or “traditionalists” the most; there was no ideal (Cartesian) point of perspective in the modernist setting to confirm their aesthetically educated gaze, no room for contemplative looking, and above all, no way of really knowing what was artistically valuable and what was not. In an even more obvious way, a visit to “Modern Leisure” engaged the whole body of the subject, calling for an instant practice of the pursuits and attributes the public should now learn to handle, and eventually master. As described, the displays showed a variety of representational modes, often staged so as to entice spectators to take a step into the exemplary scene of reality presented, and test the activities. However, the act of seeing-through-the-body should not solely be understood as a more evocative, or fuller experience in general terms. Instead, the next step would be to consider the visitors encounter with the material vacation attributes in relation to Ekströms intcrlinkage of eye and hand within eye-pedagogy's “exemplary” or “enhanced realist” setting. In reference to Per Adam Siljeström, he brings attention to eyepedagogy perceived as bridging the gap between aesthetic-theoretical and practical education. “What the eye could not see, the hand could not do” he claims, i.e., without the capacity to make visual estimates of objects, you could not develop into an accomplished practitioner.71 Functioning as an experimental testing ground, the Ystad exhibition made a strong and literal connection between the visualization of leisure and its various practices. In this foregrounded relationship between seeing and doing, the exhibition as a whole could he regarded as a giant toolbox. By invoking Martin Heiddegger's relational theorization of tools and their handiness, Zuhandcnheit , I will shortly consider the cye-andhand connection, the “in-order-to” or capacitating devices of “Modern Leisure.” Making this reference, I however refrain from taking into account Heidegger's philosophical discussion about the relationship between our “being in the world” (D a-sein ) and the handiness of things, or how handy things are ontologically determined. Instead, I will limit the following to his definitions of handiness and its situational implications. As he writes, handiness is decided by context: handy things become useful to us in relation to “a totality of useful things discovered before the individual useful thing.”72 The exact distance being unimportant, their usefulness is indicated by the tools structured nearness.75 Although we can imagine the concrete use of a tool, he writes, its usefulness is not fully grasped until we actually use it: “The act of hammering itself discovers the specific ‘handiness’ of the hammer. ”74 By using the hammer, we subject ourselves to the “in-order-to” situation to which the tool belongs. This, however, does not mean that using it is an intellectually blind activity, but that our “vision” is cued into the “thingly” quality of the operation. He calls this circumspection, activated in the situation of taking care of things in the everyday world. Moreover, certain directions and ways are given in the landscape where the in-ordcr-to characteristics have been taken into account, such as the functional construction of public means of transportation and buildings. Conversely, in order for us to locate the individual useful thing, we need to discover the region where a totality of useful things can be found.15 In relation to getting a hands-on experience of what a vacation could be like, “Modern Leisure” and its placement in Ystad were constructed as the territory for locating usefulness, the tool shop and the individual tool — all rolled into one. Ystad was already a tourist spot with long, white, sandy beaches and the picturesque Sand Forest, and it offered accommodation for visitors who wanted to spend some time in the town. The exhibition took place in the heart of Ystad, with the sports center “the Ball” as a new energizing point of orientation. Compared to the larger Stockholm exhibition, which needed a tabula rasa to be constructed, vital parts of the town 's display context was already in place, just in need of amplification. The exhibition site was neither a space distinctly set apart from the town, nor did it transform it radically. Looking at the exhibition as a toolbox, the setting, the authentic vehicles, sports facilities, and spaces such as the library all more or less verged on providing the real experience of leisure, in a real or realistically rendered setting. The travel section was a decidedly enabling device, at the same time as it embraced visitors as travelers. Yet, in contrast to the condensed virtual form of travel offered at the turn-of-the-century expositions, the framework and attributes were foregrounded rather than the “journey” itself.76 Much as the section propagating for housewives' leisure argued, female visitors from rural areas did not enjoy much space and time for their own recreation. Here, where the vacation issue was expressed as a moral imperative, there were multiple opportunities. They could actually navigate in the toolbox and make use of the tools, and sit down in the “Book” or in “Leisure and the Home” and read the literature offered there. Most importantly, the exhibition provided an authorized legitimization of their need for a vacation. By using the tools of leisure in a sanctioned context, moreover, they could grasp the pleasure of it. If the exhibition was articulated as an enthusing challenge for the audience to interact with the new impulses, the silent newsreel (YF Ö 2:2c, 1936) shot at the exhibition's opening day, depicts a model visit to the grounds. Much as the sciopticon introduction, the beginning mimics the viewer 's arrival as tourist through phantom-ride footage taken from an approaching pontoon airplane. A succession of images show the town and the exhibition site from the air, thereafter “we” land in the harbor. Here the phantom-ride mode is broken, to show the actual travelers climbing out of the plane. From this point, the film is edited so as to give a feel of the event. First, we are shown the entrance area, an establishing shot of the grounds, and a quick sequence of static takes of the signs on the nearest halls. Slow pans and sequential editing take us along the main walk by the Book, Radio and Press halls. A cut cued by a few visitors looking to the left shows a small open desk adorned with large signs above and below it “Photo” “ Film” As a playfully reflexive gesture, there are two successive cut-ins focusing on the “Film” sign, until it fills the frame completely. A cut back to the main walk shows “The Ball” at the far end straight ahead, and to the right, the pool where miniature boats sail. After a few shots of the crowd, a slow pan to the left shows SF s “Filmen och fritiden / “Film and Leisure” then “the Ball” and the pleasure ground attraction to the right. The next sign reads “Välkommen till det fritida Grönköping” / “Welcome to Leisure Puddlcton,” and a cut takes “us” to an overhead view of the grounds, shot from the tower of the pleasure ground. From this position the camera resumes making a slow pan over the grounds. We see the tennis court, where people are playing. As we are about to experience the inauguration speeches, the newsreel again provides a causal link: crowds with their backs to the camera are seen walking towards the stage. Each speaker is introduced by cuts to intertexts. A creative device has been used to accomplish mobile intertexts; the speakers' list is masked with a dark paper, so that the name of each speaker scrolls into place before the cut to the speech. All through the ceremony, press photographers intrude in the image, and are somewhat generously included. Crown Prince Gustav Adolf 's speech is even intercut with images of press photographers at work, or fidgeting with their cameras. Towards the end of the newsreel, the prescriptive mode of presentation is reintroduced. A group of youngsters walk towards the hobbies hall, and a cut follows, showing the sign “Hobbies” in a long close-up. The next cut takes us into the sports hall, facing a photo of a company of skiers taking an outdoor coffee break. The film ends with the enthusing sign: “filma fritiden för framtiden!” /“Film Your Leisure for the Future! ”77 ! * STADSFROKEN » SPRÄTTAR DYNGA Li JlÄi —1“'“-= sswüSiKSSl --------- 1 S E !, No. 26, 1939 At “Modern Leisure” in Ystad, educational and entertaining aspects were highly intensified by the mix of direct experience and mediation. The spectators were encouraged to try out a vacation and its attributes on site, by traveling there to spend their vacation in a tent, a cabin or at a hostel; and first and foremost, by experimenting with leisure. Expanding Gunning's conception of the exhibition as a laboratory, the site was a veritable testing ground, where you were taught to handle all the different operations and devices for spending your leisure in the most effective and enjoyable manner. In the direct encounter with the exhibition objects, the impact of “the object lesson” “short circuited] the act[s] of signification” rendering them acutely present, while the discursive context presented the spectating situation as mediated.78 Yet, the sheer size and number of photomontages framing the exhibition topography blurred the boundaries between direct experience and mediation. Like the World's Fairs, “Modern Leisure” opened up a site that condensed time and space, but where mediation, interaction, and reception took place in a more intensified realm of simultaneity. Vacation 1939 and Womens Preparedness for War After the Vacations Acts was adopted, another exhibition, “Semestern 1939”/“Vacation 1939” (April 21 - May7), was organized by the joint forces of the Swedish Cooperative Wholesale Society's travel agency, Reso, the cooperative popular magazine Folket i Bild/ People in Focus The Stockholm Central Trade Union and the Swedish Tourist Club, at the Auditorium Theatre in Stockholm.''’ S E I, No. 26, 1939 The event was advertised by Governor Torsten Nothin's newsreel address (SF 101S, 1939), where he solemnly formulates the vacation as a problem concerning about a million citizens and their families, who must now solve the question of spending their vacation in the most stimulating and affordable manner. As Nothin advises viewers to plan their vacation in good time, a close-up underscores his low-key call to the public. Apart from presenting the upcoming event, he also recommends vacationists to travel in Sweden for educational purposes. Like its predecessor, “Vacation 1939” launched a blond girl in a on .ll lt AIC V\ bathing suit as the ideal vacationer. The advertising poster showed her lying on an oversized, bright red fishing float, reading a book. Folket i B ild, No. 25, 1939 Despite the fact that this was a relatively small, indoor exhibition, it included a considerable number of aspects on the theme. The foyer offered a pedagogical introduction, encouraging visitors to brainstorm where to go for their vacation, to ask “Miss Tourist” for help, and above all, to study the exhibition closely. The first sections displayed “Our Beautiful Country” with its four seasons, and exemplified ways of traveling. In addition, it reminded future vacationers of “good vacation manners” and that saving money on a regular basis is the best way to secure one's vacation plans “Vacation 1939” furthermore called their attention to practical preserves and good vacation reading to bring along on their journey. Significantly, the auditorium was largely devoted to iconographie exhibition material: there was a collection of international tourist posters, and an album of photos of the Scandinavian countries. Next to a section with vacationing equipment, visitors could also see “the Open Air Paradise of Stockholm.” In one of the biggest exhibition rooms, there was a little village of sports cabins.80 Here, the issue of housewives' vacations was given more attention; Märta Almqvist and Anna Hagström, heads of the Stockholm Cooperative Women's District and the Housewives' Association, respectively, claimed that special and particular measures needed to be taken in order to secure this group's leisure. Representatives devoted four days to the topic, including lectures from women's and housewives' organizations, musical performances and fashion shows.81 The issue was also supported by People in Focus, which donated a 10,000 crown scholarship fund for homemakers who could not afford a vacation.82 Vacation 1939 was also a the name of a film depicting the exhibition. Like the visitors, the film viewer is invited to “flip through” photo albums displaying attractive resorts, to sec peep-shows displaying miniaturized sceneries from Denmark, and panoramas behind glass, depicting crowded beaches — resembling the aesthetics of shop windows. Screens advertising the Swedish Cooperative Wholesale Society's travel agency Reso showed waving cutout train travelers. Additionally, the film includes the exhibition's leisure and bcachwear fashion show. In the midst of this general lightheartedness, maps illustrate that sports cabins outside the city are not only valuable for recreational purposes, but that they may become strategic places of refuge in case of war. Acting as a guide to the exhibition, the speaker advises potential exhibition visitors not knowing where to go the summer of 1939 to ask “Miss Tourist” for help. The presence of visitors in the film foregrounds the mode of double mediation. Moreover, we realize that this is an event not to be missed. Apart from giving a visual summary of some of the objects on display, the film also adds two “ethnic” attractions: three Sami visitors, who are seen w'atching the tent section, and the African-American singing actor Paul Robeson, who salutes the camera before entering the exhibition. More or less in parallel to “Vacation 1939,” a new form of educational vacation was offered to Swedish women by Bercdskapskommittén /the Military Readiness Committee. The SF short Beredskapjör kvinnor / W omen 's Preparednessjor W ar ( SF 1022, 1939) stated that agricultural production needed 200,000 women to replace drafted men in case of war. The film depicts a group of young women working with hearty energy, quickly learning to milk cows and to halter the working horses for plowing. The speaker claims that they are all beginners, but that they handle the new environment and tools with relative case. Furthermore, room and board being free, this stay is offered as a sound and healthy vacation choice. And most importantly, young women will make a nationally important contribution. A summer issue of the magazine Se! / Look! Later offered a report on one of the farms, Borestad in Scania, where leader Elsa M. Werner educated seventeen girls around the age of twenty. Here, as in the film, agricultural work is presented as offering a salubrious change from urban life. Characteristic of the Se! layout by this time, the photos take precedence over the text to such an extent that they resemble comic books, directing the reader's gaze over the page by numbered images.83 In this case, there is a striking iconographie resemblance between the magazine s photographs and the short film's imagery of the working girls: both begin with images of a group of women walking energetically towards the camera with tools in their hands, and their depiction of a milking woman is taken from identical angles. In summary, Sc !, W omen's Preparednessjor W ar and part of Vacation 1939 all drew on the risk of impending war as a source of joyous and convenient opportunity. Considering that the association between vacation and war was an awkward one, their address was hearty. As stated, the governmental texts and exhibition material formulated leisure as a “problem” And it became a problem: Swedish vacation resorts, hotels and restaurants now faced the invasion by 1.5 million tourists. During the exhibition itself, organizers had failed to estimate the influx of visitors with needs for refreshments and parking. On July S'11, Ystad experienced total chaos, as two thousand visiting cars tried to find parking lots in the crowded town. Eight thousand visitors had also arrived with the fourteen extra trains scheduled by SJ; and the restaurant served twelve thousand guests.84 But most importantly, organizers and commission experts expected problems implementing the Vacations Act. It was assumed that the general public was ignorant of how to spend their leisure “in a profitable manner,”and that the exhibitions thus needed to be articulated as a set of imperatives to emulate. The travel section on “Modern Leisure” exclaimed: “Travel! The world is yours! ”and the foyer on “Vacation 1939” urged its visitors to: “Study! Plan! Ask questions! ”85 All in all, the Ystad exhibition had 246,238 visitors, and its follower-up in Stockholm had 38,650.86 According to Ystad in the Twentieth Century “hardly any other exhibition has been as significant as “Modern Leisure.” It was a great event for Ystad, and an even greater one for Sweden”87 Interestingly enough, the exhibition was not visited by many Ystad inhabitants; this says something about the exhibition's probable failure to exert its magic over those who could only see their own everyday hometown clad in a different garb.88 Thinking the event “unScanian” the population in Malmö and Helsingborg more or less boycotted the event, according to Elias Nilsson.89 Yet, the exhibition was highly regarded, and Ystad s status as a holiday resort rose (although not to the extent that was expected). In addition, the 50th anniversary of “Modern Leisure” was celebrated with a memorial exhibition in 1986.90 Among the abundance of visual and textual input offered in a context of ideal leisure to tryout, and in the juxtaposition of direct experience and filmic mediation, reception was constructed as instant and interactive. What becomes visible in this intensely performative discourse on modern consumer culture, recreation and ideal citizenship is a successful marriage of pleasure and obligation. Given that these two are the basic prerequisites of persuasion, I would claim that the subject matter exerted a special attraction. And even if the ideological-commercial allure of the exhibition 's mode of address is difficult to estimate in retrospect, it created a surge, an ideal point of experience that had to be acknowledged — and tested.91 No t e s 1 1914-1971 , 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 (ed.) Bengt Jacobsson, Ystad, 1987, 375 See G östa Ekm an. M änniskan, konstnären, (ed.) Gösta Tranströmer, Stockholm, 1938, which came out shortly after his death. (my transi. ) Film journalen, No. 4:1938, 18 Ibid. According to Film journalen a newsreel was made, depicting Linnea Kullberg drawing the map. The film now seems to be lost. Ibid. Jan Olsson, “Sverige årsmodell 1936. Folkhemmets soliga road movie” in (ed. ) Erik Hedlingß/cyu/t fiimm er. Svenskafilm analyser, Studentlitteratur, 1998, 99f. See also Tom Gunning“Before Documentary..” Ibid., 99 As Pelle Snickars shows, Swedish local audiences enjoyed seeing documentary views of their home town. Svenskfilm och visuell..., 161. See his case study ofHärnösand, 177-185 Ekström, “Konsten att se...,” 127f Mark B. Sandberg, “ Effigy and Narrative : Looking into the Nineteenth-Century Folk Museum“ in (eds.) Leo Charney & Vanessa R. Schwartz, Cinema and the Invention ojM odern Life, University of California Press, 1995,325 Sverige i färg och bild (eds. ) Ewert Wrangel, A. Gierow, Allhem AB, 1936 Olsson, “Sverige...,” 101 ff Moreover, during 1938, patriotic discourse almost became a genre in itself, as this was the King Gustaf V‘s 80th anniversary. See the film M edjolketjorfosterlandet (Sigurd Wallen, 1938), or newsreel SF 984, (1938); the latter on the exhibition for the King at Liljevalchs konsthall, additionally advertising items on sale in connection with the festivities. Jan Olof Nilsson, “Man måste härda sig” 216 Kungl. Maj:ts proposition 286, “1936 års semestersakkunniga? “Departementsförslaget. Frågan om lagstiftning angående semester och om semesterns längd. De sakkunniga’’ in Riksdagens protokoll. Bihang prop. 276-292, sam l. 1, 1938.24, 20-32 According to Ragnar Casparsson, the vacation issue had largely developed without the support of government legislation, Sem ester åt alla. En kort 26 27 28 29 30 Fritiden... 31 G otthard j ohansson, “ D et moderna fritidsproblemet,” in Fritiden. Katalog. U tställning i Ystad, 19 juni-23 augusti, Ystad, 1936, 45, see also Ystad under ..., 375 32 See also Ekström on anticipating and “killing” social critique “by kindness’’ D en utställda..., 225 33 (my transi. ) Casparsson, 27. For a discussion about state intervention and leisure policies concerning juveniles, see Flans-Erik Olson, Staten och ungdom ens fritid. Kontroll eller autonom i?, (diss.), Arkiv, 1995 34 Gotthard Johansson, “Propagandautställningar i landsorten? in Svensk Form. Svenska Slöjdföreningens tidskrift, No.l :193S, 9-14 35 “Mr. G spelar tennis på ‘ Fritiden? Stockholm sTidningen, 360306 36 Ystad under..., 376 37 Ulrich Pohlmann, in (ed. ) Margarita Tupitsyn, contributors: Matthew Drutt, Ulrich Pohlmann, El Lissitzky, : Beyond the Abstract Cabinet. Photography, Yale University Press, 1999, 52-64 38 (my transi. ) 39 (my transi.) 40 (mytransi.) 41 (my transi.) 42 Fritiden, 1 43 Nordiska Museet, YstadsutstäIlningen 1936, photo 800.Q.z. (photographer Gunnar Lundh) 44 (my transi. ) Ibid, unnumbered image 45 Ekström, “Konsten att se .. ” 144 -145 46 Ibid., 147. One 1930s example can be seen in the editorial article “Konsthistoria i skolorna?” in D esign, C ollaboration, Konsthistorisk tidskrft. Revy för konst och konstforskning, kom m entar till 1938 års sem esterlag. Landsorganisationens No. 47, Stockholm, 1938, 4 17 Ystad under..., 378. See Friberger's sports cabins in the Architectural museum's collection, file 1968-104 18 Fritiden. U tställning i Ystad 1936, 19 juni-23 augusti. Program och bestäm m elser, Ystad, 1935, 5 19 ( my transi. ) Fritiden ... ,4 skrftserie, 20 47 48 49 50 No. 1,1935, 1 (my transi.) Ibid., 158 Ibid., 129, 155, 162 Petro, 52 See also Lazr Markoviêc Lisickij, El Lissitzky, 1890-1941: Architect, Painter, Photographer, Typographer,( M odern Leisure: A Swedish Exhibition, June 19-Aug. 23, 1936, Stockholm, 1936 21 Fritiden. U tställning Ystad..., 4 22 Gunnar Hirdman, “ Internationella synpunkter på fritidsproblemet. Radioföredrag: söndagen den 29 sept. 1935’.’ In Ystad Stadsarkiv, Kapsel MO/10832, Kapsel: Bestyrelsen Fritiden, Fl : 1 G, 2 23 Ibid., 24 Ibid., 3,5-7 25 C. Delsisle Burns, Fritiden i det m oderna sam hället, 1932, transi. Thure Nyman), Stockholm, 1936, V. Two magazines are published as a consequence of the exhibition, Vår fritid, No. 1:1936, and U nderfritiden, No. 1:1936 ( my transi. ) Näsström, in Ibid., V Jan Olof Nilsson, “Modernt, all för modernt’’ in Lychnos, 1991, 88 Burns, 31, 19f, Ibid., 11,25-32. See also Ekströms discussion of the tastefully furnished home as aesthetic educator, D en utställda..., 252, 255 (Leisure in the M odern W orld, Ystad under nittonhundratalet. Ystads historia, del IV, 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 1976) Municipal Van Abbemuseum, 1990 Ekström, “ Konsten att se... ? 155 Gunning, “The Word as Object Lesson.. .”425 Sandberg, 325f (mytransi.) Gunning, “Before Documentary..., 22 Ystad under..., 376, 379 Undated clip, probably D agens Nyheter, Ystads stadsarkiv, box A 1:1, file : MO30/10832, Fl : 1, Ystad Fritiden 1936. Pressklipp, Odat 1-8, F 58 360714. During the Stockholm Exhibition 1897, rural visitors were offered similar tickets. See Ekström, D en utställda..., 242 59 see Gunning, “The World as.. .”439ff, and his article “The Cinema of Attractions” 56 -62 60 Ebbe Grönvall, “Till Kungliga Järnägsstyreisen. Ang. Statens järnvägars deltagande i utställningen ‘Fritiden’ i Ystad sommaren 19367 in Ystad Stadsarkiv, Mo30/ 10832, kapsel I, 2:1, Bestyrelsen Fritiden, Fl : 1, 1-6 61 Ystad under..., 376, 379, see also Ystad Stad, about SJ, M030/10832, kapsel I, 2:1, Bestyrelsen Fritiden, Fl : 1, Grönvall, 6, some of SJ s leisure films were Tåg till Sydsvenska D agbladet, fjälls, Slalom , På som marstråt ovan Polcirkeln, 62 G öteborgs handels- och sjöfartstidning, 360609 63 Lindström was also an artist and a member of Stockholm 's Advertising Organization, and would later work in the Europa Film production of Sol över Sverige. Svenskt biograf- ochßlmfolk i ord och bild, (ed). Sven Nygren, Uppsala, 1940 274. On Waern-Bugge, see undated clip, probably D agens Nyheter, Ystads stadsarkiv, Kapsel A 1:1, MO30/10832, Fl : 1, Ystad Fritiden 1936. Pressklipp, Odat, 1-8 64 See Ystad Stad, Mo30/10832, kapsel I, 2:1, Bestyrelsen Fritiden, F2 :1 Övriga inneliggande handlingar, dokument 33 (of 1 -72 ) 65 (my transi.) 66 Ibid., document 70/ III, of 1 -72. The section appears to be composed by Alva Myrdal. 67 (my transi.) 68 For further discussion about womens leisure, see Lena Eskilsson “ Fritiden som idé, struktur och praktik. Rätten till lättja eller frluftsliv i folkhemmet” in H istorisk tidskrft, 2000, 25-53 69 Ystad under..., 378. The leisure problem of housewives was not subjected to a commission of inquiry until 1942, Betänkande m ed utredning och färslag angående sem ester för husmödrar. Avgivet av fritidsutredningen, SO U 1942:1 9, Stockholm, 1942 70 Viking Göransson,“Fritiden,”in Byggmästaren, 273 278, “Fritiden och hemmet” 277 71 Ekström, “Konsten...” 162, 154 72 Martin Heiddegger, Being and Tim e ( Sein und Zeit, Tübingen, 1953, transi Joan Stambaugh), State University of New York Press, 1996, 64 73 Ibid., 95 74 Ibid, 65 75 Ibid., 66, 95. Trond Lundemo's conference paper presented at the NorFa seminar in the summer of 2000 inspired to this connection. 76 Gunning, ‘The World...” 440, see also Ekström, “Konsten...” 129 77 (mytransi.) 78 Gunning, “The World... ” 425f 79 U tställningen Sem estern 1939, Stockholm, 1939, If, and Folket i Bild, No. 17, 22, 23, 25, 28: 1939 80 U tställningen..., 3, 14-21 81 Ibid., 11, 13, 29, and Sem estern...dagsprogram 82 Folket i Bild, No. 25:1939, 24. The grants given to individual housewives amounted to 75 crowns. 83 “Stadsfröken sprättar dynga,” in SEI, No. 26: 1939, 24-26. Like Patrice Petro s “photo-essays” in Weimar Germany, the images are numbered. Joyless. .., 92 84 Ystad under..., 378 85 Ibid., U tställningen Sem estern 1939, 3 86 Folket i Bild, No 25:1939, 13 87 Ystad under..., 375 88 Ibid., 378 89 Nils Eliasson, “Fritidens slutredovisning” in Aurora, 371105 90 Ystad under.. ., 379, 197, 375 91 It was certainly the organizers ' own assumption that they could achieve “greater scope, impact and authority” by finding as many partners as possible Fritiden...Program, 5 C o n c lu s io n From various points of entry, my dissertation has attempted to elucidated the inter-medial encounters between newsreels, feature films, exhibitions, tie-in events and commercial venues through the conceptual facets of advertising, social engineering and eugenics. Apart from civic education and fosterage being central in commercial as well as state-initiated inquiries, the imperatives were often formulated as enthusing exclamations or guides for personal aspirations. The audiences ' points of reception are defined in similarly prismatic terms, meaning that their roles as citizens, consumer or clients/patients were amalgamated in the media address. The rhetoric force in the Stockholm Exhibition 1930, the “Mother and Child” exhibition, “Modern Leisure ” and their media intertexts were predicated upon audiences being reformed, but also upon their developing the cultural competence to tabulate their composite address. Recurrently, the object lesson aesthetics of the displays and tableaux were designed to embrace and highlight the spectators themselves, who were called upon to compare these pedagogically arranged visual material with their own life projects in an interactive manner. Transposed from its turn-of-the-century context, “eye-pedagogy” is here discursively constructed as establishing a direct link between eye, intellect — and as argued in the last chapter — the hand. Consequently, the spectators' preset interactivity with the displays blurred the distinction between medium, tool and vehicle, rolling them all into one. Seen from an ideological perspective, the exhibition culture showcased in the various discussions can illustrate how much significance that was accorded to the material aspects of progressive politics. Even if circumscribed by traditional constructions of gender roles and areas ol interest, they gave women renewed attention. Conversely, they could also be regarded as acts of displacement of politics proper into the realms of architecture, foods, furnishing and lifestyle attributes. The public ventilation of topics such as proper nourishment, new perspectives on advertising, body culture or hygiene ideally functioned as social thermals, creating an actual or virtual upward surge for the lower classes. As various discussions have shown, the new objects and architectonic milieus were discursively invested with revolutionizing powers vis-à-vis the addressees who would inhabit, or take possession of them. An overall argument is that some of the case studies presented here constitute instances of non-canonized history. Given this, their explanatory power is often far from comprehensive, considering the decade as a whole. Hopefully, these reconstructed examples of media discourse are valuable — not by virtue of their reflecting a “tendency” — but in their transpositions of a given theme into a different key, where the outcome of historical context takes second place to the articulations of the media situations themselves. Moreover, I find it valuable to elucidate popular arenas with ramifications for current political issues or state policies, such as the AChild Contest and the Milk Propaganda campaign. Apart from their potency to visualize more or less forgotten histories, their politically marginal role may help clarify the processes playing into the normalization of eugenics and social engineering ideologies. Although the A-people discourse has become the scarlet letter of both, the main purpose is not to reiterate the already established wrongfulness of their rhetoric and practices, but to shed light on media contexts that presented them as pleasurable pastimes and desirable objectives for the average spectator. As Maija Runcis has shown, the sinister forces of social engineering predominantly targeted women and children. My accounts about the Mother and Child exhibition and the A-Child Contest served to illustrate the ways in which they could be exposed on the arenas of happygo-lucky popular culture. Both events encouraged audiences towards voluntary participation, as did the school radio broadcasts in Anne-Li Lindgren's context. By letting these seemingly discrepant sides of eugenics meet, I hope to shed a different light on the process in which eugenics acquired a relatively unquestioned status. Scholarly works on this period have demonstrated that the building of the welfare state was predicated upon the citizens' ability to negotiate individual amenability and aspiration. In accordance with Karin Johannisson and Jan-Olof Nilsson, I would claim that hygiene was one of the most salient concepts making this process operational and attractive vis-à-vis the public. Apparently, the coercive mechanisms were most felt among groups placed outside the normative field of the “population issue.” As much as this is an obvious remark, it is not superfluous, and tends to be somewhat disregarded by scholars focusing on sterilization of the allegedly inferior. Without adopting an apologetic stance, 1 would claim that the appraisal of the “nation stock” was as altruistic as it was erroneous and cynical. Regarded in relation to the distribution and administration systems' auto-generative mechanisms, the parallel practices seem less discordant. As Zygmunt Bauman claims, the instrumental rationality within an administrative system carries its drawbacks; not as a dark, unexpected side, but present at the very heart of its practices. Understood as a set of discourses and practices, hygiene had a considerable instrumental and signifying role in the 1930s culture; the concept was powerful both as a master metaphor and mobilizing force for social rousing. As metaphor and practice for cleanliness, order and disinfecting, hygiene's utopian promise was also charged with its excess: the morbid fear of dirt, of germs, the unaesthetic, the disorderly and noncomplete. The concept allowed for seepage between metaphorical and literal levels, displacements or expansions of significance — depending on in which context it would surface. Therefore, hygiene appeared just as well in Turc Rangström's discussion of music as in the Mother and Child exhibition. This, however is not to say that their political underpinnings were homogenous. The practices of hygiene and physical exercise could be claimed to constitute an interface of material and verbal discourse. Johan Almkvist embraced nudism as a hygienic and medical prophylactic for body and spirit. As observed in his film and the contemporary imagery in nudist journals, naked bodies were the strongest arguments for spreading nudist philosophy; yet their visual exposure carried potentially risky sexual connotations. By adopting the legitimizing gestures of art aesthetics, nudist body culture screened the bare skin with layers of acculturation. Although I have made a few references to contemporaneous Third Reich practices and devoted parts of the discussion to Gjmn's fascist agenda, my primary interest is not to unearth dubious ideas and sympathies, but to visualize the media vehicles and signifying practices used to realize their aspirations for a new, physically and spiritually ennobled human type. Without disavowing fascist spillover altogether, I would claim that the very normality of hygienic discourse and the iconography of ideal bodies could even obscure such influence Co n c l u s io n to those involved as leaders and practitioners in the Gymn movement. In a way, the journal became an ideological eye-opener and litmus test, making its constituency choose sides once the editor Carl-Ernfrid Carlberg showed his Nazi sympathies. Some of the case studies here exemplify the fact that consumer contexts offer vehicles for uses and analytical lead-ins that are more polysémie in scope than might be anticipated, considering their often intensely commercial underpinnings. As Richard Dyer rightly states in an entirely different context, capitalism capitalizes just as well upon that which blends smoothly with its conformist elements as that which does not.1 For women, the variety of offerings in Stockholm's filmscape spoke of a de-domesticated femininity; and given that they kept within the expected limits of gender roles and desires, they could combine cinematic flânerie, socializing and housewifely concerns, childcare and urban consumcrist pleasures within functionalism's modern framework. It is interesting to note how smoothly SF's spaces and activities blended with this ideology. By inviting the public to take possession of Flamman and the Centrum Flouse, SF acted as a pedagogical guide to a new way of perceiving architecture, simultaneously taking on the role of negotiator of the increasingly interrelated domestic and public spaces. From a more general perspective on cinema culture, film-related readings similarly contributed to the mobilization of moviegoers — most of all the tie-in contests. By interlinking products, attractive localities and department stores, the contests gave the film's metaphoric function as shop-window a literal application. The events and tie-in related films were hardly big in box office terms : The Film Image did not make big money by arranging dancing contests and tennis tournaments, and Top H at and The Girl From the Department Store were not the most popular films of their respective seasons. Yet, they may very well have been among the most memorable events of the day. Moving relatively freely between class barriers by its chain of tie-in events, The Film Image encouraged readers to “go places” by following its lead. The moral critique against commercialism targeted the ethically “unsound” forms of filmrelated advertising, or consumer mobility allegedly gone astray due to film's degenerating influence. The “prostitution problem” constituted another micro-historical entry, where visual pleasure played a central role. Given that there was nothing new about this controversy, the moral panic over popular culture assumed hygiene-hyphenated articulations here as well. Regarded in relation to the functionalist promise to liberate women from domesticity by way of offering lounging, or prototype childcare facilities, the street girls' transgressive practices and disturbing presence in the inner city district appears as the downside of the sanctioned consumer mobility offered to women. As I have only discussed the topic briefly within the context of consumerist arenas for feminine flânerie, it calls for further study. By showcasing the exhibition “Modern Leisure” and its intertextualities as parts of the lobbying preceding the Vacations Act, the last chapter reconnected with the first. As visualized in and around the exhibition, the prospect of a vacation was articulated as a progressive policy, while at the same time it signaled a desirable gcntrification of the masses through intellectual and physical education. The commodities and commercial services presented in this combined vacationist-to-be laboratory and toolbox were subservient to the larger objectives of public health and civic education. In contrast with the visitors at the Worlds' Fairs, the interactive spectators were not only educated to become consumers : to some extent they were discursively constructed as obliged to fulfill “the binding promise that the gift of leisure entails.” 1 Richard Dyer, “In defence of Disco,” in (eds.) Simon Frith & Andrew Goodwin), O n Record: Rock, Pop and the W ritten W ord, Routledge, 1990, 412 NEWSREELS, SHORT FILMS K in o 1 0 -A , F ar och son (1937), 1 2 6 n l9 (1935), 118 K in o , 101, S kå d espela rn a s ten n ism ä sterska p , N o. 3 4 0 3 0 , 5 -2 : M jö lken g ö r skilln a den K 7 4 .2 6 3 , “A -visa n ” FEATURES and (Mjölkpropagandans filmer,1935), 75f (1938), 75 S a n d ells rekla m a rkiv, 1 -2 , 133 SF 6 6 3 , F la m m a n . SF :s n ya ste sto rb io g ra f h a r ö p p n a ts (1930), 6 6 7 -A , SF :s g a tu re k lam fö rflm e n A tla n tic (1930), SF 6 7 6 , p rem iä r p å U lriksd a ls h ä stka p p lö p n in g SF 6 8 4 , S F fy tta r till C en tru m (1930), SF 7 0 3 , E n sevä rd h et i S to rsta d en n60 (1930), 135 SF 6 7 3 , B a rn kru b b a i F la m m a n s b u s i S to ckh o lm SF 6 7 3 , P å en S F -tea ter ka n m a n a lltid lita (1930), 129f 164 n46 56 (1930), 97 n34 163 (1931), 138f SF 7 1 9 -7 2 0 , S en a ste R h u d in -ß lm en S kep p O hoj u n d er in sp eln in g SF 7 1 2 , Jo h a n A lm kvist ta la r om sexu a lu p p lysn in g SF 7 2 2 , N y b ekvä m ß ö rb in d elseled SF 7 2 7 , S to ckh o lm s a u to te lfo n (1931), 127 n90 (1931), 62 (1931), 147 (1931), 145 SF 7 2 8 , U tstä lln ing en “M ä n n iska n och livet ” SF 7 2 9 -A , T rappan vid C en tru m (1931), 68 (1931), 146f SF 7 3 5 , W illy F ritsch -u tstä lln in g i C en tru m s lju sg å rd SF 7 5 3 A -B , F läIsa g en o m N a kenku ltu r, In g a rö (1932), 144 (1932), 171 fF SF 8 0 4 , B a rn p ristä vla n ! V em skriver den b ä sta upp sa tsen om SF :s m a tin ésö n d asg a r? SF 8 1 0 , M o d ern ß lm reklam (1934), 164 S F 8 1 3 , W illy F ritsch ko m m er till S to ckh o lm s cen tra l SF 8 1 6 , M å n g a tro sig K a lle-ka lla d e (1934), 163 (1934), 144 n31 SF 8 2 7 -A , F ilm en och tea tern iß o tb ollsm a tch p å H a m m a rb y id ro ttsp la ts SF 8 4 0 , E tt u n d er i S to ckh o lm (1934), SF 9 3 0 -A , G a la p rem iä r p å S p eg eln n90 (1935), 63 (1936), 65f, 68ff (1936), 97 (1937), 727nlll SF 9 5 4 , F ilm jo u rn a len s tä vlin g avgjord SF 9 8 4 , K u n g a ju b ileu m 127 (1931), 148f SF 8 8 9 -A , U tstä lln in g en M or och B a rn SF 8 8 9 -A , D icken s som m o d ed ikta to r (1934), 1 6 4 r \ll SF 8 7 5 -A , A lva M yrd a l om sto rb a rn ka m m a ren SF 8 8 1 /3 0 7 0 , T h e B row ns a t H o m e (1933), 110 n60 (1937), 127 nl07 (1938), 2/9 nl3 S F 9 9 2 -A , U tstä lln in g en “Vi B o ” i M a lm ö (1938), 57 n79 SF 9 9 5 , Z a ra h L ea n d er-p rem iä r p å P a lla d iu m S F 1 0 0 2 , A fto n b la d ets A -b a rn (1938), 127 n 111 (1938), 81 SF 1 0 1 8 , Ö verstå th ålla re T orsten N o th in sem esterta la r (1939), 216 SF 1 0 2 2 , P rem iä r p å D ea n n a D u rb in -ß lm en F u ll i sju tto n p å R öda kva rn SF 1 0 2 2 , B eredskap fö r kvin n o r 1 9 3 9 Y F Ö 2 :2 c, U tstä lln in g en “F ritid en” (1936), SF 2 5 4 2 -A , S to ckh o lm su tstä lln in g en 1 9 3 0 214 (1930), 36 SF 2 5 4 2 -C , S to ckh o lm su tstä lln in g en 1 9 3 0 ( 1930), 37 SF 2 5 4 2 -D , S to ckh o lm su tstä lln in g en 1 9 3 0 ( 1930), 37 SF 2 6 0 8 , E n tä vlin g m ed G arbo i C en tru m SF 2 5 5 3 -A , S tä d ern a s sta d (1939), 54 (1939), 217 (1931 ), 78 (1931), 44 SF 3 1 1 5 , T a g en vä g en till bio. k o r flm om te lfo n b e stä lln in g a v S F -b iljetter SF 3 1 3 0 , N ya m ä n n isko r (1933), 145 (Knut Martin, Mollie Faustman, 1935), 23, 781 SF 1 9 0 0 A -B , F rån cell till m ä n n iska (W. Gårdlund, 1936), 65f SF 2 7 8 4 , R ytm er i som m arsol , (Nils Jerring, 1938), 181, 183f (1938), 136 SF 2 8 7 7 , P a lla d iu m 2 0 å r SF 3 1 9 3 -A , E n sta d i sta d en . E n b erä ttelse om N K a v N ils Jerrin g SF 2 8 8 0 , S em estern 1 9 3 9 ( SF 3 1 6 3 , R ytm iska flicko r (1936), 181 f, 184 (Sigurd Wallén, 1934), 136 A nderssonskans K a lle (Anders Henrikson, 1936), 119-123 A n n o n sera ! B roadw ay M elo d y o f 1 9 3 6 B rokiga B la d C avalcade (Roy del Ruth, 1935), 100 (Edvin Adolphson, 1930), 14, 23, 46-51, 120 (Frank Lloyd, 1933), 112 C h a rlo tte L öw ensköld (Gustaf Molander, 1931), 111 C o n tin en ta l/Th e G ay D ivorcee C ucaracha, L a E lep h a n t B oy (Mark Sandrich, 1934), 114, 116 (Lloyd Corrigan, 1934), 114 (Robert J. Flaherty, Zoltan Korda, 1937), 183 E ro tiko n (Mauritz Stiller, 1920), 97 E tt b ro tt (Anders Henrikson, 1940), F lickan från va ru h u set F lyin g D o w n to R io G östa B erlin g s saga H a vets m elo d i H e ll's A n g els 26 ni5 (Anders Henrikson, 1933), 76, 98f, 101-104, 113,117 (Thornton Freedland, 1933), 114, 116 (Mauritz Stiller, 1924), 211, (Prins Wilhelm, John W. Brunius, 1934), 103 (Howard Hughes, 1930), 100 H o n , h a n och p en g a rn a In P erson (Anders Henrikson, 1936), 119f, (William A. Seiter, 1935), 106, 108 In term ezzo (Gustaf Molander, 1936), 14 In to lera n ce ( D.W. Griffith, 1916), 179 (Gustaf Edgren, 1937), 14 Jo h a n U lfstiern a K a rriä r (Schamyl Bauman, 1938), K o n ß ikt (Per-Axel Bränner, 1937), 14 K u n g sga ta n 26 nl5 (1943), 15 5 f K ärleksexpressen (Lorens Marmstedt, 1932), L achendes L eben (H. Schoyer, 1933), 24, 173ff M a m m a g ifter sig 125 n22 (Ivar Johansson, 1937), 118 M ed fo lke t fö r fo sterlan d et M oana (Sigurd Wallén, 1938), 219 (Robert J. Flaherty, 1926), 183 M odern T im es (C harlie O lym p ia Chaplin, 1936), 115 (Leni Riefenstahl, 1938), 173 P a in ted V eil, T h e (Richard Boleslavski, 1935), 100 P ensionat P aradiset P å S o lsid a n R öda d a g en (Weyler Hildebrand, 1937), 14 (Gustaf Molander, 1936), 14 (Rouben Mamoulian, 1934), 100 Q ueen C h ristin a (Gustaf Edgren, 1931), 111 S a lly in O u r A lly S o l over D a n m a rk S o l över Sverige (Maurice Elvey, 1931), 120 (Holger-Madsen, 1935), 196 (Arne Bornebusch, 1938), 195-198 S å n g en till h en n e (Ivar Johansson, 1934), 116 T h o m a s G raals b ä sta ßlm T op H a t (Nils Jerring, 1937), 92f 1939), 217 (Mauritz Stiller, 1917), 97 (Mark Sandrich, 1935), 114-117, 120 T riu m f des W illens U n d erfa lskß a g g Å kten ska p sleken (Leni Riefenstahl, 1934), 183 (Gustaf Molander, 1935), 94ff, 104 (Ragnar Hyltén-Cavallius,1935), 114 nl3 BIBLIOGRAPHY Almkvist, Johan, A ktu ella syn p u n kter p å sexu a frå g a n , ---------- D en fram tid a fa m iljelä ka ren . 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Radioföredrag: söndagen den 29 sept. 1935.” In Ystad Stad MO/10832, Kapsel: Bestyrelsen Fritiden, Fl : 1 G Myrdal, Jan “inledningsanförande,” in förbundets Bokförlag, 1935 D eb a tt i b efo lkn in g sfrå g a n , (radiodebatt), Kooperativa Sachs, Josef, “Varuhuset, en stad i staden: föredrag hållet för Stockholms Köpmannaklubb,” Stockholm, 1938 SURVEYS “1936 års semestersakkunniga,” Departementsförslaget. Frågan om lagstiftning angående semester och om semesterns längd. De sakkunniga.” R iksd a g en s p ro to ko ll. B ih a n g , prop. 2 1 6 -2 9 2, sa m l. 1, 1 9 3 8 :2 4 , 20-32 F a m ilj och m oral. S a m m a n d ra g a v B efo lkn in g sko m m issio nen s b etä n ka n d e i sexu alfrå g a n , Stockholm, 1937 SOU 1942:19, Betänkande med utredning och förslag angående semester för husmödrar. Avgivet av fritidsutredningen BIOGRAPHIES, NOVELS Berman, Jules, Jo sefg ö r Ekman, Fiasse, Lo-Johansson, Ivar Sachs, Josef, ---------- M itt ka rriä r. S ku lle vara en ro m a n , D en vackra a n ku n g en , K u n g sg a ta n , Fritzes, 1947 Wahlström & Widstrand, 1944 Aldus Bonniers, 1935 M itt livs saldo, I. K ö p m a n och fö rha n d la re, livs saldo, II. R esen ä r och organisatör, S ven skt b io g ra f- och film fo lk i ord och b ild , Norstedts, 1949 Norstedts, 1949 (ed). Sven Nygren, Biografiskt Galleri AB, 1940 GUIDEBOOKS , PHOTO- AND VIEW ALBUMS Hallin Hjalmar, S to ckh o lm i ord och b ild : D ju rg å rd en , dess sevä rd h eter och n ö jen : T u ristb o k m ed o rien terin g ska rta, Stockholm, 1930 Hermès-Movin, Benno, Faustman, Mollie fpseud. VagabondeL Bonnier, 1935 U ndret. B arn u n d er 15 år, Josephson, Ragnar, Selling, Gösta & Roosval, Albin, S to ckh o lm i tu sen bilder, Näsström, Gustaf & Gösta Selling, Stockholm, 1930 Sverige i fä rg och b ild Södra D ju rg å rd en , Stockholm, 1930 (eds.) Ewert Wrangcl, A. Gierow, Allhem AB, 1936 FILM NOVELS A lib is illu strera d e film ro m a n er, No. 1-10, Romantidningens förlag, 1936-37 1 D en stora ra zzia n , efter F irst N a tio n a l-film en m ed sa m m a n a m n 2 E n få n g e h a r rym t, E n krim in a lfilm efter P aram ounts sen satio n ella succésfilm 3 Den 4 5 6 ödesdigra tim m en , efter M etro-G o ld w yn -M a yersfilm S p io n ern a , efter P aram ounts stora sen satio n sfilm S a m h ä llets R o vrid d a re, h ö g d ra m a tisk skild rin g , W arner F irst N a tio n a l P olisreporterns upplevelser, byggd p å sen sa tio n ellfilm från P aram ount 7 H ä m n d en s n a tt, b yg g d p å den sp ä n n a n d e P a ra m o un t-film en 8 S p io nh o tellet, b yg g d p å en M etro - G o ld wyn - M eyer-film 9 D ö d sd yka ren , byggd p å den sp ä n n a n d e C o lu m b ia -film en 10 S ista tå g etfrå n M a d rid , byggd p å P a ra m o u nt-film Series: Filmversion med filmbilder, Åhlén och Åkerlunds förlag, 1934-1938 U nga kvin n o r. F ilm version m ed film b ild er, U n g ka rlsp a p p a n, Louisa M. Alcott (adapt. Rolf Wiesler), 1934 Edward C. Carpenter, 1935 F lickornas A lfred , efter A n ker L arsens fo lkskå d esp el, S w ed en h ielm s, (adapt. Rolf Wiesler), 1935 Hjalmar Bergman (adapt. Stina Bergman), 1935 A n n a K a ren in a m ed G reta G arbo. E n essä i b ild och b erä ttelse 1936 (Leo Tolstoy, adapt. Rolf Wiesler), D ollar, Hjalmar Bergman (adapt. Stina Bergman), 1938 Brunå, Olof, U ppsagd, Booth, Charles G., Dumas, Alexandre, Stjärnboksförlaget, 1934 G eneralen dog i g ryn in g en (T h e G eneral D ied a t D a w n ), G a rb o ß lm K a m elia d a m en (transi. VO), Malmö Art Print, 1937 Hilton, James, B lå m å n en (L ost H o rizo n , Kästner, Erich S ta cka rs m iljo n ä rer, Maugham, Somerset, D en brokiga Törngren), Geber, 1935 Tolstoj, Leo, Norstedts, 1937 K a m elia d a m en : sa m tlig a illu stra tio n er h ä m ta d e ur M etro -G o ld w yn -M a yers transi. Louis Renner), Albert Bonnier, 1937 (transi. Johannes Edfeldt), Albert Bonnier, 1936, vä vn a d en : K itty (T h e P a in ted V eil, D en vita dem onen. Illu strera d m ed ß lm b ild er transi. Thorsten W. (Hadsji-Murat), Bonnier, 1930 FILM STAR BOOKLETS Serien Små Filmböcker (F ilm jou rna len ): R a m o n N ovarro. E nß lm e n s ro m a n tiker, Åhlén och Åkerlund, 1932 M a rlen e D ietrich . G reta G arbos stö rsta ko n ku rren t, W illy F ritsch. B rä tteisen om en lyckosam ka rriä r, Åhlén och Åkerlund, 1932 Åhlén och Åkerlund 1932 Ja n et G aynor. A ffä rsb iträ d et som b le v ßlm stjä rn a , Åhlén och Åkerlund, 1932 G reta G arbo. S to ckh o lm sß icka n som b lev vä rld en sfrä m sta ß lm stjä rn a, Serien Billiga boken. DAILY PRESS B oken om G ary C ooper, Åhlén och Åkerlund, 1933 (av Remo), AB Artas, 1937 FOLKET (date missing, 1933) A F T O N B LA D E T 301207 310102 310117 330912 381015 360119 360129 360201 381126 911017 FOLKETS DAGBLAD 2912908 300516 33091 G Ö TEBO RG S H AN D ELS- O CH SJÖ F A R T ST ID N IN G 330912 360609 N Y A D A G L IG T A L L E H A ND A (date missing, 1933) 310102 330912 AURORA S O C IA L D E M O K R A T E N 371105 291201 291204 310102 330912 ARBETAREN D A G E N S N Y H E TE R 291208 300121 300201 301008 310102 360201 01091 S T O C K H O LM S -T ID N IN G E N 291208 310102 330912 360201 360306 SV E N SK A D A G B U D E T 291208 310102 360202 330912 No. 1-2:1929 No. 1-3: 1930 No 1:1931 No. 1:1932 H usmodern Nr 37:1932 S Y D Ö S TR A SV E R IG E S D A G B L AD M jölkpropagandan. T id skrftfo r näringshygien, 330926 m jölkhushållning o. jordbruk No. 4, 6:1937, No. 9, 1938 Ö ST G Ö T A C O R R E SP O N D E N T E N N a ket — Sedligt? (date missing, 1933) No. 1:1934 Ö STG Ö TEN N a ket— liv 330919 No. 3:1938 N a ket — Liv, PERIODICALS B iografägaren Nr4-S,7, 9-10, 12-16, 19,23:1930 Nr. 2-3, 6-7, 9, 12-13:1932 No. 8, 14:1933 No. 2,5, 15-16,26:1934 No. 13, 15, 17-19:1935 No. 2,7-9:1936 B ionytt No. 5: 1933 B onniers M ånadstidning No. 3:1934 B yggm ästaren. O rg a n fö r Stockholm s byggnad fö ren in g U tställningsnum m er 1930 No. 1: 1936 D agbräckning. M ånadstidskrift fo r livsbejakande, frig jo rd o ch förd o m fri åskådning No. 2: 1932 F ilm bilden No. No. No. No. 1,9 12, 15:1935 2-4, 7, 9, 11-12, 18, 20:1936 11-12:1937 10:1945 F ilm journalen No. 20, 22, 25, 27-30: 1933 No: 6, 16:1936 No 4:1938 F ilm rutan No. 4:1972 F olket i B ild No 17,22, 23,25,28:1939 F reibad, D as No. 2:1933 F uturum . T id skrftfö r reklam konst och reklam kunskap No. 1,7-8:1936 No. 5-7:1937 F önstret No. 1-2: 1930 G ym n. T idskrift fö r G ym nisk kultur. O rgan fö r G ym niskafö rb u nd et No. 1-2:1928 [photo album] 1936 N a tu r och hälsa. O rgan fö r nakenkultur No. 4, 12, 18B, 19:1933 No. 5-7:1934 P opulär tidskrift fö r sexuell upplysning No. 2: 1932, No.3, 5: 1933 R eklam Sydekoration. T id skrftfö r m odern fönsterskyltninq No. 1: 1936 R eklam N yheterna. N yhetstidning fö r reklam och distribution frå g o r No. 1-3: 1936 SF V eckonytt / SF No. 4:1930-31 V eckoprogram SF V eckoprogram Nr6, 10-12, 14-15, 1929, 35-36:1931 No. 8:1932 No. 19, 21, 25, 28, 32:1933 No. 2,4, 12, 15, 17, 19, 29:1934 No. 22:1935 No. 24:1936 Solvännen. O rgan fö r n a kcn ku ltu r och frisksp o rt No. 1, 12:1936 Sonniges L and: N achrichtenblatt des R eichsbundes fü r F reikörperkultur No. 7: 1931 No.2: 1932 No.3: 1933 Svensk F ilm tidning. O rgan fö r Sveriges F ilm uthyrareförcning, No. 6-7, 9, 15,21:1925 No. 6:1926 No. 12, 14:1932 F orm . Svenska Slöjdföreningens T id skrft No. 4-6: 1930 ' No. 1:1935 T idskrift fö r P olisvetenskap No. 3:1935 U nderfritiden No. 1:1936 Vecko -Journalen No. 1930 V å rfritid No. 1:1936 FILM THEATER INAUGURATION PROGRAMS F la m m a n, 1930 P araden. S to ckh o lm s n ya ste och m o d ern a ste biograf, 1932 G rand. E n n y h e tfö r S to ckh o lm , 1933 S p eg eln , 1935 V ictoria. Sandrew s p rem iä rb io g ra f p å Söder, R iva l, Saga, 1936 1937 1937 D ra ken , 1938 R ig o letto , 1939 FILM PROGRAMS U nderfa lsk ß a g g , Stockholm, 1935 CONGRESSES F o lkh ä lsa och rekla m . K ongress (21-22 November, 1938), Stockholm, 1939 R ekla m en tjä n ar sa m h ä llet. N o rd iska reklam kongressen, S to ckh o lm , 3 -5 ju n i, Stockholm, 1937 EXHIBITION PROGRAMS AND CATALOGUES F ritid en . K a ta lo g . U tstä lln in g i Y stad. 19 ju n i - 2 3 aug, 1 9 3 6 , Ystad, 1936 F ritid en . U tstä lln in g i Y stad. 1 9 ju n i - 2 3 aug. 1 9 3 6 . P rogram och b estä m m elser, Ystad, 1935 H em i ko llektivh u s. Svenska slö jd fö ren in g en s u tstä lln in g : m o d ern a h em in red n in g a r, b a rn a vd eln in g , resta u ra n t. 18 m a j-9 ju n i, Stockholm, 1935 In b ju d a n till U tstä lln in g en S E M E S T E RN s ko m m u n a la d a g a r i S to ckh o lm den 2 9 -3 0 a p ril 1939, Stockholm, 1939 L ivsm ed elsu tstä Iln in g en V art d a g lig a bröd. M a rs — a p ril, 1 9 3 5 . K a ta lo g , L ivsm ed elsu tstä lln in g en V art d a g lig a bröd. O kto b er — novem ber , 1 9 3 6 . M odern L eisure: A Sw edish E xh ib itio n . Ju n e 1 9 -A u g . 2 3 , 1 9 3 6 , Stockholm, 1934 S to ckh o lm s u tstä lln in g 1 9 3 0 . O fficiellt dagsprogram och u tstä lln in g stid n in g , S to ckh o lm su tstä lln in g en 1 9 3 0 . O fficiell h u vu d ka ta lo g , S to ckh o lm su tstä lln in g en 1 9 3 0 . V ägvisare, Svea R ike, Stockholm, 1936 Stockholm, 1936 Stockholm, 1936 M o r och B a rn . U tstä lln in g a n o rd n ad a v Svenska R öda K o rset, S ta n d a rd 1 9 3 4 . F ör b o sta d och bohag, Stockholm, 1935 K a ta lo g , 300613 Stockholm, 1930 Stockholm, 1930 Stockholm, 1930 U tstä lln in g en S em estern 1 9 3 9 , D agsprogram 21 apr. — U tstä lln in g en S em estern 1 9 3 9 . 21 apr. [Utställning i] Malmö, 1938 Vi B o i R ibershus. — 7 7 m a j, m aj, A u d ito riu m , A u d ito riu m , Stockholm, 1939 Stockholm, 1939 M a lm ö , 7 -2 8 septem ber 1 9 3 8 . K a ta lo g , (ed.) Elias Svedberg, INAUGURATION PROGRAMS, BROCHURES, PAMPHLETS P rogram vid L eja m a g a sin ets in vig n in g sfest, K o n serth u set, 1 novem ber, S to ckh o lm s n ya b rä n n p un kt, 1929 Stockholm, 1931 P rogram vid fin a len i F ilm jo u rn a len s tä vla n om den Svenska Id ea lfiicka n , Stockholm, 1933 L in g u a p h o n e. D en lä tta ste, snabbaste, in tressa n ta ste m etoden a tt lä ra sp rå k, N K . 2 5 å r vid H a m n g ata n , Stockholm, 1940 Stockholm, 1928 ARCHIVAL MATERIAL Arbetarrörelsens bibliotek, Carl Ernfrid Carlbergs stiftelse: kapsel 1, “PM ang. namnbyten” kapsel 2, “Som judiska betecknade personer. Stockholm. Spridda listor” kapsel 3, “Som judiska betecknade personer. Listor” Kapsel 4, “handlingar om Stockholms Stadion prydande med skulpturer, 1929-1930” Nordiska museet, NK:s Grå album, 1930-1940 Nordiska Museet, Gunnar Lundhs fotosamling, No. 91852 Nordiska Museet, Gunnar Lundh, “Skönhetstävlingar, ”No. 11265 Nordiska Museets samlingar, Ystadsutställningen 1936, bild 800.Q.z. (photo: Gunnar Lundh) Stadsarkivets samlingar, Microfilm Kvarteret Tången 9, Dnr 422/4269, Stockholms Stadsmuseum Stockholms Poliskammare, Lösdriverimål, Förhörsprotokoll 1929-1937, Stadsarkivet Stockholms Poliskammare, Skyltdiarier, C5HC, Vol. 3, H-J, Stadsarkivet Ystads stadsarkiv, Kapsel 1:1, M030/10832, Fl : 1, Ystad Fritiden 1936. Pressklipp, Odat 1-8, F Ystad Stadsarkiv Kapsel 2:1, Bestyrclsen Fritiden, F2:1 Övriga inneliggande handlingar, dokument 1-72 Ystads stadsarkiv, journalfilm från utställningen “Fritiden” (Y F Ö 2 :2 c , Ystads stadsarkiv, collection of sciopticon images Ystads konstmuseum, photo collection from the exhibition “Fritiden” 1936), In d ex Alibis' Illustrated Film Novels: 104 Almkvist, Johan: 23ff, 61-64, 87 nil -15, nl8-19, n24, n29-30, 158, 160,765 nl41, 185, 188, 223; as nudist promoter; 1 9 Iff, 167 -181 ; as eugenics promoter and sexual educator; 61 f, 64, 66; and clothing: 167; as social critic : 158, 160, 187: and health: A-Europe: 32, 74 A-people: 74-76, 78f, 81, also B- and C: 74; 16711; and hygiene : 167ff in A-Child Contest: 80-83; in Danish Almqvist, Stig: 57 milk campaign: 74; in Swedish milk Andersson, Olof: 14, propaganda: 74f Ankum, Katarina von; n97, 182 164 192 n76 A-Song, the: 75 appetite: 150, also, Schaulust Aalto, Alvar: 40f, 57n60 architecture: 29, 38-43; as attraction: 135; 52f; abortion: 60, 62, 64, 66f p a rla n te : 5 6 n8; and scripted space : 139, 142 Abrahamsson, Eric: 119 Arcadia film theater: 171 Adaptation, from Him to novel: 121, 155f;from Arrow Collars: 122 novel to film; 107 Art concret: 54 Administration: 83, 224; and mediated action: Arvedson, Ragnar: 127 83f, and instrumental rationality; 83fand Asplund, Gunnar, E.: 31, 39ff, 46f, sterilization: 83f Atwell, David: Adolphson, Edvin: 46, 50 56n 10 n28 163 audience: 10, 12, 20-23, 29, 3Sff, 50, 59 Adrian, Jean, S.: 149 address: 10, 12f, 47, 49f, 79f, catering to Advertising: lOff, 17, 19, 2Iff, 29, 31, 35-38, female: 70f, 77f, 135; feminization of: 150, 40-43, 46, 49, 51, 59, 62, 74f, 77, 91 -97, 100-107, 112-123, 129-148, 151f, 164 n60, 172, 175, 187, 189, 203, 208, 216, 239; as aesthetically valuable : 94 ; as builder of 153; mobilization of: 21, 29f, 60, 68, 82, 88 Auditorium film theater: 100, 215 auditorium: 18, 37,46,76, 110, 130f, 135f, ISOff, 173 society: 91 ff; as builder of the future: 91ff as A u ro ra : 2 2 0 career choice: 122; as catalyst of modernity: A u sd ru cksb ew eg u n g : 92; congresses: 59, 74, 91-94; contests: Axelson, Einar: 118 100, 122, 125 n30; creating chain of events: babies, 67-70, 79f, 119; as creator of semi-fictive continuity spans: 118, 129 critique of: 109, 122; and n89 179 n8, and the population 87 issue: 67-70 and childcare: 65-68, 80, 82, 136f feature films ; 94-104, 118-121; and foyer Baby FeRoy: 113 exhibitions; 122; frauds: 43; and hygiene: Bakers' and Millers' Association: 92 110; illuminated: 132f, 183; on Kungsgatan: Baude Anna Fisa: 50 144f, Bauman, Zygmunt: 83, 164 n60; as philosophy of life: 91; and 89 n99 Ms/Mrs Consumer: 93f; and newsreels/ Bengtsson, Bengt: 764nll4 shorts: 133, 145f, 148, 152, 161 and the Benjamin, Walter: 16,40, 161f, I65nl46-147, psychology of printing ink; 121 ; and public 151-152 health: 91 ; as reconfiguring the landscape Berg, Gustaf: 13 to a puzzle or game board : 104, 12 3, and Berglund Erik “Bullen:” 96, 119 satire: 1201’; and SF: 129-144; and 13 soap; Bergman, Ingrid: 120ff; and tie ins, see tie-ins Bergwall Erik: 49 advertising mast; 31, 36; as emblem of 127 nlOl, 188 Berman, Jules: 103, 113, 116f, I27nl22, 188 modernity; 39, 41 ; as token of heathen Berry, Sara: 97, worship of commercialism; 42f; and anti- Beyer, Nils: Semitic caricature; 43 ; and satire: 46, 49 “Big Four,” the: 36,43 26 125 n27 nl9, 111, 126 n78 Aga-Baltic: 103 Biografkonditoriet /The Cinema Café: 149-151 Agricultural Political Movement, the Women's Bj ärred: 171 Section: 211 Ahlberg, Olof: 32, 176, 185, Alaska Ice - cream ; 118 Björkin, Mats: 7, 13, 26nl4, 149f, 153, 192 n90 n79-83,139 Björklund, Tom: 91f, 125 n3, 8 164 Björkman, Carl, J. : 11, 14,26 n3 Blomberg, Stig: Exhibition 1930: 34, Fågelbärsträdet: 63f n96 193 Colomina, Beatriz: 131, body culture: 25, 167, 174, 176f, 179-187; and 163 n5 commodity-trapped: 101, 103 class transcendence: 180; body as pictorial Compulsory Vacations Act: 25, 75, 195 slogan: 181 Concert House : 170: and “Orpheus” sculpture: Bohman, Rulle: 49 176; debate: 13ff, Bonde, Ebba: 103 Congresses: 23, 59; Annual Nordic Advertising Bonnier, Albert: 43f Booth, Charles G.: Congress: 93; “Folkhälsa och Reklam” 126 n61 /“Public Health and Advertising:” 59, 91, Boston Garters : 122 87 Boycott: 150, 175, 182 Braaten, Lars Thomas nl 5 26 n4 193 citizenship: 11, 92; and class transcendence : n94 94f ;andfeminism: 94gratuitous: 95; and Bredenberg & Co. : 113 health: 91-94, 97; and purchasing /spending Bruno, Giuliana: 17, 26n35, 112, 125 n24, power: 96, 154, 200; optical: 30 127 n94 Brunå, Olof; 125 123, 129, 136, 142, 153, 155, 201 ; and Bränner, Per-Axel: 14f, Braun, Marta: 185, nl, consumption: 16f, 18, 21, 30, 91f, 94-97, contests: 17, 20-23, 59, 136; A-Child Contest: 126 n61 23, 59f, 74, 79-83, 85, 223f; the Actors' Bryde, Vilhelm, 51, 111, 117 Tennis tournaments: 117ff; baby contest: 79, Buck-Morss, Susan, 16, 26n31 81, 114, 127 n99; Burns, Delsisle, C.: 2001', 121, 219 n25 Båstad Racket: 118 127 L a C u ca rach a dancing: 114, nl02, Film-and-Shop-Window for exhibitiors: 100; naming contests: 51, 123; Café Puck as gallery space: 54 SF's essay contest for children: llOf; Garbo- carcéral career: 84 look-alike: 78 ; Girl With Platinum Hair: Carl, Prince: 65 76, 100; Ideal - Swedish- Girl : 76f, 101, 103; Carlberg, Carl-Ernfrid 25, 167, 183f, Sun over Sweden: 195-198; SF's manuscript 186ff,192n 89 contest: 14, 111; Carlquist, Maja: 177, 182, 192n 58, 193n 58, 81 Carlsund, Otto G: 55 Casparsson, Ragnar: 219 T op H a t dancing: 114-117, 120; walking: 120 Cooper, Gary: 108 nl6, 33 Cooperative Wholesale Society: 34, 37, 21 If, 21Sf Cecil Restaurant: 37 Corbusier, Le: 31, 131 f Centrum House: 25, 137f, 144, 146f, 152, in Corner, John: 19f, 26 advertising imagery: 144-147; and glass Corrigan, Lloyd: 114 architecture: 138f; shopping center in: 138f, Corso, the : 31 n49 143, 155;SFin: 137f, SF Lounge in: 138f, Crafton, Donald: 135, 142, 144, 146, 150, 152, 154; staircase criminality and mesological factors: 159; and behind: 147 163 nl7 popular culture, 159f Chaplin, Charlie: 115, 117 customer types: 92 children: 13, 35, 58f, 62f, 68f, 74f, 81fand Cycling Promotion Society: 212 health: 68f, 79; and the population issue: Dahl, Bernhard: 176, 62f, 64, 71, and sexual hygiene: 60f, 62, 70, Dahlquist, Marina: see also babies dancing: 31, 34, 102, 114f, 116, 119f; dancing China film theater: 115, 117, 136, 149 88 192 n52 n46 cinema: 151, 177f; lessons: 114, see also Chronophotography: 185 screen dances Cinema Fashions: 97 delicacy: 139, 150 citizens: 10, 25, 32, 61ff, 82, 198, 200, 204, demoralization and film: 153; and popular 212, 216, 218; and legal capacity: 61, 82 and medicalization of legal capacity, 83, SSn 62 culture: 159f department store: 16f, 21f, 44, 47f, 79, 92, Cloetta: 109, 121 127 close-up as “enlargement:” 108 161, n96, 129, 133, 136, 139, 141f, 151, 154, coffee-boys, and milk boys 76 103, 113f, 118f; in film: 97-104; and class Colgate Cream: 122 stratification: 141 ; as museum: 141;non- collective house : on the Stockholm profitablc services; and suffragettes: 141 164 nS2; and film tie-ins: 97, 101, “exemplary realism,” and authentic depression: 9, 13, 91,96, 142, 157 Dietrich, Marlene: 1071, 126 representations and objects: 16, 19, 68, 197, n62 discourse, conflation of: 10, 35f, 43, 54, 60f, 79, 95, 179, 181 f, 186, 208,212 exhibitions : see separate headings display window, shop window: 102, 154, exhibitors: 22, 97, 1 OOf, 121, 145, 149; see also the Swedish Exhibitors' Association 225 “eye-pedagogy:” 25, 30, 203, 208, 213, 223 Djurgården: 31, 35, 411, 49, 56n32 Doane, Mary Ann: 126 nSl, 178, civilizing influence of: 208, and inner 192 n59,62 reform: 30 Dobbs hats: 122 eye vision: 51, as displacing other senses: 160; documentary footage : 66, 129; in feature film: 51, 196f, domestic sphere: 22, 81 f; and women : 129, 137, 152, 201; and H o m em a ker films: 152; and and sensual pleasure, 152 fashion: 38, 138, 153f, 156, 161 ff; as assertive practice: 149, 154, 157; crazed: 101; in feature film: 97, 103f; in newsreels: 97, 147; duty-first principle: 159 tie-in: 97, 100, 103f; show 138, 152, 216 Dyer, Richard: 225, 226n Dyhlén Gunnar: 184ff, n90 192 Falk, Elin: 182 rationalizing domestic work: 137,152, 225 ; 192 “Father and Son” (sculpture): 32, 176, 184 n92, 193 n96 Fevrell, Walter: Dyrsscn, Catharina: 135, 138, 163 nl8, n20, 164 calibration of: 52 Fagerberg, Carl: n43, 45 165 nl42, 185f, 193 n95, n96 Fielding, Raymond:13, 27 n55, 36, 56 n41 Fields, Grade: 120 Eau de vie: 121 film; educational: 13f, 76, 179, 181, 185, 209, Ebbcsen, Dagmar: 47, 49 as language of immediate expression and Eberwein, Robert: visual Esperanto: 179; as shop window: 87 Eckert, Charles: 97, n8 125 n25, 127 nl26, 127 101 ff, 153; -stripaesthetics in short stories: nl40 108 Edgren, Gustaf: 14, 51, 111 film images (collectible) : 104, 109; controversy editing: 20, 79, 111, 144, 214 over: 109; cut-out images: 108; and Eisenstein, Sergei: 11 If Ekberg, Micael: 193 prostitutes: 161 nlOl film novels: 105, 109 Ekman, Gösta: 113, 126 n79, 146, 195, 219 n2 film premiere: 22, 25, 57 n92, 94f, 97, lOOf, Ekman, Hasse: 113, 118, 127nl29 103, 114-117, 120, 122, Ekström, Anders: 16, 26 n30, 30f, 34, 56 nl, 144, 173, 195, n4-S, n8, nl9, n21, n29, 206, 208, 212f, n58, 220 Eldh, Carl: 219 1 6 3 n l, 191 nl9, n9, n29, n32, n45, n51, n71, n75 192 n90, 1 2 6 n56, 727 ni 11, film star booklets: 104, 107f F ilm b ild en / The F ilm Im a g e: 23, 97, 104, 112-120, 188 193 n96 F ilm jo u rn a len /T h e F ilm Jo u rn a l: Eliasson, Axel: 44 Enders, Georg: 35 Filmstaden, Råsunda: 145 Engström, Ragnar: 92 Fiskebäckskil: 103 76, 97, 103f, 107, 108, 112, 115, 120, 195f, 198, Ergo Cacao: 109 Eriksson, Christian: Flamman film theater: 53, 111, 129-132, 134192 n90, 193 n96 137, 151 ; childcare for moviegoers : 135- Eriksson, Eva: 54, 57 n74, nl22, nl26 137; as manifesto of modernity: 135 ; glass Eriksson, Thomas: architecture: 135 and illumination: 132, 135 163 n9, nl5 Erwall, J. E: 171 Eskilsson, Lena: flânerie: 16 feminine: 16f, 24, 139, 142, 152; 220 n68 Essingen: 147 Eugenics: lOf, 23, prostitution as: 1581, 162 Florin, Bo: 57 n94, 97, 87 n8, 167, 180, 183, 125 n28 Floodlights: 41, 117 185, 223f; and A-Child Contest: 82; Florsheim Shoes: 122 heredity; 63-66; and “Mother and Child: Folckc, Nils-Magnus: 187, ” 65, political perspectives on; 60f and Folcker, Ivar: sterilization 62, and civic solidarity; 61, and Forhan s Toothpaste : 12 2 welfare policy, 60f, 71, 83 Forssell, Maja: 45, 57 n82 163 nl2, nl4 193 n96 Foster, Hal: 88 n47 glamour-girl; Nordic freshness as alternative to: fosterage: civic, 30, 63, 223f; and advertising: 123; and consumption: 30f, 91 -94; physical 76f, feminine consumer critique against: 93f glass; glass wall collisions on the Stockholm training and hygiene: 181 ; and leisure: 200, Exhibition: 52; and discomfort: 52f; as 212ff enemy of ownership: 53, as sequence, 138f Foucault, Michel: 11, 56 n47, 59f, 69ff, 84, n48, nSl, nS3, 59nl01, 191 nl9, n22-23, 192 126 88 n53, 169, 175f, nSl Glass Man, or Celluloid Man: 69f Gleber, Anke: 16f, 26 n31, 142, Goette, Edith, von: foyer: 17, S3f, 130ff, 135f, 146, and audience n79, 192 Granholm, Axel: 209f 97, 151 f; exhibitions: 24, 37f, 107, 136; Grünewald, Isaac: 46, 50, 111, luxury of, 136; as hetcrotopian space: 37f, Grut, Torben: 186, 149-152 Grähs, C.G.: 169 192 Franzén, Mats: 183, 193 193 164 n60 n96 Gränna: 197 Frame, Lynne: 181, Fredga, Karin: n96 Grand film theater: 115 behavior: 149; and commercial events: 21, Fox Movietone: 36 1 6 4 n \l 193 192 n76 Gustaf V, King: 36, 51,2 1 8 ni3; as Mr. G: 118 n80 Gustav Adolf, Crown Prince: 65, 214 n96 Gustafson Eric: 101 Freedland, Thornton: 114 G:son Uggla; Bertil: 186, Fribergs Filmbyrå : 170, 175 Gunning, Tom: 16, 26 n27-28, 29ff, 35, 47, Friedberg, Anne: 16f, 26 n38, 125 n42, 165 nl50 Frisco Soda: 118 1 2 7 nll3, 215, 219 136, 154, 163 n6, n52, n55, 198 ; and leisure as problem: 198ff; as testing Göransson, Viking: 212, Göta Lejon: 100, 151, Hagemann, Hedwig: 57 n95 191 Hallberg, Nils: 163 n27, 164nl09, 212, 220 n59, n76, n78 n70 220 n34 n31 149, 152, 187, 198, 212; and advertising: 43, Hallbäck, Georg: 186, 129, 133ff, 144-147, 204, 209; and hygiene: Hallström, Gunnar: 193 192 n96 n90 45, 70; and illuminated advertising: 132ff; Halvarson, Bo: 112, 127 n93 and non-functionality: 43; as material Hansen, Miriam: 135, 150, manifestation: 38, 40-43, 53, 55; as filmic 179f, 192 163 n24, Hansson, Per Albin: 115, 204, 211 Centrum House, and purity: 39 Hart: 122 n29 164 125 nl9, n22, n99 217; and advertising: 91 ff; and body culture: 180f and eugenics; 167, 1841f; and hygiene: Fyffes Bananas: 48, 96, 119 168f; and nudism, see nudism; and popular Fågelbärsträdct, see collective house Gaines, Jane, M: 17, 26 n33, 81, 88 n88 culture, 160, 169; public, see public health Hedvall, Björn: 136 Gate, Bcngt: 201, 203 Heiddegger, Martin: 213f, 220 n72-75 Gaynor, Janet: 107 Hellenism: 170, 177, 178, 183 Garbo, Greta: 100, 107, 117, 151, 211: associations to functionalism, consumption and health: 77f; and film readings: 107-109; Garbo-look-alike contest: 78; and makeup: 120: and tie-ins 100 Garnert, Jan: 163 nlO Helsingborg: 171 “Hem i kollektivhus” / “Living in a Collective House:” 87 n23 Hepburn, Katharine: 97 Herlitz, Nils: 82 Hermès-Movin, Benno: 79, 88 n86 geoglyph: 188 heterogeneity: 115, 179 Gerhard, Karl: 113, 115, 119 heterotopias: 104, 142, hetcrotopian film Gillette Razors : 122 n79, Health: 129, 133, 156, 167, 170f, 198, 201, Furhammar, Leif: Ilf, 26 n2, 116, 127 nllS, 164 n66- 68 sequence: 138; glass: 23f, 38, 52ff, see also 63 56 nl02, Hagstrand, Rolf: 149 Functionalism: 9f, 22, 36, 38-55, 78, 129-137, Furberg, Kjell: 89 n96 Gothemburg: 49, 197 Fröding, Gustaf: 168 Fullerton, John: 21, 27 n59, 193 Gymn: 183-188 ground: 215; as toolbox, 213-215, 223 Fritsch, Willy: 142, 144 n91, n3, n30, 57 n96, n99, nl05, 84, “Fritiden” / “Modern Leisure:” 195, 198-215, 218 and active leisure: 199f; the Leisure Girl: 192 theaters: 149-152 hieroglyph: naked body as: 178ff; woman as: Korda, Zoltan: 182 “Kronprinsen battle:” 14 178 Kuhn, Annette: 17, 104, 120, Hilton, James: 1 2 6 nSl Hirdman, Gunnar: 199ff, Hirdman, Yvonne: 88 n36, 136, 154, n32 219 163 n25, 126 164 n54, 127 nllO Kungsgatan: 129, 137f, 144, 146f, 152-158 the n61, n82 film: 156; the novel: 155, 158;as urban His Master's Voice: 121 history: 19ff,: micro-: 59, 129; non-canonized, 21 attraction: 155 Kungsträdgården: 50 Ladugårdsgärdet: 31 Hitler, Adolf: 175, 211 Holmberg, Jan: n46, 108, 88 Holmgren, Israel: 193 126 Lagerlöf, Selma: 197 n64 Lagny, Michèle: 19, 27 n47 n96 Laurin, Carl G: 39 Holocaust, the: 83 homemaker: 93f; H o m em a ker Leander, Zarah: 127 nl 11, 133 films: 152; Le Mat, Raoul: 103 homemaker vacation: 217 Leksand: 197 HSB; see Tenant Organization Lighting: 132f, also neon: 133, 135, 138, 145 human type; new: see types/typology Huzs, Orsi: 17, 27n41, 141, 163 n33, 164 n50, Lilja, Bernhard: 193 Liljefors, Bruno: nS3, n 55 n96, 196 n96 193 Huyssen, Andreas: 57 n70 Lilliehök, Eleonor: 93 hydroelectric board: 32 Lillsved: 187, 189 hygiene: lOf, 14, 29, 38, 41,45, 53, 70, 91; and Lind, Ove: 109, 1 2 6 x2 61 advertising, see advertising; and aesthetics; Lindgren, Anne-Li: 82, and childcare, see childcare; as ideology Lindgren, Mereth: 57nll7 and practice: 71; as master metaphor: 168, Lindhagen, Carl: 39 224; intellectual: 187; hygienic and moral Lindhagen, Sven: 192 standard as mutually reflecting each other: Lindquist, Bosse: 87 168f; sexual hygiene, see eugenics Lindsay, Vachel: 179 HylinsRakin: 121 164 nlOO-101, 165 nll8 n93 n91 n7 Lindström, Bibi: 211, Hårdh, Malin: 153f, 157ff, 89 n63 220 Ling, Per Henrik: 183 Lingiad Congress, the: 182 Hälsa genom Nakenkultur, (HgN): 167-174 Ling gymnastics: 182, Härnösand: 197 Linguaphone and SF's campaign: 147-149 Hötorget s market hall: 144 Liseberg: 197 Ingarö: 172f, Lissitzky, El: 203, 208 Jacques - Dalcroze method : 186, Listerine: 122 1 9 2 x6 1 9 Jakobsson, Brita: 76, 103 Lloyd, Frank: 112, Jerring, Nils: 92, 103, 110, 146, 180 Lo-Johansson, Ivar: 15, 39, 45f, 49, 52, 152, Jerselius, Kjell: 12, 26 n9 155, 164nll5, 165nll7,nl31 Johansson, Gotthard: 39f, 55, 57nl24, 91, nl, 133, 164 125 n98, 201,2I9n34 Lombard, Carole: 97 Lund, Carl, A: 74, 88 n64 Johansson, Ivar: 112, 115, 118 Lundberg, Greta:63 Jonsson, Kjell: 160, Lundborg, Herman: 32, 56 n36, 6, Jülich Solveig: 69, 165 88 nl39 n44, n46, n60 Kaffe utan grädde /Coffee without Cream: 75 Karling, Karin: 193 n96 165 nl37, 185, 192 Lundemo, Trond:186, 194 Lundkvist, Artur: 14 Keil-Möller, Carlo: 14 Lyberg, Louise: 57nll7 165 nl36 Kirkeby, Anker: 42 Lynd, Robert: 27 n94 n60 Läkerol Lozenges: 36 Kjellberg, Gerda: 170, 191 n il Klara folkets hus debate Malmsten, Carl: 42, 187, Malmö: 171 Koch, Adolf: 167 Koivonen, Anu: 70, n8, 159, Lundell, Nils: 46, 48f, 51 Karstadt department store : 136 Kinberg, Olof: 159f, 87 n90 Manhattan Shirts: 122 88 n54 mannequins: 97, 101 f 193 n96, nlOO Marabou Chocolate : 96 Nilsson, Vera: 46, 48, 51 Marke, Maritta: 104, 120, 127 nl08 Nordic beauty 76f; bloodline: 82; type: 59 Marlen, Trude: 144 Nordiska Kompaniet (NK): 44, 79, 92, 141, Martinson, Moa: 154 151, and free services: 141 ; as museum matinee: 110; events: 24, 151 and tourist attraction: 141 ; “Talkaphone Maugham, Somerset: 126 n51 Department:” 48; and women consumers: 141 Mayer, Jacob, P: 27 n60 Mayne, Judith: 18, 27 n45 Norrmalm's supermaket: 96 McKernan, Luke: 27 n55 Nothin, Torsten: 217 mediated action: 83f Novarro, Ramon: 107 nudism: 24, 61, 167-181; and art aesthetics: Meeths: 100 Metro-Goldwyn-Mayor:100, 103, 125 125 n31, 176-178; and disciplined body movements: 169f; depiction of: 172f; and health; nSl and Hellenism; and innocence: 168; as Metropol-Palais film theater: 136, 149 milk; and propaganda; and health; and milk- as pictorial guide and role model: 167, 178, Milk Central, the: 96 Milles, Carl: 176, 192 promoting mental and moral hygiene 168 nudist journals: 175- 179, 181, 189: photography boys : 76 ; and happiness n90, 193 as readable sign see hieroglyph n96 mini-golf: 151 Nürnberg: 182 Miss Tourist: 216 Näsström, Gustaf: 39ff, 135, Moberg, Vilhelm: 14f 163 n3,nl9, 56 n32, n56, 130ff, n96 193 object lesson: 10, 16, 30, 32, 68, 70, filmas: Modéen, Thor: 120 180,185f “Modern Leisure,” see “Fritiden” Moka Efti Coffee: 96 Odengatan: 149 Molander, Gustaf: 51, 94, Ulf Odeon Records: 95 Monsieur Serge : 41 O’Doherty, Brian: 57 nl20 “Mor och Barn,”/ “Mother and Child:” 23, 60, Ohlin, Nils: 101 Olson, Hans-Erik: 65-71,79-82,223f 2 1 9 n ii Olsson, Jan: 7, 12f, 26 nl3, 27 59, 125 n43, Mrs. & Ms. Customer: 93 146, Murad Cigarettes: 122 Myrdal, Alva: 23, 27n61,62ff, 67, 71, Myrdal, Gunnar: 23, 27 n61, 62ff, 87 88 n58 n20-21, 164 n67, 182 Olympia film theater: 115 Olympic Games: 1912, 185; 1928, 185; 1936, 183 n22 Mårbacka: 197 Opera House: 50 “Människan och livet” /“ Man and Life:”68 “optic noise:” 132 optical consumption : 30 Molle: 102 Möllerberg, Nils: 192 “Orfeus:” 176 n90 Östermans bilhallar: 65 National Fruit Federation: 92 nature as moral resource : 197 Ottese-Jensen, Elise: Naylor, David package-price trips: 118, 210 Nazism: 181, 183, 187 Palladium film theater: 36,46, 100, 136, 148, 151, Neiström, August 87 163 nl5, n24 127 nl 11, n30-31 negotiation: 18f, 77, 93f, 153 panorama: 16, 22, 30, 32, 34, 70, 212, 216 N eu e S a ch lich keit Paradise, main restaurant: 31,43, 45, 49 neuroplasticity: 52 Paramount: 103, 122 newsreels: 19ff; and city views : 21, 51; as Parliament: 50, 82 history; 19ff; as situational guides: 21, 129, Paul U. Bergströms (PUB): 100, 133, 163 147 Pauli, Laura: 153f, 156-159, 165 nl20-123, nl27, n 131, Nerman, Einar: 103 Paulsson, Gregor: 31, 195, 201 Nielsen, Carsten, Tage: 21, 27 n58 Nielsen, Nils: 87 Pavilion L’Esprit Nouveau: 31 n35 Nilsson, Jan Olof: 168f, 191 nl3-15, Nilsson, Elias: 201, 218, 164 220 n89 192 n86 Pernick, Martin, S: Persson, Edvard: 12 87 n8 nlll, n33, Peterson-Berger, Vilhelm: 42, 193 224 Rappaport, Erika, Diane: 17, n96 Petersson, Paula: 171 Petro, Patrice: 108, 126 n63, 209, 219 n49, 220 152, 164 26 n39, 139, 141f, n49, n54, n95 readable films : 104f n83 reception: 10, 13, 19, 101, 104, 108, 118ff, 150, phantom-ride: 50, 129, 139, 196f, 214 167, 171-175, 203, 215, 218, 223 photo-essay and cinematic layout: 108 readers: 23, 32, 36, 75, 80, 97, 104, 108, 110, photomontage : 198, 203f, 208f, 212, 215 phrenology: 165 120, 168, , 171, 179; mobilization of: 112, nl37 114, 118f, 195, 225 physical training: 181, 183, 185, 187 “Pilsnerfilm:” 14f Red Cross, the: 65, 70 Pix Pastilles kiosk: 36 Regeringsgatan: 150, pleasure-first principle: 159 Regimentation system : 156 pocket movie: 104 Renov, Michael: 20, 27 n52, political mimesis: 80 Reso: 215 polysemy: 18, 35, 102, 104, 225 Reuter & Reuter: 115, Population Commission: 63 Rick-Rack game: 103 Post Office: 32 Riddarfjärden: 102 posters: 17, 35,42,92, 94f, 107, 118, 121, 130f, Rigoletto film theater: 164 n60 163 nl, 164 n98 Rio film theater: 151 135, 144, 151, 203, 216 Pred, Allan: 32, 35, 39, 43-46, 54f, 56 n7, nl3, Rival film theater: 149 nl5, 17, n20, n35, n54, 57n62-63, n65, Rivoli film theater: 149 n67-69, n71-72, n83, n85-87, n89, nl02, Richards, Jeffrey: 27 n60, nl04, nl07, nll4, nll8-119, Riksförbundet för sexuell upplysning, (RSFU) 88 n63 Education:159; and sexual educators: 62, 67 audiences; 10, 223 87 RKO Radio Films:115 n5 Rodin, Gösta:12, 26 n5 product placement: 96, 101, 147 p ro m en ad e a rch itectu ra le n24 /the National Organization for Sexual prismatic construction of spectators and Proctor, Robert: 163 Roeck-Hansen, Esther: 101 : 131 f prostitution: 24, 62, 150, 154ff, 158-162, 168, Roeck-Hansen, Harry: 118 225; and cinema: 153, 159; as abuse of Rogers, Ginger: 97, 108, 114f, mobility: 161 and commodity values: 161; Rolf, Ernst: 44 as expression of N eu e Rolf, Tutta: 95, S a ch lich ket : 162 ; as 125 127 nl06 n9, 146 flânerie, see flânerie; or free love: 158 ; and Rosen, Björn von: moral codes: 158; and shop window: 156 ; as Rosen, Philip: 20, 27 nS3 n96 shopping disorder: 161 f Rosenberg, Harald: 201, 193 Prostitution Bureau: 156 Rosengren, Margit: 101 provocation window: 67 Rosenstone, Robert, A: 19f, 27 n48, n54 public health: 1 Of, 23, 35, 59, 71, 91, 94f, 97, 168, 181, 184, Royal film theater: public sphere, in communication with the Rubin, Gayle, S: Pudovkin, Vsevolod: 112 124 nl43 n78, n80-81, n88, n90, nll4, nl23 26 ni 1, nl6, n26, 88 n83, nl 9, 126 n50 Runcis, Maija: 60, 82, 87 n3-6, n8-9, 89 n96- 99 Rydberg, hotel: 50 Rabenius, Olof: 187, 193 n96 Rabinovitz, Lauren: 17, 26 n37, 161, 1 6 5 nl 165 n28^n37, n40, n43, n53, n55, 57n60, n74, Quensel, Isa: 188 94, n98 Rudberg, Eva: 55, 56 n6, n8, n22, n24, n26, domestic: 22f, 94, 129, 137, 152, Qvist, Per Olov: 13ff, 164 Royal Palace, the: 50 164 n52, Rydén, Värner : 82 Rygaard, Sven: 93, 123 50 racial biology: see eugenics Råsunda; see Filmstaden racial types : 32 Röda Kvarn: and SF's traveler service: 37f, 53f radio: 14, 47, 114, 183, 199, 201, 205, 2081’, Röda Sigillet: 36 214; school: 82, 209 Rangström, Ture: 187f, Sachs, Josef: 43f, 57 n76 193 n96, n99, nl04, Saga film theater: 163 nl, 164 n98 Saltsjöbaden Grand Hotel: 101, 103, 117f Sandberg, Mark, B: 16f, 26 n29, 104, 126 125 164 n20, n5S,nS9, 197,219 nlO, n53 Sandberg, Sven-Olov: Sandell, Klas: 191 Sonnenland, Egestorf: 171 n20 125 Sonora Records : 95 n3 Sorlin, Pierre: 19f, 26 n46, nS6 Sandrich, Mark: 114 Sandström, Birgitta: n90 Song- and - dance routines : 116 spectator: 10, 16ff, 30f, 34, 51, 54, 71,74, 57 ni 17 103, 111, 119, and embodiment: 80, 212; sceneries, 208, 216; living pictures: 103 and introspection: 65 ; mobilization of Schildt, Jurgen: 12, gaze: 132, 203; passionate: 154; reflexive 26 n6, 12S nl9 Schwartz, Vanessa: 17, n34, 123, 127 n96- 26 97, nl45 spectatorship: 23, 34; rural/urban: 16, 197 Spegeln film theater: 65, sciopticon images : 32, 34, 203, 209, 214 149, screen dance 23, 95,Carioca: 95, 114, 120 127n 126 n75, 127 nl 11, nl spending power: 154; virtual: 96 Continental: 97, 114, 116; La Cucaracha: 114, 120, 163 Spigel, Lynn: 18, 27, n44, 136, 163 n27 102, La Sports Palace, the: 149 Margarita, 120; Piccolino: 114f, and dance - Stacey, Jackie: 136, 163 n24 craze: 95, 114 Staiger, Janet: 17, 27 n40, 125 nil, 141, 152, screening practices : 13, 149 164 Selander, Concordia: 46 Seva's department store: 133 Severin, Ingrid, signature n49, n54, n96, 165 nl27, nl32, nl49, Stall, Sylvanus: 87 n21 K id : Stamp, Shelley: 17, 27n36, 97, 108, 117 n45, n51, n57, n65, sexual education: 23, 61 ff, 65f, 70, 94, see also RFSU 158, 160, 163 n24, 127, 164 125 n24, 99, 134, 146, 149, n76, n89, n94, 165 nl26, nl33, nl38, Sexuality: 18f, 24, 62, 65, 96; 150, 152, 160f; “Standard 1934:”S7n79 and eugenics discourse: 59-62, 70f; and Statisticon: 32 nudism: 25, 172, 224; and production of Stein, Lizzie: discourse: 170; and prostitution: 154, 158- Sterilization: 60-64, 82ff, 224f 162 Stiernstedt, Marika: 111 shop window: 17, 93-95, 97, lOOf, 118, 127 nl08 Stiller, Mauritz:97 122,129, 138, 152f, aesthetics: 208f, 216; Stjernlöf-Lund, Anita: and infatuation: 155 Stjärnboksförlaget: 107 shopping: 16f, 133, 139, 141, and female 163 n36 Stockholm: 21f, 132f, 145f, 153, ISSf, 159, flânerie, see flânerie; shopping center, see 171, 181, 185, 195, 197, ; and film theaters: Centrum House; and give-away sweets: 136, 149, see also respective film theaters; as 139; as experience: 139, 142 filmscape: 112, 114, 118, 120, 123, 129f Sidenhuset, advertising Zeppelin; Stockholm Central Trade Union: 215 Siljeström, Per Adam: 213 Stockholm Cooperative Women's District: 216 Singer, Ben: 17, 52, 57nl03, 97, 125 n24, 126 n56 Stockholm Exhibition 1897: 16, 29f, 44 Stockholm Exhibition 1909: 32 Siwertz, Sigfried: 46 Stockholm Exhibition 1930: 22f, 29-55, 69, Sjöström, Victor: 51 129, 138, 198, 223; as window display and Skandia film theater: 136, 144, 151 poster show: 42 Skansen: 130, 197 Stockholm Municipal Library: 205, 208 Skiing Promotion Society: 212 Stomatol toothpaste : 121 Skânskan's Coffee Blend: 121 street girls ; see prostitutes Sloan, John: 17 Strindberg, Tore: Slow motion: 183f, 186 Sundbärg, Gunnar: 34 Snickars, Pelle: 21, 27 n59, 163 n6, 164 n43, 197, 5 7 n42, 132, 138, 193 n96 Sundahl, Eskil: 163 n32 Sundsvall: 103 2 1 9 nS, social engineering: 12, 23, 223f and eugenics: Svanberg, Ingvar: 83 60f, 63 and family-stimulating policy: 62ff; Svanström, Yvonne: 27 n42, 158, and functionalism: 70 “Svea Rike” /“Land of Sweden:” 31-34, 75, 176 Sofia, Tytti: 12f, 26 nS, nlO, nl2, 125 nl8, 152, Sveavägen: 24, 137, 149, 156 165 nl30 Svenska Fläktfabriken AB: 147 in foyers: 97, 107; and fashion: 97, 100; in Svensson, Birgitta: fiction: 100-103; newsreels as: 97, 110, 118, 87 n7 Swanström, Karin: 146 122, 148, n60, 216 164 Swedish Authors Association: 14f Tiller-Girl: 93 Swedish Broadcasting Corporation: 144, 209 Toepfer, Karl: 167f, 175, 179, 181, Swedish Bureau ofTelcgrams:92, Swedish Chocolate Manufacturers Association, resistance towards advertising images: 109 Swedish Exhibitors' Association: 13, 115, ISO, and advertising: 97, 100, 109; and circus: 152f and contests, give-away items, mixed programs and quizzes: 100, 116, 149; and screening practices; 116; and tie-ins: lOOf, 107, 121, n24, n34, Toll, Hugo: 87 Tolstoy, Leo: 191 nl, n6, n50, n 64, n 75 192 n 21 126 n58 Tourism: 35,41,49, 117, 155, and civic duties: 197; guides: 49, virtual: 51 ; see also leisure tourist gaze: 49f, 197; views: in feature film: 12, 47, 197 in newsreels, 21 transcendence; class: 96, between reality and fiction: 10, 22, 104, 135, 155, 162 Swedish Film Industry (SF): 12, 14, catering travel: 119, 136: travel service : 37, 151 to female moviegoers; in Centrum House; Tre Torn Tennis Balls : 118 Film Bar; foyer events: 17, 149-152, and treating culture and/ or prostitution : 24, 96, Kungsgatan: 1441T; and neon: 146; New 158; and food; 96 Year's Eve celebration: 1S1 ; SF- Lounge: Tsivian, Yuri: 17, 149, 25, 110, 139, 143, 145, 147, IS If; telephone type; feminine: 97, 161 new human: 181, 184, service: 145f; tie-ins; and traveler service: 37 164 n75, n79 201 ; typology of degenerates: 153, 161 Tydén, Mattias: 83, n2 87 Swedish Golden Age: 46, 97 urbanite, rural girl becoming: 153f “Swedish Grace:”136 urbanization: 9, 16, 167f Swedish Groceries and Merchants Association, resistance towards advertising images; 109 Usai, Paolo, Cherchi: n47 27 Valdemarsvik: 171 Swedish Handicrafts Association: 31, Velde, van de, Theodor, H : 70, Swedish Institute for Racial Biology: 60f Velocipedbolaget Lindblad: 147 Swedish Social Democrats' Women's venereal disease: 157; and popular culture: Movement: 211 n52 160, 169; and sexual promiscuity during the Swedish Tourist Club : 211, 215 Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO): 175, 201 Stockhom Exhibition: 46 Verde, Eric Leoo: 174 Veuve Clicquot: 115, 118 Soderbergh Widding, Astrid: 155, 165 nl36 “Vi Bo:”57n79 Söderblom, Tomas: 153, 155, 159f, 161, 163, Victor Phonograps: 122 165 88 nl 18-119, nl28, nl32, nl37, nl45; nl48,nl53 view aesthetic: 47, 49f Viking Watch Company: 147 Söderblom, Åke: 121, /27nl08 Sörlin, Sverker: 191 n3 visual literacy: 108 tableaux: 69, 103, 149, 178, 197, 212, 223; see “vulgarization through the eyc:”159ff also sceneries, living pictures Tamm, Alfhild: 63 Tegnér, Torsten: visual culture: 9, 11, 15f, 22, 24, 29f, 38, 206 “Vårt Dagliga Bröd” (1935 and 1936): 91 Värmland: 56nl6, 197 192 n91, 193 n96 Waidekranz, Rune: 11, 26n2 Teje, Tora: 97 Wahlberg, Anna Greta: Telegraph service : 32 Wallen, Sigurd: 136, 146, telephone films: 102, 146 network: 32 operators Wallengren, Hans: 82 as film stars: 146 Tenant Organization (HSB): 34 57 nll7 163 n 31 Wallin, Harry: 203 Ward, Janet: 38, 40, 52, 56 n2, n51, 57 n58, Tengroth, Birgit: 121, 146 n84, nl06, nl 10,nl 12-113, 69, Third Reich: 12, 20, 83, 180f, 183, 187, 224; n44, 136, 138, 154, /63nl3, nl6, n26, n37, see also Nazi Thorsson, J. O: 164 191 n26 tie-ins: 97, 100-104, 113; contests: 103, 113; 109, 88 n50, 125 n44, n47, n64, n76, nl05-106, nl08165 nl52, 192 nl06 Wærn-Bugge, Ingeborg: 211 Wcijnc, Josef: 82 welfare: 29, 35, 55, policy: 63, 82; state; 82, 135, 141, 198,224 Werner, Elsa M.: 217 Werner, Gösta: 11, signature 26 n2, nl5, 126n79, under 111 C in é, G a ve: Westergren, Håkan: 46, 48, 50, 118ff Westman, Hans: 201,203 white cube: 54 White, Hayden: 27 nS3 Willet, John: 56 n49 Williams, Linda: 80 Winberg, Oscar: 171 window display: 67, 100, 107, 132, 138f, 154, 209, 212, also, see shop window “Wings-of-Progress:” 31,43f, 49 Winston, Brian: 27 n51 wipe: 74, 74, 76, 96, 196, Wollen, Peter: 56 n50 Women's Preparedness for War: 215ff Wrangel, Ewert:1 9 1 n26, Wright, Rochelle: 12, 26 193 n96, 219 nil n8 X-ray images: 68f, 71 York, Carl P: 103 Ystad: 195-215, 217-218 Zetterström, Erik, sign. Z u h a n d en h eit, K ar de M um m a: also handiness: 213 Åhlén & Åkerlund: 107, 126 n62 Åhrén, Uno: 34, 36, 53, 57n80,nl08, 129f Åker, Patrik: 56 n57 Åmål: 197 Öhman, Axel: 171 Öhman, Martin: 116 Öresund: 171 F R A M S ID A N S V A L A F F IS C H O M S L A G S B IL D BASERAD P Å S O C IA L D E M O K R A T E R N A S 1 9 3 2 , B A K S ID E S M O T IV E T P Å U T S T Ä L L N IN G E N F R IT ID E N S A F F IS C H , 1 9 3 6 (O R IG IN A L E T I F Ä R G ). BILDBEHANDLING OCH FORMGIVNING: STAFFAN CARLSSON, KRINGLA P ISBN 91-628-5507-7