Emilios Riadis (1880-1935) – Yannis A. Papaioannou (1910-1989): Greek representatives of orientalism Polyxeni Theodoridou Ph.D. Candidate, Department of Musical Studies, University of Athens, Greece xeniatheodor@yahoo.com In works of both these Greek composers, despite their many different pursuits and style, resulting also from their chronological distance, we can identify as a strong common feature general characteristics of exoticism. More specifically, in their works stereotype orientalistic characters, themes and styles occur,1 as they are established in the Western European literary and musical works of the 19th and of the beginning of the 20th century.2 But, since they both represent the East being partly Others to the West, because 1 For a complete list of Riadis’ mss and printed works in the Archives of the State Conservatory in Thessaloniki (ARCT) and the Lilian Voudouri Library in Athens (ARA) see the valuable work of Nicoleta Dimitriou, Register of Aimilios Riadis’ Musical Archive in the State Conservatory of Thessaloniki, Unpublished Master’s Thesis (Thessaloniki: Aristotle University, 2002), 131-152 [In Greek]. A part of his personal library and other documents are in the private Archive of Mrs. Aliki Goulara in Thessaloniki (RAG). The Papaioannou Archive (PA) is kept in the Historical Archives of the Benaki Museum in Athens. The catalogue of his works has been recently significantly revised and enriched (Yannis A. Papaioannou. Complete Catalogue of works, 3d ed., ed. Maria Dourou, (Athens: Philippos Nakas, 2010 [In Greek]). I would like to express my gratitude for the assistance given to me during the research for this article in all the Archives, also for the permission to reproduce materials. I would also like to thank the musicologists and ethnomusicologists Athena Katsanevaki, Maria Alexandrou, Dimitris Themelis, Sokratis Sinopoulos and Lefteris Tsikouridis for their valuable clarifications and assistance on various topics. This article will focus on a small part of Riadis’ and Papaioannou’s exotic output, characterized by common subjects, and where the prevailing style and aesthetic orientation lies within the limits of a tonally orientated, strongly impressionistically colored frame. For the methodology of the characterization of the Greek or, more generally, the East Mediterranean scales appearing in the works treated here, two matters had to be considered: the temperament and the fact that there is no exact adoption of concrete folk or popular melodies, but invention of motives by the composers. However, for Riadis, who had a close approach with his current folk traditions (rural and urban), maybe an extensive ehtnomusicological research will bring to light more concrete connections. I will classify Greek scales using the Gregorian classification, when coinciding, and the classifications of G. K. Spyridakis-S.D. Peristeris or Marios D. Mayroeidis for the modes of the Mediterranean (wherever possible to conclude) as presented in: Greek Folk Songs, Vol. 3, Musical selection, Collection of the Athens Academy (Athens, 1968, in Greek) and The musical modes in the East Mediterranean. Byzantine Echos, Arabic Makam, Turkish Makam, (Athens: Fagotto, 1999, in Greek), respectively. 2 This article relies on Edward Said’s definition and examination of the notion of orientalism as a Western ideology with multiple interrelated manifestations (political, social, artistic) concerning the Orient, identified generally as the Other (Orientalism, transl. Fotis Terzakis, Athens: Nefeli, 1996, 60 [in Greek]). For musical definitions, see Ralph Locke’s articles “Exoticism” and “Orientalism” in Grove Music Online, ed. L.Macy, available in http:// www.grovemusic.com (accessed 11/11/2010), also Thomas BetzwieserMichael Stegemann, “Exotismus”, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 3, 226-243. The following studies examine a wide historical time span, offering for clarification and insights for the genesis of exoticism and orientalistic means and ideology: Ralph P. Locke, “Samson et Dalila”, Cambridge Opera Journal, 3/3 (1991), 261-302, also his “Cutthroats and Casbah Dancers, Muezzins and Timeless Sands: Musical images of the Middle East”, 19th Century Music 22/1 (1998), 20-53, “A broader view of musical orientalism”, The Journal of Musicology, 24/4 (2007), 477-521, and Musical Exoticism. Images and Reflections (Cambridge University Press, 2011), Matthew Head, “Musicology on Safari: Orientalism and the spectre of postcolonial theory”, Music Analysis, 22/i-ii, 2003, 211-230, Timothy Taylor, Beyond Exoticism. Western music and the world (Duke University Press:Durham and London 2007), Derek B.Scott, “Orientalism and musical style”, The Musical Quarterly 82/2 (1998), 309-335, Peter Schatt, Exotik in der Musik des 20. Jahrhunderts: Historischsystematische Untersuchungen zur Metamorphose einer ästhetischen Fiktion (München: E.Katzbichler 1986), Francis Maes, A History of Russian Music. From Kamarinskaya to Babi Yar. Transl. Arnold Greece, then as now, was seen as a crossroad between West and East and epistemologically has been identified with an Incomplete Self,3 the issues of representation of power relationships, or of self-report, also of existence of other attitudes similar to western ones are particularly interesting. Given that orientalistic representations sought more or less verisimilitude or artistic truth instead of authenticity, the question of a possibly greater degree of authenticity of the orientalist tropes in Greek works, in conjunction with the searches of the Greek National School, then attempting to balance her orientation between West and East, is particularly interesting. Moreover, this study will be focusing mostly on songs, thus helping to advance the study of orientalism in this genre, which is still overshadowed by opera-centred researches.4 And, finally, as I will try to demonstrate, some of Riadis’ works may have been for Papaioannou, his pupil for a short period of time, not only a connecting link with French exoticism, but also a model for the creation of at least one of his own orientalistic pieces. The composer and poet Emilios Riadis (1880-1935) is considered as the main Greek representative of musical exoticism, while also being ranked among the pioneers of the Greek National School in music.5 Riadis’ exotic tendencies, as well as Papaioannou’s, can surely be considered in their common frame of impressionistic quests as eclectic relationships;6 however, Nationalism and Orientalism, clearly interact in a complex way in Riadis, who was born in Thessaloniki, in Macedonia, in 1880 as an Ottoman citizen. RiadJ.Pomerans-Erica Pomerans (Berkley: University of California Press, 2002), Richard Taruskin, Music in the 19th Century, The Oxford History of Western Music, 3 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), Carl Dahlhaus, Nineteenth-Century Music, transl. J.Bradford Robinson (Berkley: University of California Press, 1989), Andrew Gann, “Les Orients musicaux de Théophile Gautier”, Bulletin de la société Théophile Gautier, 12/1, (1990), 135-149, David Gramit, “Orientalism and the Lied: Schubert’s “Du liebst mich nicht”, 19th-Century music 27/2 (2003), 97-115, Nadejda Lebedeva, “Die Lieder des Mirza-Schaffy op.34 von Anton Rubinstein: Zwischen Folklorismus, Orientalismus und Nationalismus”, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 67/4 (2010), 284-309. 3Sheryl Little Bliss, Folk Song and the construction of Greek National Music: Writings and Compositions of Georgios Lambelet, Manolis Kalomiris and Yannis Constantinidis, PhD Thesis, (University of Maryland, College Park, 2001), 22 onwards. Locke also notes that the Near- and Middle East Orient for the Western perspective can sometimes include Greece and other countries around the Black Sea (“Cutthroats”, 21). 4 See also David Gramit, 98 and Lebedeva, 301 for an acknowledgement of this situation in the current musicological research. 5 Present surveys on Greek music with reference on Riadis, as Maria Dimitriadou-Karagiannidou, Emilios Riadis. His life and works (Unpubl. Master’s Thesis, Department of Musical Studies, University of Thessaloniki, 1990) [In Greek], Evelin Voigtmann, “Riadis and impressionism”, Mousikotropies, 3-4 (1993), 62-69 [In Greek], Georgios Leotsakos, “Riadis, Emilios”, Grove Music online, in http://www.grovemusic.com, accessed on November 10th, 2011, also his “Emilios Riadis (1880-1935), portrait for an encyclopedia”, Paratiritis, nos.6-7 (Thessaloniki, July 1988), 147-151 [in Greek], and “Emilios Riadis, the unfinished vision: problems of dissemination”, Scientific Bulletin of the History Centre of Thessaloniki, 4, (Thessaloniki, 1994), 341-347 [in Greek], Katy Romanou, Greek Art Music in Modern Times (Athens: Koultoura, 2006), 190 [in Greek], Georgios Sakallieros, Yannis Constantinidis. Life, works and compositional style, PhD Thesis, (Thessaloniki : University Studio Press 2010), 384-388 [in Greek], Dimitra Diamantopoulou-Cornejo, Les Mélodies pour une voix et piano d’ Émile Riadis: Aspects esthétiques entre les musiques française et grecque au début du XXe siècle, PhD Thesis (Universitè François Rabelais Tours: 2001), use the categories of impressionism, exoticism and nationalism for the classification of his work. Riadis’ exhortation to his composer friend Marios Varvoglis in a letter of May, 10, 1913: “We have Parthenons behind us. We have to leave behind us musical Parthenons, too. It would be terrible, otherwise, being the sons of such fathers” (cited in Katy Romanou, “Marios Varvoglis”, Musicologia 2, (1985), 8-47 [In Greek]) is indicative as an attempt, at a time of radical changes for Greece, to connect modern Hellenism with its glorious ancient past, according to the ideals of the nationalist movements of the 19th century. 6 Exoticism in the late 19th and early 20th century, especially for the impressionists, functioned as a way of structural reinvigoration of the compositional language, see Taylor, 83, 86-87, Robert P. Morgan, 20th Century music (Norton, 2001) 43 and Schatt, 10-11. is, probably due also to his mixed ancestry, seems somehow predestined to favor exoticism, since at the turn of the 20th century his native town, Thessaloniki, a former important urban centre of the Byzantine Empire, was a flourishing, multicultural city and an active centre of development of the popular urban Ottoman-Greek music.7 According to Leotsakos, “the exotic element was his own roots…Thessaloniki offered him profusely the raw materials for the building of his dream world»,8 whereas Western composers mostly got acquainted with extra-European traditions through journeys, official cultural exchanges like the World Expositions in Paris, or indirectly, through various specific publications. One of the most important formative experiences in Riadis’ life was that he followed closely the violent Macedonian conflict, a result of the rise of nationalism in the area near the end of the 19th century, from the beginning to its peak in 1912-1913, with the First and Second Balkan Wars. He wrote patriotic poems that aimed to stimulate the patriotic feelings of the Greeks, but which also reflected the shifting political developments and certain moderate attitudes concerning the multinational coexistence in the area. “Σκιαί και Όνειρα” (Shadows and Dreams) written during the Revolution of the Young Turks,9 shares the short-lived enthusiasm in view of the expected egalitarian reforms. The recent aggressions and conflicts seem forgotten and all different ethnicities reconciled: If we, your children, have been separated, mother, by delusion, Weaved within your hug by foreigners And if we’ve been separated by hostility or only our language Still, one longing makes us all brothers.10 Similarly, although the Jasmins et Minarets (Chansons Orientales) song collection (Raïka, Odalisque, concluding with Salonique, in verses by Riadis)11 at first glance appears as a 7 For the complex matter of pluralism and fusion of local urban traditions in the music in the cities of the Ottoman Empire, see Risto Pekka Pennanen, “The Nationalization of Ottoman Popular music in Greece”, Ethnomusicology, 48 (Winter, 2004), 3. Due to the numbers of the Sepharadic Jewish and Muslim populations in Thessaloniki, most Greeks inhabitants must have known Ottoman-influenced nightclub and café music (Pennanen, 6). As an indication for Riadis’ penchant for his contemporary popular music, I located in the RAG a song entitled Chant Turc, composée [sic] by Hadji Arif Bey, harmonisé par Osman Effendi (n.d.). The RAG also contains numerous light music pieces on exotic subjects, of various composers of the beginning of the 20th century (Ludwig Siede, Rudolf Nelson, Paul Sego, Albert Ketèlbey). 8 Leotsakos, “Unfinished Vision”, 342. 9 The manuscript is dated July, 23th, 1908 (Dimitriou, 119). 10 “Κι αν μας χώρισε, μητέρα, τα παιδιά σου, μαύρη πλάνη/ που σ’αυτή την αγκαλιά σου ξένοι είχανε υφάνει/ Κι αν μας χώρισεν η έχθρα ή κ’η δόλια γλώσσα μόνη/πάλιν όμως ένας πόθος, αδελφούς μας αδελφώνει.” (Transl. by the author). Riadis published patriotic poems since 1904, see Stefania Merakou, “Archive of Emilios Riadis”, in http://www.mmb.org.gr/page/default.asp?id=300&la=1 (accessed on October, 10th, 2010) [In Greek]. As a complementary indication of patriotic, yet moderate ideological directions, it is worth noticing that Riadis maintained contact with the politician Stefanos Dragoumis, one of the chief organisers and supporters of war actions in Macedonia in mainland Greece (Ismini TzermiaSakellaropoulou, “What I remember from my apprenticeship with Riadis” Thessaloniki, Scientific Bulletin of the History Centre of Thessaloniki, Vol.4 [Thessaloniki, 1994], 362. For St. Dragoumis political profile and actions, see History of the Greek Nation, 14, (Athens: Ekdotiki Athinon, 1978), 236-239. He, as his son, Ion, temporarily believed that the Young Turks regime would solve the complex situation in Macedonia (History of the Greek Nation, 14, 255-256). Valuable studies on the recent Macedonian history contributed also Douglas Dakin: The Greek Struggle in Macedonia, 1897-1913, 2nd ed. (Thessaloniki: Idryma Meleton Hersonisou tou Aimou, 1993) and The Unification of Greece, 1770-1923, transl. A. Xanthopoulos (Athens: Morfotiko Idryma Ethnikis Trapezis, 1982) [In Greek]. 11 First performed on March, 1st, 1913 (Salle Pleyel), pb. on April, 10th, 1913 (Paris: S.Chapelier). series of independent oriental images, it can possibly be regarded integratively as a whole with hidden, politically charged symbolisms about the multinational co-existence in Macedonia and the recent developments around it as a connecting link.12 The thematic selection and compositional combination of orientalistic tropes with musical elements of the Greek folk and urban tradition or, more generally, of the wider Asia Minor area, would then be a case of double-speak. The 13 petites mélodies grecques13 coincide with the peak of the first phase of the Greek National School of Music, as articulated from 1908 onwards mainly with Kalomiris’ operas and symphonies,14 but the ideological content of the collection, concerning Greece’s view of the East, seems integrative and conciliatory.15 While Riadis belongs chronologically and stylistically to the first generation of the Greek National School, Yannis A. Papaioannou (1910-1989)16 approaches those ideals mainly after the completion of the works examined here.17 Characteristic for his perception of the ideals of the first generation of the Greek National School is his statement in 1939 that “he respects the memory of his teacher, Riadis, but does not share his nationalistic tendencies”.18 His Tziganiana and Bayadere are included in the 24 Preludes for piano (1938-1939) with strong references to Debussy and Ravel, and like the earlier song Fatmé (1933) and the pianistic Odalisque (1937) can be considered within the impressionistic exotic frame, but still, some clarifications have to be made. In general, he had 12 Locke and Taruskin discuss the connection of orientalist works of art with the ideologies of its day, notably the imperialist ideology imbued in many French and Russian operas or instrumental works of the late 19th century (“Cutthroats”, 22 and Taruskin, 392-405). 13 Published in 1921 (Paris: Maurice Senart). Only selected songs from this collection have been performed in the 20’s in Paris and Greece, see Diamantopoulou, 555-561. 14 Kalomiris’ 1. Symphony employs the Byzantine Hymn Tη Υπερμάχω in a choral finale of large dimensions and glorious aura as a carrier of irredentist notions but, as we shall see, Riadis came to a similar idea earlier, in the Jasmins collection. 15 Riadis’ acquaintance with Kalomiris’ works can be assumed to begin in Paris in 1912-1913, where many of them were presented (Diamantopoulou-Cornejo 2001, 532). A close personal acquaintance and mutual share of visions for the creation of a Greek national music is testified after the latter’s settlement in Greece (1915). The view expressed above aims to a closer definition of Psychopaidi’s appreciation of the important function of the small lyrical forms as a vehicle of expression of national ideological and aesthetic directions, expressed with specific reference to Kalomiris’ and Riadis’ songs (Olympia FragkouPsychopaidi, The National School of Music. Problems of Ideology [Athens: Idryma Mesogeiakon Meleton], 1990, 44). 16 Papaioannou was born in Kavala, also an important urban centre of Macedonia, under Ottoman occupation, which his family left in 1914, fearing the war conflicts and Bulgarian aggressive actions to move to Thessaloniki (testimony of the composer’s widow, Mrs. Eirini Papaioannou, on a conversation with me on 20/4/07). 17 See his own periodization in Dourou, 9, but also Kostas Chardas, The piano works of Yannis A.Papaioannou, PhD thesis, University of Surrey (Saarbrücken: Lambert Academic Publishing, 2005), 3-4, for the earlier periodization and some related methodological questionings, and 77-98, for a general overview of his aesthetics and ideology concerning the National School. 18 Interview to Avra Theodoropoulou (“The New Talents in Greek Music. What will they create?”, Asyrmatos, 13-6-1939 [In Greek]). The characterization “nationalistic” here can be interpreted as an indication of reconsideration of the orientations of a national music and also as a reaction against the current political situation specifically in Greece. Indicative for the perception of Riadis from Μetaxas’ regime is the plan of fitting his bust in the building of the Στέγη Καλών Τεχνών και Γραμμάτων (Three Years of government of Mr. Ioannis Metaxas, 1936-1939, [Athens: Typois Pyrsou, 1939], 223 [In Greek]). Further in the interview, Papaioannou declares the avoidance of a confinement within the limits of a national direction (since due to personal lack of direct, lived experience, the incorporation of elements of Greek music would be “false imitation”), and the leaning towards musical pluralism as his artistic credo instead. avoided in his output that far any explicitly nationalist orientations; however, geographical and temporal remoteness in orientalist artistic representations set in distant or unspecified times, also functioned as a way for referring allegorically to present issues, or to the Self in the Other, providing endotic readings and linking the orientalistic representations back to Us.19 Thus, an attempt can be made for interpreting two Nocturnos for mixed choir by Papaioannou in the wider sociopolitical context of the dictatorship of Ioannis Metaxas in Greece during the years 1936-1941. Riadis’ Parisian influences and affiliations and a posthumously appreciated teacher In Paris, Riadis’ national identity may have had the same function as it had for Chopin and Gottschalk, also for a considerable time by choice citizens of the French metropolis:” it is unlikely that Chopin would have written so many mazurkas, or Gottschalk his Louisiana trilogy, had they stayed at home all their lives”.20 In this cosmopolitan capital of exoticism he came in contact with a wide circle of modern French composers and familiarized their exotic tendencies and achievements. Through the Ballets Russes performances,21 the French audience largely identified Russia with the mysterious East and was familiarized with the developments of Russian music in the late 19th and early 20th century. Riadis mostly admired the musical innovations of Debussy και Ravel, and after his return to Greece he stated that he had been their pupil.22 The increasingly idealized Ori19 See f. ex. Locke, «Samson et Dalila», 283-285, for a reading of the male figures in the opera as despotic political leaders, also his “Cutthroats”, 25-26 for a hidden political point in Boieldieu’s Le Calife de Bagdad. Matthew Head, 213-214, refers to Orientalism as “a mask for critique of European society”. This feature, among others, enriches the orientalistic notion in the arts, gaining distance from Said’s interpretation of orientalism as a “regime of power”. 20 Taruskin, 386. 21 Among their performances were, cleverly selected by Diaghilev, who sensed the Parisian public’s taste, several choreographies based on exotic subjects, many of them on music of the Russian “Group of 5”, displaying their accent on the oriental element, like Shéhérazade, Polovtsian Dances, Les Orientales, (all in 1910), Sadko (1911). Accentuation of the oriental element, according to the spokesman of the “Mighty Little Heap”, Vladimir Stasov (“Our music in the last 25 years”, 1883), was for Russian composers, as citizens of a vast, but contiguous empire, an assertion of their own identity towards the established Western traditions (Taruskin, 392). 22 Apart from the influence of their works on him, an apprenticeship has not been confirmed with certainty so far (Diamantopoulou, 111). However, Ravel had some private pupils, see Heinz W.Zimmermann, “Ravel als Kompositionslehrer”, Musiktheorie, 3/3, (1988), 213-223, for more details. It cannot be excluded though that Riadis came to a close acquaintance with Debussy and, more probably, Ravel, since it is testified that he knew personally other significant personalities of the Parisian musical life who were frequenting their circle (Diamantopoulou, http://www.emileriadis.blogspot.com/, accessed on 9/11/2011), as René Lenormand (his analytic approach of Debussy’s works in Etude sur l’harmonie moderne [Paris: Monde musical, 1913] caused the composer’s poetically expressed slight dismay, see Debussy Letters, ed. François Lesure and Roger Nichols, trans. Roger Nichols [London: Faber, 1987], 260) and even some members of the Apaches, like Paul Ladmirault, Florent Schmitt and Michel-Dimitri Calvocoressi. The acquaintance with Florent Schmitt may have been particularly important for gaining insights in the Western approach to the music of the Orient, since he was one of the French composers to have actually traveled to “exotic” destinations, notably Greece and Turkey, on a French government mission (1903-04), see Jann Passler, Jerry Rife, “Florent Schmitt”, Grove music online in http//: www.grovemusic.com, (accessed on March, 24th, 2011). It is not unlikely to presume that Riadis owed much to Calvocoressi’s broad knowledge, especially of Russian music, who also consulted Diaghilev in his first visits in Paris in 19071910 (Gerald Abraham, “Michel-Dimitri Calvocoressi”, Grove music online in http//: www.grovemusic.com, ent that occupied the arts in the early 20th century, “as a fabled, unattainable scent capable of setting off fantasies”,23 reflected the growing consumption of the exotic as a result of the changing social and political circumstances.24 Riadis’ works balance delicately between real (due to lived experiences) and unreal (adapting collective projections when facing Western perception). His own attraction for impressionism and Riadis’ reputation as being a pupil of Ravel,25 influenced Papaioannou’s decision to study with him. Although he finally only got private instruction for piano and orchestration, later he states that he “tried to profit in composition, too”.26 After Riadis’ premature death in 1935, a few concerts dedicated to his memory took place in Athens. Riadis’ friend and admirer, Kalomiris, delivered a commemorative speech in the concert organized from the National Conservatory, which Papaioannou, if not a live witness, read from the Deltion of the National Conservatory (School Year 1936-1937).27 Kalomiris, after declaring him as the most “sweet-voiced, spontaneous singer” of the Greek melody, observes that in Riadis’ songs “The music supplements the speech and the speech supplements the music in an unbreakable entity. In this entity, the Greek tones, the Greek rhythms, together with a diffused, multi-coloured and polymodal eastern tinge endow a special charm and an air of sensuality, which is characteristic of Riadis’ art.”28 The memo- rial concert included the Song of the Odalisque, while elsewhere the Odalisque from the accessed on May, 30th, 2011). Finally, Riadis gained, probably via Kalomiris mediation, (Diamantopoulou, 115-116) important singers as interpreters of his works: Speranza Calo premiered the Jasmins collection, while she sung Cinq mélodies populaires grecques with Ravel on the piano on May, 27, 1913. In 1911, he dedicated to Marguerite Babaïan, the first interpreter of some of Ravel’s aforementioned mélodies, a song entitled Lied (Diamantopoulou, 529-530, see also n.69). 23 Locke, “Cutthroats”, 50. 24 Taylor, Beyond Exoticism, 89-90. 25Papaioannou’s apprenticeship lasted 8 months (probably from September 1928 until May, 1929, but he was not enrolled in Thessaloniki State Conservatory), and the information about Ravel as a teacher of Riadis was given to Papaioannou by Kalomiris (information provided in Yannis Mantakas, Discussion with Yannis A.Papaioannou at Athytos in Chalkidiki, April 1983 (PA, Sound Archive, DAT Nr.20). More details on the matter of the apprenticeship will be included in my dissertation on Papaioannou, The chamber works of Yannis A.Papaioannou until the mid-1960’s, University of Athens (in progress). 26 Kostas Chardas, “Timeline”, in Yannis A.Papaioannou: The Composer, the Teacher, the Quest and the Pioneer (Athens: Benaki Museum –Historical Archives, 2004), 171. Riadis taught piano works of Debussy with considerable pedagogical efficiency (Tzermia-Sakellaropoulou, 36). As a further indication of common interests between Riadis, who had occupied himself with Chinese and Japanese poetry, and Papaioannou, it is noteworthy to mention a series of unfinished and undated drafts for lied settings of Japanese poetry by the latter, with 12-tone series noted on the ms (Dourou, 22). However, Riadis did not give a lecture on traditional Japanese poetry in 1929 (Leotsakos, Portrait, 149). Georgios Leotsakos kindly admitted to me the inaccuracy of this date (due to a typographical error), which was reproduced in subsequent texts of him on Riadis. 27 See the composer’s copy in PA, File Programs, Critiques, Mentionings, 1932-1940. Papaioannou underlined, among others, Kalomiris’ description of Riadis’ music as being πολύτροπη (polymodal). Kalomiris’ complete characterization will be discussed at the end for its use of the terms national and oriental. Futhermore, a particularly interesting indication for a possible exchange of ideas between Papaioannou and his former teacher, is the mentioning of a probably lost work by Riadis (or one that has existed only as thematic conception), entitled Γιαπωνέζικο Παραβάν (Japanese Screen). 28 «Η μουσική συμπληρώνει το λόγο, κι’ ο λόγος συμπληρώνει τη μουσική σ’ ένα ενιαίο και αδιάσπαστο σύνολο. Και στο σύνολο αυτό οι ελληνικοί τόνοι, οι ελληνικοί ρυθμοί μαζί με μια διάχυτη, μυριόχρωμη και πολύτροπη, ανατολίτικη χρωματιά χαρίζουνε ένα ξεχωριστό θέλγητρο και μιαν ατμόσφαιρα ηδυπαθείας χαρακτηριστική της τέχνης του Ριάδη» (transl. by the author). Foivos Anoyannakis (“Music in Modern Greece”, Supplement in Karl Nef’s History of Music, [Athens: Apollon, 1960), 589) [In Greek], also refers to Riadis’ songs as “mixture of eastern sensuality and western measure”. Jasmins collection was performed.29 All these were probably decisive impulses for Papaioannou’s creation of the following years, which manifests a tendency for exotic subjects, but also, at least, a careful approach to the style and means of the Greek National School, if not an ideological one.30 Orientalism and Nationalism as inseparable notions, post-impressionist attitudes and allegory With regard to the oriental representations of both composers, the use of the wellknown, occasionally misogynistic, symbolism according to which the barbarian, mysterious East is being feminized, is abundant. For Riadis, apart from any possible musical influences and models, French literary and poetic representations have definitely been equally important sources for the shaping of his own musical images.31 In all works treated here we encounter abundant presence of orientalistic musical tropes indicating familiarity with the prevailing means of this style. Among others, curvaceous chromatic melodic figures, which, according to Locke, refer as a semiotic sign to “curling smoke or wafting breezes, to various types of alluring female dancing, or to the decorative type of line known in visual art [..] as arabesque” are widely used, in improvisatory modal melodies with fre- quent tone-repetitions and small ambitus, while the texture often uses bare 5ths or 8ths and various ostinatos.32 To begin with, the Oriental woman in both composers is depicted, typically for Western images, in a twofold manner: either as alluring and seductively desiring, or as voluptuous but also vulnerable. The first type corresponds to Riadis Odalisque, described as narcissistic, since “she loves only her eyes”, and erotically provocative with her alluring dance. Along with the piano pieces Odalisque and Bayadere of Papaioannou, which refer to the seductive dance as well, these works offer an image of femininity analogous to Kiutsuk Hanum, and the heroines Salome and Salammbô by Flaubert: “less female than an expression of attractive but inexpressible femininity, condemned to be infertile and 29 At the commemorative concert of the National Conservatory on 21-12-1935, the singers Marika FokaKalfopoulou and Elena Nikolaidou with Dimitri Mitropoulos on the piano interpreted 9 of the 13 Petites melodies and also, among others, Berceuse (most probably from the 5 Chansons Macédoniennes). There was also a concert of the Odeio Athinon with the soprano Margarita Perra and Spyros Farandatos at the piano on 19-12-1935, where the early Odalisque and Musique were performed. For a detailed list of concert interpretations of Riadis works known so far see Diamantopoulou, 551-564, where no references for the period between 1928-1935 are given. Apart from Kalomiris, the music historian Avra Theodoropoulou, a colleague of Papaioannou in the National Conservatory, wrote about him on the occasion of his death (Diamantopoulou, 146). 30 An approach is constituted also in the Fantasy for violin and piano, AKI-Nt 24 (1-3/12/1936), dedicated to Riadis memory, with some dreamy, idealized passages recalling his prevailing “sensual atmposphere”, use of modal scales, and a symbolic middle part entitled Berceuse (Theodoridou, diss. in progress). 31 Riadis frequented many French and Greek literary and poetic circles in Paris and later. As for orientalist literature, a copy of Lamartine’s Souvenirs, impressions, Pensèes et Paysages pendant un Voyage en Orient, Bruxelles, 1838, Vols. I-IV, belonged to the composer’s brother, and is found among the books in the RAG. 32 Locke, “Cutthroats”, 36. More orientalistic topoi see in Scott, 327 and Locke, Musical Exoticism, 51-54. Locke cites, among others, Jean Pierre Bartoli’s definition of exoticism as designating “a combination of procedures that evoke cultural and geographical Otherness… [by] use of meaning-units that seem …borrowed from a foreign artistic language” and proposes his inclusive “All the Music in Full context Paradigm”, which incorporates the former and considers the use of not exotic-sounding materials in the representational toolkit (“Broader View”, 479-485). seducing”.33 Riadis Chanson de l’ Odalisque, in the contrary, corresponds to the second type, already depicted in Hugo’s La Captive from the Orientales, and continues a series of representations where we can also trace a setting by Félicien David of a similar poem by Théophile Gautier, entitled Tristesse de l’ odalisque.34 This image, which depicts an enslaved woman’s grief was overtly philellenic in Hugo,35 an intention willingly adapted and further developed by Riadis. The ms of the Chansonette orientale,36 where Riadis paraphrases a poem by Miltiadis Malakassis, shows the gradual absorption of French orientalist poetry and images, as Riadis used it as a draft for continuous elaborations. The added subtitle de la favorite in it points to the image of La Sultane favorite from Hugo’s Orientales as origin of inspiration, only Riadis (presumably) narratrice speaking here is not hostile and aggressive, but expresses a personal, fatalistic pain about the difficulties of life. Here we encounter a strong resemblance to an urban Ottoman-greek song, where eastern and western influences are mixed. The mode appears as A Aiolian/Dorian, but with a picardian 3d in b.8 and an unconfirmed tendency towards C major in b.9-14, while the V in b.16 introduces an oriental exclamation on the voice, underlined by the low pentachord A-B flat-C sharpD-E of the Byzantine chromatic plagal second mode (or makām hijāz) in the piano.37 The vers in the coda (fortissimo), “à moi le triste sentier des larmes, à moi tourments, à moi douleur“, provides one more link to Hugo’s poem,38 and the now diatonic melody and accompaniment contain a lowered 2nd (B flat), 5th (E flat) and 4th (D flat, as added 7th) as cadential formula (Ex.1). The lyrical Chansonette can be considered to have a political dimension, at a time of upsets and conflicts in the still Ottoman-occupied Macedonia, by means of the identification and personification of the narratrice with the enslaved East. The publication in the first issue of Feuilles de Mai, contextually expedites the public perception of this symbolism. But the added lines of the lyrics on the ms provide also a thematic connection with Grieg’s Odalysken Singer, since the woman is expressing through Said, 227-228. See also p.8 and 13 of this article for the image of Hugo’s La Sultane favorite and its possible connection with Riadis’ Chanson de l’odalisque and Odalisque. 34 Gautier’s poem depicts the tragic loneliness and melancholy of an Odalisque in a Turkish harem, (Gann, 140, see also n.74 in this article). Locke (“Cutthroats”, 35-36) notices that David’s beautiful, sensitive setting (1845) contains no orientalistic tropes, but still strongly reinforces her representation and mentions also Grieg’s Odalisken Synger (1870, the score is available in http://imslp.org/wiki/Odalisken_synger,_EG_131_(Grieg,_Edvard)), where the Odalisque expresses her unreturned love for Sultan Soliman. I notice some orientalistic elements in it (the melismatic repeat of the initial motive, the rather rare key choice of D flat, the compound 9/8 meter and the presence of a division in two in it, as an improvisatory rhythmic element)and consider it as another quite possible source of inspiration for Riadis, see p.13 in this article. 35 30 of the 41 poems of the Orientales present images or deal with events related to the Greek War of Independence of 1821, see Victor Hugo, Odes et ballades. Les Orientales: Extraits, ed. Jean Bogaert (Paris: Librairie Larousse, 1963), 67. 36 Finished on May, 11th, 1912, (see the ms in File 6.γ.25 f. 23v-24r in the RACT), and pb. on November 1912 within the magazine Feuilles de Mai. Art, poésie, mouvement social, a progressive, short-lived sociopolitical magazine (Diamantopoulou, 153). The ms contains 3 (occasionally 4) not always readable lines of lyrics, which contain part of the verses of Chanson de l’Odalisque (described in Dimitriou, 62-63). 37 Notice the two accompanimental lines in the left hand, like a combination of exotic drum patterns, as also f.ex. in Balakirev’s Georgian Song (cited in Taruskin, 394-397). 38 Riadis’ poem responds to Hugo’s vers from La Sultane favorite, “à toi le monde, à toi mon trône, à toi mes jours!”, expressed by the Sultan. 33 her song with the luth her love for a man, called “Roustem”, also on a long, sustained tone (E, not shown here, Ex.2).39 Musical Example 1, E.Riadis “Chansonette Orientale” for voice and piano, b.17-26 Musical Example 2, E.Riadis, ms of the “Chansonette Orientale” used as draft ms for the Chanson de l’ Odalisque, “Roustem” in the 4th bar, RACT A large part of the melodic-harmonic texture of the Chanson de l’Odalisque of 1921 is an elaboration of the Chansonette Orientale, 40 which is already indicative of Riadis’ more mature style in the 13 petites mélodies, characterized by greater transparency and homogeneity, and where the nationalist intention, at least as far as the technical means are concerned, is more clearly articulated. The song applies 7/16 meter, continuous doublelayered ostinato in the piano and more intense elaboration of small, melismatic cells in the melody, while both melody and accompaniment use a diatonic minor pentachord until b.14, where there is an interchange to the Greek chromatic mode of D (here on A, and notice also the oscillating G# and G in the E chords, b.32, 34, 42, 44). This Odalisque, confiding her pain to the luth, does not, sensibly, reveal the exact reason of her sorrow (a matter to which I will refer later on). Riadis Salonique, presented as a completely static soundscape,41 where a subtly everchanging melody is sustained with pedal notes, is a fine example of a “semiotic cluster”, as Taruskin noted for Rachmaninov’s surprisingly similar thematically and technically, paradigmatic as an orientalistic setting, Ne poy, krasavitsa (Sing not to me, beautiful 39 See note 34 for details of Grieg’s song. As an indication of a possible multiple assimilation of elements by Riadis: a character in Th.Gautier’s oriental ballet La Péri is called Roucem. 40 Dimitriou (62-63) notices the similarities in the voice part and text, but she considers the piano part as completely different. Indeed, the accompaniment in the later elaboration appears with a different texture, but the harmonic plan remains mostly the same as in the Chansonette. 41 For the notion of sound-sheet and its connection to exoticism, see Dahlhaus, 307-309. maiden, Pushkin, 1892).42 In both poems the narrators recall precious memories for something dear, but now very distant. Salonique also uses the nega trope, as a chromatic line in the tenor around the 5th degree, descending to the 3d over the ostinato C (Ex.3).43 The improvisatory, melismatic melody, rhythmically also very similar with Rachmaninov’s, uses only few notes, maybe implying the simplicity of a familiar lullaby retrieved from memory (“tes fleurs et l’écume de ta mer me berce[sic] toujours”), while the whole-tone melodic fragments in the r.h.(b.1,7)44 also associate Thessaloniki with the impressionistic Orient of Debussy. The reference to the rocking movement of the sea waves in front of the city with the verb bercer corresponds to the recall of primary human moments. Riadis transfers his strong nostalgia for his birthplace, personified as his mother, while the nega trope, taken with its usual connotation in Russian and French music of the second-half of the 19th century, projects to Thessaloniki the erotic allure the East incorporated for the West. The lullaby points to one more significant symbolism projected to the East, the association with the nostalgia of a previous life and the dream for a paradise on Earth.45 Théophile Gautier had referred to the influence of the accompanying music in a ritual meeting of fakirs in Algeria, by saying that he felt “des nostalgies bizarres, des souvenirs infinis”, and that it was as if he heard the song of “la nourrice qui bercait le monde enfant”, a sensation similar with the one reproduced by Riadis in Salonique.46 Musical Example 3. E.Riadis, “Salonique” for voice and piano, b.1-4 (© Editions S.Chapelier, Paris 1913, RACT) But the representation of the city has some more aspects, expressed in the first part with the strong metaphor of Salonique lying under the “triste regard de l’ Olympe”, to be followed by the poet’s personal feelings of solitude and nostalgia expressed in the middle part (“Solitaire, absent, je sens encore un regard triste dans mon âme”), where the city itself 42 For analytical presentation of this lied and on French and Russian orientalism see Taruskin, 386-405. The score is available in http://imslp.org/wiki/6_Romances,_Op.4_(Rachmaninoff,_Sergei). 43 Taruskin, (400 onwards), defines nega (i.e “the bliss of gratified desire, or [..] the promise of it”) trope mainly as “reversible chromatic passes between the 5th and 6th degrees”, exemplified in Borodin’s Chorus of Polovtsian Maiden’s at the beginning of Prince Igor’s Act II. 44 But notice the ending with a semitone in b.7 as a mixture of various, incompatible elements. 45 East and, in particular, Greece, has often been viewed by 18th and, specially, 19th century travellers as berceau de civilisation, incorporating possibilities for spiritual quests, see Hélène TatsopoulosPolychronopoulos, “Le voyage en Grèce, quête d’ un Paradis perdu”, in Vers l’ Orient par la Grèce: avec Nerval et d’ autres voyageurs, eds. Loukia Droulia-Vasso Mentzou (Paris: Klincksieck, 1993), 47-55. 46 Gann, 146, notices that Gautier’s reference to the music in that meeting is ethnographically exact, since he mentions microtones, long sustained tones and sensible, tremulous melodies, while his report is half journalistic, half literary. is personified and also expresses sadness. The narrator’s persistance on the present time in the collection’s last song, also transfers him and us to the present of the city depicted. That points to an assumption that the preceding songs could somehow be connected to it, as its “inhabitants”, and this is the point where the historical background of the composition has to be considered, along with the examination of the first two songs. The name Raïka47 could stand as a synecdoche for all Slavic minorities among the Macedonian population. The initial verses in both parts of the bipartite form speak of the delights of the “white jasmines and the minarets”, “heard across the morning sea”, a widely used, all-purpose orientalistic landscape, but also suitable with Thessaloniki. Interestingly, this first vers contains one more possible reference to Hugo again, namely the coexistence in one phrase of “blancs” and “minarets”, thus strongly recalling his “blancs minarets” from La Captive.48 Raïka is portrayed as an object of an idealized, romantic but unattainable love, addressed from afar from the poet-singer (“mes chansons lointaines”) and the nega trope in the tenor in b.1-2 announces clearly this message in the music. The song blends romantic harmony and modality and seeks unexpected tonal goals, while the texture appeals to the primitive exotic by use of parallel block chords. There are few 5th progressions,49 but often modal vii-i or ii-i steps. Musical Example 4, E.Riadis, “Raïka” for voice and piano, b.1-6 (© Editions S.Chapelier, Paris 1910, RACT) We also find a remarkable symmetrical division of the tonal space, with rapidly changing tritone relations, both as relation of tonal areas (after having moved chromatically from the initial F Phrygian to F sharp Dorian in b.4, we land suddenly on C Aiolian in b.7 shortly after, Ex. 4), or as chordal progression (B flat major-e minor, b.11, underlining the word “rose”). The comparison of the girl’s heart with a rose, in general her alliance with nature, not only enforces her supposed beauty and innocence but is also an appears in Serbocroatian as Rajka (http://www.namepedia.org/en/firstname/Raika/, accessed on 25/05/2011). 48 In an undated version (RACT, File 6.ε.34 f. 65r-v) Riadis adds a slightly different Greek text, containing exactly this phrase (the white minarets). The poem describes two separated lovers (Raïka and a sailor), and resembles more closely thematically the Greek folk songs tis xeniteias. Riadis also transforms the rhythm by adding continuous syncopations, thus rendering this version more orientalistic, and further indicating the fusion of national and oriental means. Schubert’s Du liebst mich nicht (D 756, August Graf von Platen), a song to be considered further on for its use of tonality, also appeals to the exotic imagery of the jasmine (Gramit, 100,108). 49 The only 5th progressions are from C to F (b.8 to 9) and from F to a B flat chord (b.10 to 11). 47Raïka orientalistic feature.50 Earlier, following once more a chromatic descending line in the melody with the words “ton âme d’orient”, (b.9), the harmony makes use of a chromatic F minor-D minor progression. However unorthodoxally, E, placed among distant chords, had been reinforced as a tonal centre (b.11-12 and 22-23) and the song ends on E Aiolian (colored with a passing chromatic C#) with emphatic use of the nega trope (C-B).51 By avoidance of a decisive ending and lack of tonal coherence, Riadis seems, like Schubert in “Du liebst mich nicht”, also to be trying to create an “alluring but incomprehensible” image, thus pointing to a powerful but alien emotion.52 Precisely the short improvisatory passage of b.4iii-6 (repeated in b.16iv-19 in the second part, where the voice calls emphatically “Raïka” with an ascending 4th), is maybe not a symbolically insignificant tonal option: F sharp is the tonal centre in the following Odalisque, a choice to be repeated from Papaioannou almost 25 years later.53 The outer parts of the tripartite Lied-Form in Riadis Odalisque represent her dance and are dominated by modality. The 2/4 meter with repetitive quaver motifs, the melody with small melismas, the accompaniment with standardised Alberti-like patterns and crude harmony (root position triads), the vertical chords with a rhythm strongly resembling widely known Eastern drum patterns (b.12-15), and the square phrase symmetry refer to the alaturca style of the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th centuries,54 a subject now practically obsolete from high music, but still a trend in the low music.55 Another possible otherness signifier could be the lombardic rhythm in b.16-19, actually a style hongrois element,56 but, given the interchangeability of oriental styles, not surprisingly inserted here. In the Odalisque, the most noticeable authentic orientalistic feature is the appearance of a scale fragment resembling the makām sabā in b. 5,57 with ii-i progressions and a metrically shifted phrase to create a sense of unrest and violent movement, which paints musically the Odalisque’s dance (Ex. 5-6).58 In this case, such an intensively chromatic scale is an authentic element probably chosen as to “reify the Easterner’s difference, thereby heightening rather than bridging the dichotomous gap between Self and Other”.59 50 Cf. Locke, “Samson et Dalila”, 276 for a similar comparison of the young Priestesses of Dagon. This is an example of directional tonality. Many Greek folk songs end in the undertonic, but it is a lowered one, see Sotirios Chianis, “Greece. Folk Music”, in Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Stanley Sadie, 7, (London: MacMillan Press, 1980), 675-682. 52 Gramit, 100, 112. 53 F sharp is the main tonal center in Debussy’s La terrasse des audiences du clair de lune, also an oriental subject. 54 For this style see Betzwieser-Stegemann, 234, Scott, 312 and Locke, Musical Exoticism, 118-121. 55 Bellmann, The Style Hongrois in the Music of Western Europe, (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1993), 44-45. As an example of survivance of the alaturca style in the 20th century, I cite a two-step, entitled “Allalah, Türkische Wachtparade” from the Revue Bitte zahlen! by the successful Berlin revue composer Rudolf Nelson, found among the partitions in the RAG. 56 Bellmann, 114 and Scott, 312. 57 Mayroeidis, 247-248. 58 The root-position chords come on the off-beat. In another, further elaborated version of the song (on a printed copy of the original edition, see File 10.α.55 in the RACT), the melody in this part is more syncopated, increasing the sensation described above, while the initial melisma in the voice part (b.1-4) is also shifted one quarter later in a mimetic motion, creating a sense of instability or elusiveness. See also Taylor, 59 for a sense of upbeat-downbeat ambiguity in the opening of the Chorus of Janissaries in Mozart’s Entführung as an orientalistic trope. 59 As the Hijāz Kār mode in Saint-Saëns’ Bacchanale (Locke, “Samson et Dalila”, 267). 51 The middle part is straightforwardly diatonic, mainly with quitarresque-like basic chords,60 one chromatic third chord progression (B-G, b.28-29) and some impresssionistically flavored parallel chords in the closing motif in the piano, under the cadential descending line of the voice (b.30-31). It represents the serenade (imitant la mandoline) of the narrator to the Odalisque in a somewhat teasing tone (moitié moins vite et en badinant in the first version), and its open frankness, as well as the comparison with the swallow, refer to the typology of folk love songs.61 The figure of the Odalisque, described as enclosed “dans son sombre palais” and compared to a snake or a vulture, emits a dangerous allure, even a deadly one, also shown in the metaphor “tes cheveux noirs sont ma tombe, tes yeux verts mon paradis”. There is obviously no happy end in the meeting with the serenader, since she continues to dance alone, in search of new “victims”. The image is similar to Hugo’s Sultane favorite (a vengeful, power-seeking odalisque murdering all other women of the harem in order to maintain the exclusive favour of the Sultan), but she can also be generally categorized among vile seductresses like Balakirev’s Tamara, Saint-Saëns’ Dalila and Strauss’ Salome, transferred in the more private realm of the lied, but nevertheless impressing. The man-woman juxtaposition with these two entirely different textures represents very palpably the dipole West-East, in an attraction-repulsion relationship. Musical Example 5, E.Riadis “Odalisque” for voice and piano, b.5-7 (© Editions S. Chapelier, Paris 1913, RACT) Musical Example 6, scale material in Riadis’ “Odalisque”, b. 5-7 and 16-19 So far the collection of Jasmins et Minarets showed us two opposite female images, one of them possibly referring to the Slavic minorities in general, and the other Turkish, to be followed by a depiction of a city that has been Greek for the larger part of its history, a choice that can be questioned in view of a possible political message. In my opinion, these portraits could refer, as incarnations of their homelands, to the political relations between the Balkan countries involved in the Macedonian conflict. To begin with the more familiar image, western musical representations of the Turks reflected the West’s fear of them, mainly during the confrontation between the Hapsburg and the Ottoman Empires.62 Riadis could also have inserted the Turkish subject in the Jasmins as 60 The chords and tremolo probably also paint musically the swallow metaphor. See Κonstantinos Th.Dimaras, History of Neohellenic Literature, 8th ed. (Athens: Ikaros, 1987), 13 [in Greek]. 62 Taylor, 50-52. Mozart’s Entführung is not irrelevant with politics: commissioned by Joseph II, it was scheduled to have its premiere on the visit of Catherine the Great’s emissary in Vienna, while the two leaders were cherishing plans about annexing parts of the Ottoman Empire, so this opera would remind the public of the “treacherous Turks” (Taylor, 57-58). Apart from Beethoven’s Ruinen von Athen (1811), 61 a reminder of its political meaning to Greece and Europe: the Ottoman Empire, albeit weakened and considered as a potential territory for colonization to European nations at the time of the composition, still ruled cruelly over other Balkan nations, allowing no peaceful co-existence, not to speak of freedom. Greece, Serbia and Bulgaria were forming military alliances already in spring 1912, and declared war against Turkey in the early fall. Raïka’s ambiguous, indecisive Otherness could therefore symbolize the still unknown outcome of the war actions, since there had not been any preliminary agreement about a possible and viable share of territory, while everyone’s harbored hopes for a piece of Macedonia were known. Her more sympathetic light, compared to the Odalisque, signifies however an approach. The most persuasive evidence for a hidden political meaning, reflecting the current historical situation, is found directly in Salonique though, presenting an image that is not only picturesque. The melody in b.12-16i has melodic fragments within a 3d (C-D-E flatD flat and C-D-E), probably recalling the byzantine melos, and, further on, the widely used in the eastern urban song makām Nihawānd,63 is distinguishable (b.16iii-18, Exs. 78). Here, the fortissimo pedal notes in 8ves and accompanying parallel chords transformed the lullaby of the beginning into an imposing impressionistic organum, and the result sounds like a Hymn to Thessaloniki with elements of a popular song. It is as if a Byzantine Cathedrale Engloutie is emerging from the deep waters of oblivion. Musical Example 7, Riadis “Salonique”, b.14-18. (© Editions S. Chapelier, Paris 1913, RACT) Musical Example 8, scale material in Riadis “Salonique”, b.13-28. The word allume (meaning the city’s regard) is emphasized with a chromatic step from a D flat major chord to D major, while s’ eteint is being marked again with the lowering of the 5th degree (G flat chord), a point that could be taken to imply (apart from the loss of reality to memory), also metaphorically the fear of losing the city to the Turks or the Bulgarians (b.21-23). Instead, the recall of Byzance (no matter how constructed) and urban popular culture, as a musical manifestation of national ideology, seem to represent a call for further national struggle and rectification of the city to its glorious past under Greek rule. The closing is nostalgical, with a fainting “odeur de jasmin”, thus forming a cyclical connection to Raïkas first vers.64 It is not unlikely that Riadis composed this Locke (“Cutthroats”, 26) also refers to Cherubini’s Ali-Baba (1833), as works revealing hostility against the Turks. 63 Mayroeidis, 223. 64 Diamantopoulou, 169-170. collection before Thessaloniki’s liberation (October, 26th, 1912) due also to the absence of a triumphant, glorious ending, although a later composition date is not excluded.65 In that case, the emphatic present time used in Salonique, apart from expressing personal nostalgia, reinforces the vividness of the narration of historical facts, or points to a future according to Greek visionary hopes.66 Salonique is also a good example for elevating the low culture urban song to the art song and it would not be Riadis only nationally charged contribution of this period, as seen in the Chansonette Orientale.67 Orientalistic tropes in the Jasmins are still very evident, while, as noted above, the stylistically more mature 13 petites mélodies grecques show a closer affinity to the subjects and orientations of the Greek National School, through reliance on several representative categories and topics of the Greek folk song and various melodic, rhythmical and harmonic means recalling it.68 Actually, the overall idea of the collection is almost exclusively about love sentiments: unfulfilled, betrayed, ignored, remembered and so on, a predilection also partly expressed in the Greek title Μετανοιώματα (Regrets), which Riadis also gave to this collection.69 It is the collection’s first song, Ni kalimera, ni hora kali (i.e. neither good morning nor good bye, Gérard de Nerval), which provides a key for the orientation of the collection and its desired perception as well. With this emblematic beginning, Riadis seems attempting to revive some widely circulating elements of the depictions of Greece from the 19th century travelers, and maybe not only their picturesque reports and their admiraCompare with the polemic ending of his Ombres Macédoniennes (February 1912). In a concert program from 16/5/1919 (reproduced in Diamantopoulou, 553), the title of this song (it is not known if the music was altered, too) is altered to Salonique-Turkish cemeteries, which undoubtedly supports the patriotic content. Each party’s military victories of the 1. Balkan War had to be validated on a diplomatic level and until the London Treaty in May, 1913, the resolution was not final. Indeed, Bulgaria refused to acknowledge this Treaty and this led to the 2.Balkan War (summer 1913). Greece’s territorial gains, including the larger part of Macedonia, were validated through the Bucharest Treaty, August 1913 (History of the Greek Nation, 14, 330-354). 66 The reception of the French critique was mixed (Calvocoressi stated that “Riadis mélodies [..] offrent un reel intérêt”) and some only considered them as Oriental pieces, not mentioning any national intention, see Diamantopoulou, 117. 67 Riadis was still preoccupied with the situation in Macedonia even in 1914, where he was planning to publish a study entitled “Memoires de la revolution macédonienne”, a plan never to be realized (TzermiaSakellaropoulou, 362). 68 For a general appreciation of Riadis’ style see also Sakallieros, 384-388, and Ioannis Foulias, “Antis gia oneiro. Attempt to restoration and understanding of pieces of Art Neohellenic music”, Polyfonia, 7 (2005), 93-146 (131-132) [In Greek]. The scope of this article cannot be extended to a full poetic and musical investigation of the collection, also to a possible assimilation of transcultural influences throughout it, and has to be limited to a few observations. Generally, the texture excessively combines melismatic figures and long sustained notes in the voice, danse-like rhythms, varied repetitive accompanimental figures, also imitating folk instruments, and modal inflation dominates. Strophic or free-narrative forms with continuous, sometimes only slightly varied, repetitions of phrases prevail, while the subject choice combines Greek folk themes with some more orientalistically colored. Riadis addressed this work to both French and Greek audiences, as indicated in the bilingual lyrics. 69 This title was also reproduced in the 1935 concert program of the National Conservatory. Dimitriadou (in her edition Emiliou Riadi, Songs, Vol.2, [Thessaloniki: Techni, Makedoniki Kallitehniki Etaireia], 1997, in Greek), Diamantopoulou and Dimitriou mention previous song versions of this collection, dating already in 1911. The full examination of their complicated compositional development, or inclusion/exclusion of other songs would exceed the scope of this article. I confine myself here to add that the title Chansonettes des regrets (i.e., Metanoiomata) is noted already on the ms of Lied (Dimitriou, 91), indicating the conception of a cycle, and that I further identified the initial phrase of La moire (File 6.γ.24 f.23r in the RACT, b.1-4) as the basic melodic material of Vieux Bey (b.1-4, 10-11). 65 tion for Greece as the ancient berceau de civilization; moreover, he could be appealing to the symbolic association of the Orient with the materia prima, which provided a chance to be projected outside the mundane and into the primordial time.70 The song’s sparse modal texture already prominently announces a different style. The initiating melodic motive is highly chromatic (A-B flat-D flat-E flat, b. 1-4) and its oriental color signals the exotic in a manner already established in French exoticism: it indicates the entrance into the remote, strange world of the Orient, and recalls all the mystery and projections attributed to it. There are modal modulations and interchanges, according to the poetic text, and cadences on a second tonal center, as in b.9-14, where after the marked minor dominant E, a melisma descends to the 6th degree below the tonic (F, b.10), and the melody, after an expressive octave leap,71 suggests a minor diatonic mode on it (F-A flat, b.13). Further on, (b. 19-23), the hijāz kār scale appears in a highly expressive point of the text (“le soir vermeil ressemble à l’aurore”), with a cadence on F# (b.23). The 6th degree appears also simultaneously variable, as in the bimodal chord in b.5iii. The transparent harmony, with 8ths as pedal points and chords mostly in root position, supporting the vocal melismas, convincingly suggests the archaic austerity of Greece’s landscape and probably alienating, to a Westerner, spiritual beliefs and conditions of life (Ex.10). Musical Example 10, E.Riadis “Ni kalimera, ni ora kali”, b. 1-14 (RACT) The thematic concentration on a highly lyrical, multi-facetted, orientally emotional approach of probably the most elementary human sentiment in the content of the collection seems to be answering the philosophical quest through the transfer to a paradis esthétique.72 But this Western projection in no way detracts from the nationalist intention of this Janus-faced collection.73 The image of the Odalisque within this context, if we also consider the historical context of the publication,74 can still be perceived with the ideo70 Nerval came to Greece in 1843 with spiritual quests (palpably expressed in the vers pourtant de nos yeux l’ éclair a pâli), trying to reach the “source of time” (the imaginary East), in order to join the present with the past, that is to touch the relentless perpetual time, see H.Tatsopoulos-Polychronopoulos, 49 and Jacques Huré, “Gérard de Nerval, l’Orient et l’ Oeuvre”, in Vers l’ Orient par la Grèce…, 147-154, 152. !"# $% " & # 72 Authentic exotic experiences were a point of departure to a paradis esthétique for Gautier (Gann, 138) while, generally, orientalism saw the East as a visionary alternative (Head, 213). In the 20th century this tendency was articulated as attraction to and “conscious cultivation of the primitive, pagan and exotic, whose selves were perceived to be untroubled, not modern”, also set against the erosion of subjectivity (Taylor, 81). See also Lebedeva’s appreciation of the appealing existence principle and philosophy of the Orient as expressed in Bodenstedt’s orientalistic Lieder des Mirza Schaffy, set by Rubinstein (287-291). 73 See also Taruskin, 393, for the double-faced use of exoticism from the Russian “Group of 5”. 74 The Asia Minor Greek Expedition, aiming the liberation of Greek populations in the area and the expansion of the Greek domination. Notably, a Greek edition of Hugo’s Orientales from the same period also appealed to the revival of European philellenism (Ath. Konstantinidis-Xenakis, From Victor Hugo’s Orientales, [Athens, 1921], 8, [in Greek]). logical association of the Chansonette Orientale, namely as a reminder of Greece’s struggles and destiny, while a similar symbolism can also be attributed to the Chanson du Vieux Bey. The male figure of the Sultan has a long tradition of operatic representations in the th 18 and 19th centuries, where its depictions usually range from symbolizing cruelty and despotism to the image of the Other-as-Saint as Selim in Mozart’s Entführung, unhappily in love with a western woman, and finally generously forgiving.75 Riadis’ song is close to this model, since he expresses in a grieving, touching monologue unreturned love sentiments, supplicating an, apparently, beautiful woman to “keep all of her gold and treasures, only to grant him with one look”.76 The accompaniment in the wonderfully static Bey uses an Aiolian/Frygian mode on F#, but the passing B flat in the accompaniment colors it with an oriental attraction. Riadis notes the repetition of the sustained pedal note on a weak beat (b.3) thus probably imitating the authentic performance practice of folk song (Ex.9).77 The very sensitively elaborated figure of the suffering Bey is the exact opposite of Hugo’s and Gautier’s analogous male portraits. His longing, indifferent to oriental luxury, provokes empathy, but, in a symbolic approach, could still signify the impossibility of reconciliation between East and West, if, similarly with former representations, his beloved is imagined as Western.78 Musical Example 9, E.Riadis “La Chanson du vieux Bey”, b.1-4 (© Editions Maurice Senart, Paris 1921, RACT) Greece was no exception for the oriental fashion of the beginning of the century: oriental fantasies quickly penetrated the popular musical theatre from the ‘20s onwards.79 Dionysis Lavrangas’ private operatic company Ελληνικό Μελόδραμα had staged in the For the shifting representations of the Turks as the Other during the Enlightment, see Taylor, 43-57. Closely related subjects are found in two more songs by F. David on verses by Gautier, discussed in Gann, 141-143: Amour pour l’ amour, where in the first poetic version the narratrice declares that her love for a heathen man (giaour) stands above all luxury (gold, precious stones etc.), and Sultan Mahmud, who, as also the Sultan in Hugo’s La douleur du pascha (Les Orientales), is depicted with a bitterly humourous, parodistic tone. In Hugo’s poem the reason for the Sultan’s aggrieved mood turns out to be not any major political turbulence or upset in his harem, but, ironically, the death of his beloved pet, a “tigre de Nubie”. Sultan Mahmud returns to the theme of the unfulfilled love differently, since although surrounded by women, he is plunged in boredom and expresses his frustration crying out that none of his harem beauties loves him. 77 See also Sofia Kontossi, “The transition of the Greek Art Song from the National School to the modern style”, Polyfonia, 12, (2008), 99-118 (100) [In Greek], for the same remark in a song of Leonidas Zoras. 78 Kalomiris, in the same commemorative speech, mentions specifically the Odalisque and the Bey Song as fine examples of Riadis mastery. Apparently he is not viewing the latter as signaling difference in a negative way, as an Other representation. 79 See Manolis Seiragakis, The Light Musical Theatre in interwar Athens (Athens: Kastaniotis), 2009, 247249 [In Greek], for a list of productions entitled, f.ex. Χαλιμά, Μπαγιαντέρα, Γιαπωνέζα, Γκέισα, Μαχαραγιάς, Ωραία της Βαγδάτης. 75 76 early ‘30s, a.o., exotic operas that are viewed as orientalistic from today’s critical theory, like Carmen, Aïda, Les Pêcheurs des perles, Madame Butterfly, and Samson et Dalila.80 Papaioannou set in music a prose text by Rabindranath Tagore,81 which he purportedly entitled Fatmé in 1933 (unpublished), in order to create exotic associations.82 Fatmé’s texture is (once again) a combination of romanticism, impressionism and modality and here we encounter once more a juxtaposition of western and eastern type of texture, this time evolving seamlessly and with frequent meter changes. The thematic idea representing the narrator (b.1-3), in highly chromatic vertical chords with unsolved dissonances, creates tonal instability and is being repeated every time towards a different tonal centre, depicting his desperate search. The answer comes with an interpolated cell of a fleeting, cyclical arabesque figure, representing the mysterious (since she does not appear at all as an acting person in the text, nor is described) Fatmé. For this cell Papaioannou uses the frequent (in Greek folk music) chromatic mode of C (b. 9, 12, 14 etc., Ex. 11), or the gypsy scale (b.17). In the middle part, following the narrator’s plea for return of his feelings, the arabesque expands, penetrating the texture, and complexity increases, with timbral variety and daring impressionistic structure: major chords in secondinversion with added 7th are combined polymodally with the chromatic arabesque figure (b.23, 24, 31, Ex.12), an octatonic area appears (Ex.13), as well chromatically altered chords in 1st inversion containing a diminished 8ve (b.32-35). Musical Examples 11,13, Y.A.Papaioannou, “Fatmé” for voice and piano, b.1-10 (figures of the narrator and Fatmé) and b.25-29 (octatonic area) This work also ends with a sonority that probably represents attraction, but also distance between the two persons, since the narrator is left alone in sad contemplation (“My heart wanders mourning in the restless wind”): over the repeated, finally established tonic E, appears the arabesque with a chromatic tetrachord (D-E flat-F sharp-G, Ex.14), so the ending is tonally incompatible. The extensive integration by Papaioannou of Eastern characteristics, apart from serving the musical setting of the exotic poem, could also be considered in the wider frame of the controversial and complex matter of the relation 80 Georgios E. Raytopoulos, Dionysis Lavrangas 1860-1941, an Idealist of our musical life. From his life and work (Mousiki Etaireia “Dionysis Lavrangas”, n.d., 141) [In Greek]. From Tagore’s Gitanjali (transl. in Greek by Kostas Trikoglidis). 82 This observation was made by the author of this article independently from the new edition of the Catalogue by Maria Dourou. of Greek folk and art music to the Orient, as an attempt to respond to already existing musical and aesthetical paradigms of Greek composers.83 This portrait of an oriental woman surely shows a strong attraction for the alluring Otherness of the Orient, but especially the ending probably indicates consciousness of the aesthetic dichotomy which occurs by the juxtaposition of oriental/national and universal means.84 Musical Examples 12, 14, Y.A.Papaioannou, “Fatmé”, b. 23-24 and final bars . As Riadis’ 13 mélodies, the piano Preludes Odalisque, Bayadere, Tziganiana, of Papaioannou represent an evolution in his development, being more modal-impressionistic. The Odalisque, also with F sharp as its main tonal center, bears many more similarities with its probable model (the Odalisque from the Jasmins).85 The low pentachord of the makām şabā scale, appears here as the main scale material, and not as an interpolation as in Riadis piece. The upper tetrachord is invented, containing one augmented 2nd between the 7th and 8th (Ex. 16). Further similarities consist on also small melodic ambitus in the initial phrase, here built on a characteristic dance rhythm (dotted quaversemiquaver-quaver-quaver),86 harmonic emphasis on the 2nd degree (G, b.5iv, 6iv), a similar dotted, lombardic rhythmic motive (here in the slow middle part, evolving also around B, but Aiolian) and a small ascending motif in the phrase ending, also found (in 83 Papaioannou had stated earlier (1926) that he “felt reluctant” towards Kalomiris tendencies, although actually not defining them, but in conjunction with his personal preference for the French School (Conversation with Yannis Mandakas). 84 Such a reading agrees with the composer’s intention not explicitly defined as national. The song presents thus a similar structure with Kalomiris’ song Apo xena vasileia (Kostis Palamas, Iamvoi kai Anapaistoi) but an opposite approach. Kalomiris uses conventional tonality and the gypsy scale as contrasting materials for the theme of the fugue, and preserves and combines both in the ending, which, along with the poetic text, signifies acceptance and unification. According to Demetre Yannou (The familiar and the foreign-Comments on the song “From foreign kingdoms…” from Mayovotana (1914) of Manolis Kalomiris, http://www.yannou.gr/ [In Greek]), this use intends to represent musically the osmosis between foreign and greek musical elements and functioned as aesthetic paradigm of the Greek National Music. Kalomiris dedicated a copy of this work to Riadis in 1919 (Diamantopoulou, 773). 85 For a complete analytical examination of the piece, see Chardas, The piano works, 44-47. 86 The pattern can be identified both as syrtos or tsifteteli, see Yannis Prantsidis, Dance in the Greek Tradition and its teaching, (Ekdotiki Aiginiou, 2004), passim (for the syrtos) and Rudolf Maria Brandl, “Griechenland. Volksmusik und Tänze”, MGG, Sachteil 3, 2nd Ed., 1697-1698 (for both). descending direction) in Riadis’ Berceuse from the 5 Chansons Macédoniennes (b.15,17,18, Ex. 15).87 Musical Example 15, Y.A.Papaioannou, “Odalisque” for piano (a,b), common rhythmic elements with Riadis’ “Odalisque” and “Berceuse”(c,d). Musical Example 16, Y.A.Papaioannou, scale of the outer parts of “Odalisque” The texture seems to imitate the oriental performance practice based on the use of percussion instruments: the trills of the deff and other sound effects,88 while in the middle part, Papaioannou notes over the melisma quasi clarino.89 Harmonically, pentatonicism, parallel 7th chords and superimposed 5ths, also a hint of a whole-tone chord (b.10), attach to Papaioannou’s Odalisque impressionistic refinement. Compared to Fatmé, modality gains fuller structural integration, while the internal chord structure is simpler, resulting to a more comprehensible piece. This could indicate a personal evolution, but also an influence of his teacher’s style, due to the recent hearing experience. Later on, Tziganiana (a subject choice perhaps distantly echoing Ravel’s Tzigane), also contains improvisatory passage-work, voluptuous melodies and languid dance-like ostinato rhythms. Bayadere, built as a subtle web of improvisatory lines on a triple ostinato, in the hijāz kār mode with repeated chromatic melodic cells in the upper tetrachord, has polychords (b.8,24) and its repetitive persistence and climax building strongly recall Ravel’s intoxicating Bolero.90 Papaioannou’s preoccupation with oriental subjects continued through 1938, with the two Nocturnos for mixed choir.91 Since David’s Le Dèsert (1844) the image of a caraThere are strong indications that this piece and not the earlier Berceuse was performed in the commemorative concert of 1935, namely that it was the one exclusively been performed so far in Paris and Athens (see Diamantopoulou, 550-564 for the performances). The descending motif occurs in the Greek folk song, see Samuel Baud-Bovy, Etudes sur le chanson cleftiaue, (Athens : Collection de l’Institut Français d’Athènes, Centre d’ études d’Asie mineure, Archives musicales de folklore, 1958, 21), 113. 88 Cuivré, in b.12, could stand for both brass wind or drum instruments. 89 Indicating the Greek folk version of the clarinet, instead of the 19th century orientalistic topos of the English horn (imitating the zurna), also instead of sharing Kalomiris’ fondness for this instrument (Bliss, 77). Of course, the required speed of the melisma also probably dictated this choice. The recent edition of the 24 Preludes (Philippos Nakas, 2007) should, according to the ms, be corrected in some parts: bb.10,iii, r.h and 35,ii, r.h of Bayadere contain B and G natural, respectively, instead of B flat and G sharp. 91 Finished on 7/9 and 3/11/1938 respectively, while on the first Papaioannou added instrumental accompaniment in 1940 (Fl, 2 Cl, 2 Hn, Hp, Pf, Str quartet, AKI-Nt 73.I). It is, to my opinion, almost certain that it was Nocturno AKI-Nt 71 that has been performed on 4/6/1940 (see Dourou, 64-65 and the file Programs, Critiques in the PA), since a complete performance of AKI-Nt 73.I would require a mixed choir and the program mentions explicitly a Woman’s Choir for that piece. Between 1939-1940 (probably also from 1938 onwards) Papaioannou conducted the Choirs of the Εργατοϋπαλληλικό Κέντρο (Union of Workers and Employees) in Athens and Piraeus (Chardas, Timeline, 172), founded by Metaxas’s regime. In 87 van crossing the desert has been widely circulating in Western music.92 In the choir Nocturno AKI-Nt 57 the passing caravan seems to be used metaphorically as a poetic allegory of life, while Nocturno AKI-Nt 58 speaks of “dreams fading out far away in the rosy solitudes of the sea” as an idealized, sweet-sad, nostalgic oriental dream of escape, or loss of self. That is actually a substantial thematic difference, since the first seems to have a moral. Both of them contain sustained vocalizes, an orientalistic trope representing the emotional Easterner in contrast to the rational Westerner.93 In the first Nocturno, which discreetly blends functional tonality with diatonic modality, vocalizes are diatonic, while in the more orientally colored modal second, especially the low pentachord (on F#) appears very variable: either it uses chromatic passing notes (b.1-5, alternating between A sharp and A) or exploits various oriental chromatic scales, since it appears both as F#G#-A-B#-C# and F#-G-A#-C# (sopranos, b.26 and b.35). The full ascending scale approaches the hizāz kār scale (upper tetrachord C#-D-E#-F# in the women’s voices in b. 25-26, 35-36. The latter part is very dissonant, due to the parallel motion in 4ths and polymodality). The opening of the Nocturno AKI-57 (Michalis Alexandropoulos)94 is marked by the presence of modal motions on the dominant minor (A, b.1-5), while, later, establishement of the tonic (D) is avoided, thus presenting the uncertain and jeopardizing course (“your traces have been erased”) of a caravan of wayfarers already marching deep in the desert, which is being told that “the gardens next to the bright waters lie far away” (b. 13, on an E major chord). They enter on the minor dominant (A, b.14), and answer to that by introducing themselves as “the good stars, following their course”, even if “eternal night is surrounding” them (b.17).95 The “happy caravan” continues through the desert and its song fades out in the distance (the mode becomes D major and dynamics is marked pppp, Ex.17), while the final cadence is plagal. Although the taciturn Papaioannou did not leave many comments on his contemporary political and social situation, this last attribute, combined with the oriental theme and modal means, allows a possible reading of the piece as containing a carefully hidden political message.96 A motto of Metaxas’ regime, spread through radio emissions and appearing in the press, was “Ευθυμία” (Happy mood).97 In 1937 Metaxas Athens it was a Woman’s Choir and in Pireaus a Men’s Choir (4 Years of Metaxas’ Government, A’ [Editions of 4th August, 35], 194 [In Greek]). Papaioannou was an adherent of Venizelos, but in that period many artists collaborated with Metaxas’ regime without adapting his ideology, see Katy Romanou, “Exchanging Rings under Dictatorships” in Music and Dictatorship in Europe and Latin America, eds. Roberto Illiano and Massimiliano Sala [Speculum Musicae, 14], (Turnhout: Brepols, 2009), 27-64, passim and the opinion of Vyron Fidetzis, expressed in Yannis Belonis, “Manolis Kalomiris and the dark side of the period of the German occupation and the Civil War”, Polyfonia, 4, (2004), 7-21. 92 Notably, as late as 1921, with Albert Ketèlbey’s popular piece Sur un Marché Persane, also found in the RAG. 93 D.Scott, 310, but also an impressionistic device used by Debussy and applied by Kalomiris in his 2nd Symphony (1932). 94 Michalis Alexandropoulos (Alexas) is, among others, the author of the dramatic idyll Agnos, set in music by Papaioannou in 1937 (AKI-Nt 30), where also social questionings are expressed. The handwritten draft with the text in the PA bares the date 1919 (Dourou, 52), but it belonged to the poet. 95Here, as in the also important part of the text, “travame panta” (i.e. we always carry on, b. 23) chromatic melody and harmony are applied, underlining the difficulties. The regime imposed strict laws and censorship on artistic processes (cinema, theatre) see Marina Petraki The Metaxas Myth. Dictatorship and Propaganda in Greece, transl. M. Moira, (Athens: Okeanis, 2006), also for the use of the press and radio for propaganda. 97 History of the Greek Nation, Vol.15, 389-390. In May 1938 the Exposition Kraft durch Freude took place in Athens, dedicated to “the comfort and pleasure of working” and presenting “the progress accomplished in prohibited the rebetiko song, popular among the working classes, due to various attributes associated with it, such as the rebellious mentality of its followers, but also its oriental elements, distorting the creation of his Τρίτος Ελληνικός Πολιτισμός (Third Greek Civilization), which (in his opinion) should be “purely Greek”.98 The wayfarer’s march in Nocturno AKI-Nt 57 can be read as expressing, in the realm of the art creation, a collective feeling of resistance towards the authoritative government. That would render Papaioannou’s text- and compositional choices ironic, while at the same time AKI-Nt 57 proposes a merry mood that rather results from an inner conviction, instead of being an act of personal submission to external orders. Musical Example 17, Y.A.Papaioannou, Nocturno AKI-Nt 57 (b.26-30) (©Philippos Nakas) To conclude, I will mention again the indicative fragment of Kalomiris commemorative speech for Riadis. As elsewhere in his texts on Greek music, Kalomiris distinguishes the notions of oriental and greek, also associating the former with sensuality, but then again combines them in his inclusive view of the Greek music.99 The Macedonian Riadis borrowed orientalistic techniques and current aesthetic attitudes from the late colonial era, in order to refer to Greece as part of the exotic Orient, but, at the same time, adopting all the means of expression used by the Greeks wherever they lived, imbued the music with national orientation and developed his own personal, more nationally orientated style. The examination of the degree of authenticity in this latter one remains still to be further analyzed. Papaioannou, on the other hand, adopted in his youthful works willour country for its safeguard” (4 Years of Government of Ioannis Metaxas, Vol. A’ [Editions of 4th August, 35], 194, [In Greek]) and where also Nazi, anti-Semitic and anticommunist propaganda was articulated (Romanou, “Exchanging Rings”, 34). Petraki (180 onwards) comments the feelings of satisfaction and happiness emitted in the propagandistic film for the celebration of the 2nd anniversary of the regime (screened publicly in August 1938). 98 Ironically, “oriental” scales were unnoticed in Greek art music, promoted by the regime. On Metaxas’ Third Greek Civilization see History of the Greek Nation, Vol.15, 385-390, and Petraki, passim. According to Metaxas, “the threnody and fatalistic resignation” of the amanes was mainly responsible for the “decline of the people’s musical sense” (cited in Petraki, 307). See Nearchos Georgiadis, Rebetiko and Politics (Athens: Synchroni Epochi, n.d.), 84-103, for an overview of events concerning the laiko (rebetiko) song of this period, also his remark that, in it, “censorship […] led to silencing, hints [..] and allegory”(10). Tasos Vournas comments the replacement of the rebetiko with “idiotic marches” by Metaxas’ regime (cited in Gale Holst, Road to rebetiko, [Athens: Domos, 1995], 181). 99 Bliss discusses the texts on National Music by Lambelet, Kalomoiris, Petridis (41-60). ingly all impressionistic tendencies and techniques, but also responded to the style and ideas of the dominating Greek National School. By creating images with impressionistic local color he also crossed the blurry limits between national and oriental. The similarities must not be viewed as plagiarism, but as in the case of Beethoven’s first part from the C minor Sonata, op.10 nr.1, responding to the first part of Mozart’s Sonata KV 457 in the same tonality. There, Beethoven “recognized, consciously or unconsciously, an affinity with his own temperament and evolving compositional aesthetic”.100 Riadis’ influence may not have been the only one related to oriental subjects, scales and texture, but nevertheless, Papaioannou’s submission to the fascination of the eastern modes and themes enriched in a fruitful way the Greek music. 100 Nancy Hager, “The first movements of Mozart’s Sonata, K.457 and Beethoven’s opus 10 no.1: a C minor connection?”, The Music Review, 47/2, (1986), 89-100, (100).