IRISH PROBATION JOURNAL Volume 6, September 2009
The Role of Theory in Promoting Social Work
Values and its Potential Effect on Outcomes in
Work with Domestically Violent Men
Maurice Mahon, John Devaney and Anne Lazenbatt*
Summary: This paper is concerned with the ethical conflicts that arise for social
work professionals working with men who use violence to control women and
children with whom they have or have had intimate relationships. It suggests that
professionals who are knowledgeable about theoretical frameworks concerning men’s
‘readiness to change’ including ‘resistance’ and ‘motivation’ will be more effective
at managing ethical dilemmas and practising social work in accordance with
evidence-based practice. The paper examines how an adherence to only one
theoretical understanding of domestic violence produces poor outcomes in the
treatment of domestically violent men and can inadvertently increase the risk of
further violence for the victims of domestic violence.
Keywords: Domestic violence, Duluth, ethics, conflict, theory, values, readiness to
change, outcomes.
Introduction
In Northern Ireland, social workers come into contact with perpetrators
of domestic violence within a number of settings and for a number of
reasons. They engage with perpetrators both pre- and post-sentence and
the management of a probation order is initiated if a perpetrator has been
found guilty of an offence and court sentenced to a term of community
* Maurice Mahon is a Social Worker with Western Trust Health and Social Care Northern
Ireland. Dr John Devaney is a Lecturer in Social Work at Queen’s University Belfast. Dr Anne
Lazenbatt is NSPCC Reader in Childhood Studies, School of Sociology, Social Policy and
Social Work, Queen’s University Belfast. Email: Maurice.Mahon2@westerntrust.hscni.net,
J.Devaney@qub.ac.uk or A.Lazenbatt@qub.ac.uk
151
152
Maurice Mahon, John Devaney and Anne Lazenbatt
supervision or imprisonment. In order to achieve this, social workers and
Probation Officers must work with the perpetrator to address harmful
and/or violent behaviours. The professional relationship developed
between the social worker and the perpetrator is therefore of great
importance. According to the code of ethics of the British Association of
Social Workers (2002, p. 1):
Social workers attempt to relieve and prevent hardship and suffering.
They have a responsibility to help individuals, families, groups and
communities through the provision and operation of appropriate
services … They work with, and on behalf of, or in the interests of
people to enable them to deal with personal and social difficulties.
Dealing with male perpetrators of domestic violence gives rise to
seemingly intractable ethical dilemmas, and the vicarious trauma
resulting from the work can make it very difficult for the social worker to
practise from a sound social work values base (Morran, 2008). It is
understandably difficult to respect someone who appears not to care or
lies incessantly about hurting vulnerable people, especially those he
would profess to love. According to Scourfield (2002, p. 10), the
difficulty stems from conflicting theoretical perspectives that seek to
explain the client’s behaviour:
The tensions between the individual and the social experienced by
social workers in trying to explain their clients’ circumstances mirror
my own struggle to conceptualise the social workers’ constructions of
gender.
The challenge posed to social workers who deal with domestically violent
males is how to bridge the seemingly irreconcilable gap between
knowledge of structural gender inequalities of power and control and the
individual rights of the male perpetrator (Jordan, 1991). How this
tension is reconciled influences the social worker’s decision-making
regarding the type of intervention made available to the perpetrator, and
might well prove to be counterproductive not only for the perpetrator but
also for his victims:
professional values in social work are more than merely the
philosophical base of practice … professional values permeate
decision-making. (Vigilante, 1974, p. 40)
The Role of Theory in Promoting Social Work Values
153
Social work professionals need to consider all emerging theories about
domestic violence, and the processes of how perpetrators change
behaviours, to ensure the adoption of a wider range of intervention
modalities with which to intervene in the treatment of males who
domestically abuse women. To improve treatment outcomes
interventions need to be designed to address individual needs to increase
the readiness of men to change their unacceptable behaviours. This does
not mean that professional social workers should fail to consider the
structural gender inequalities that contribute to the societal acceptance
and toleration of domestic violence. It does mean that there is a need to
recognise that men who are domestically violent do not form a
homogeneous group (Rees and Rivett, 2005). It is imperative, therefore,
to recognise that the prescription of a treatment designed for a
homogeneous group but delivered to a heterogeneous group may not be
sound evidence or accord with current best practice guidelines
(McCollum and Stith, 2008), and might produce poor outcomes and
ongoing misery for the many victims of domestic violence.
The scope of the problem of domestic violence
Domestic violence is a significant social problem and public health issue
affecting women, children and men globally (Rothman et al., 2003),
nationally and locally (EVAW, 2007). However, women and children are
the main victims of domestic violence and men the main perpetrators
(Mullender, 2004). A review based on 50 surveys from around the world
found that at least one out of every three women had been beaten, forced
into sex, or otherwise abused during their lifetime (Amnesty
International, 2008).
Domestic violence has been defined within Northern Ireland as:
Threatening behaviour, violence or abuse (psychological, physical,
verbal, sexual, financial or emotional) inflicted on one person by
another where they are or have been intimate partners or family
members, irrespective of gender or sexual orientation. (Department of
Health, Social Services and Public Safety, 2005, p. 10)
It is a disturbing phenomenon that results in approximately two deaths
per week in the United Kingdom and countless physical injuries to many
more women and children (Mirlrees-Black et al., 1998). Domestic
154
Maurice Mahon, John Devaney and Anne Lazenbatt
violence accounts for 25% of all violent crime in the UK, yet it has been
estimated that in Northern Ireland only 29% of domestic violence is
reported (Northern Ireland Office, 2008b). In Northern Ireland the
police respond to a domestic abuse incident every 23 minutes of every
day, and 44% of all murders (11 in total) in the year 2007/2008 had some
form of domestic motivation (Northern Ireland Policing Board, 2009). It
is estimated that three in ten women and two in ten men have
experienced domestic violence since 16 years of age (Povey et al., 2009).
The annual financial cost of domestic violence in England and Wales in
2004 has been estimated at £23 billion plus an additional £17 billion to
deal with the associated human and emotional suffering (Walby, 2004).
These figures were extrapolated on a pro-rata basis for Northern Ireland
to produce an annual estimated figure of £180 million for the direct costs
of services (DHSSPS, 2005).
While the most prevalent forms of domestic violence are psychological
and emotional abuse (Povey et al., 2009), these are often impossible to
measure and prove. The controlling tactics can be so contrived that the
victims come to believe the perpetrator’s behaviour is the result of the
victim’s failings (Women’s Aid, 2009). Worryingly, the vast majority of
perpetrators of domestic violence are not arrested, not convicted and not
sentenced or mandated to attend a domestic violence treatment
programme (DHSSPS, 2005). While men can be arrested and convicted
of physical or sexual assaults on a partner, or the breach of a nonmolestation order, there is as yet no legal offence of ‘domestic abuse’ that
covers the wider array of issues as defined above. As such there can be a
tendency within the criminal justice system to focus on the act rather
than the underlying psychological factors. For example, in a recent
Northern Ireland Office report, it was noted that there was a divergence
of views among sentencers as to whether a therapeutic intervention or a
custodial sentence was the most appropriate disposal for male
perpetrators of domestic violence (Northern Ireland Office, 2008a).
It is very important to choose the most appropriate disposal to deal
with perpetrators of domestic violence given the impact of such violence.
Victims of domestic violence are three times more likely to have a
diagnosis of depression or psychosis, five times more likely to attempt
suicide, nine times more likely to misuse drugs, and 15 times more likely
to misuse alcohol (Stark and Flitcraft, 1996). Children suffer directly and
indirectly from the impact of domestic violence (Cleaver et al. 2007),
from violence during pregnancy (Humphreys and Stanley, 2006),
The Role of Theory in Promoting Social Work Values
155
through parental substance misuse (Abel, 1997; Klee et al., 2002), and
through physical assault. Witnessing domestic violence can negatively
affect the attachment process, leaving children feeling insecure, anxious
and hyper-vigilant (Kroll and Taylor, 2003; Barnard, 2007). Associated
difficulties for children may include developmental and learning
problems and behavioural difficulties (Mullender, 2004).
Social work values and ethical dilemmas
Professionally qualified social workers in Northern Ireland are obliged to
adhere to codes of conduct (NISCC, 2002) but professionals are, first
and foremost, human beings affected and influenced by the suffering of
others and the injustice witnessed. The impact of vicarious trauma on
social workers and Probation Officers who facilitate programmes with
domestically violent men has been found to be significant (Morran,
2008). In particular, female facilitators working with domestically violent
controlling men reported feelings of ‘Anger, rage and even loathing for
the men they worked with’ (Morran, 2008, p. 146).
There is no suggestion here that the female facilitators are wrong to
feel as they do, but it is important to question whether it is possible to
practise in accordance with social work values while simultaneously
holding such feelings about clients. The other, more important, question
is how these feelings influence the personal attitudes of social workers
and decisions about treatment modalities provided by facilitators. These
feelings can impact on the client–worker relationship and affect
motivation and personal change (Burnett and McNeill, 2005). For this
reason, regular debriefing opportunities for social workers engaged in
work with perpetrators of domestic violence are essential. Social workers
should be supported and encouraged to find and express negative
feelings about clients whose behaviour is difficult to countenance. Giving
purposeful expression to negative feelings can change the social worker’s
feelings so they do not lead to a negative attitudinal position (Petrillo,
2007).
In spite of the difficult feelings experienced by social workers, as
professionals they are tasked to juggle conflicting thoughts and feelings
sufficiently to engage with all clients. The bedrock of professional social
work practice is, or should be, permeated with sound social work values
and all practice carried out with adherence to codes of ethics. It is
incumbent on every professional social worker to recognise the
156
Maurice Mahon, John Devaney and Anne Lazenbatt
uniqueness of every client with whom they work and to believe in the
possibility that the client can change his behaviour. These sentiments
were proposed by Biestek (1961), who described the helping relationship
as the soul of social casework. Indeed, social workers do not have the
luxury of treating clients with disdain because of the client’s past or
present abusive behaviour: ‘Our ethics must be the ruling guidelines of
our behaviour in every instance where we act in our professional
capacity’ (Hancock, 1997, p. 5).
It is therefore the responsibility of the social worker to regard the
unacceptable behaviour as the result of factors known and unknown that
in some way impeded the growth of the client (Erikson, 1959) and that
continue to ensnare the client and prevent his progress towards selfactualisation (Maslow, 1943). It is also the social worker’s responsibility
to update his/her knowledge base and keep abreast of theoretical
developments and evidence-based practice, as failure to do so might deny
clients access to proven best practice.
Even so, research has established (Morran, 2008) that professionals
often struggle with the task of holding a compassionate and affirming
attitude when confronted by clients who intentionally hurt women and
children and who resist all offers of help. In an increasingly chaotic
world, social workers struggle to cope with the bureaucracy and formfilling that go hand in hand with direct client contact (Broadhurst et al.,
2009). With the greater demands on time and energy, social workers find
it difficult to reflect on personal feelings and attitudes. There can be a
tendency to become automatons striving to help others solve problems,
firmly believing in the value of what is being done but suffering from a
growing malaise as demands become ever greater and resources dwindle
(Parton and O’Byrne, 2000). Within this stifling environment it is
difficult for social workers to look beyond the manifestation of wilful
violence and search for the perpetrator’s positive qualities.
Faced with the growing burden of client need and the constant or
dwindling level of resources to meet the need, it is easier for social
workers to begin the conscious or often subconscious process of sifting
clients (Pithouse, 2008). From the theoretical perspective of the Duluth
model of intervention (Babcock and Taillade, 2000), male perpetrators of
domestic violence act wilfully to control women and children. Blacklock
(2001) indicates that when social workers who are only trained in the
Duluth model of intervention are confronted with men intent on
harming vulnerable people, the social workers are likely to find it difficult
The Role of Theory in Promoting Social Work Values
157
to feel compassion for the perpetrator. Social workers rationalise their
ethical dilemmas by accepting the most convenient theory, in this case
Duluth, and simplify complexity by believing that male perpetrators
should be punished because they know it is wrong and unacceptable for
men to frighten, assault, or seek to abuse and control women. Challenged
by the intransigence shown by perpetrators of domestic violence, one can
easily conclude that men who perpetrate domestic violence are not
deserving of compassion or understanding: that ‘they are all the same’.
This leads to the view that there is no requirement to provide tailored
therapeutic interventions to these men and to do so would be a form of
collusion that will do more damage by reinforcing the men’s perspective
that they are the victims, not the perpetrators.
This dilemma is to a certain extent mediated by the fact that the
choice of programmes and interventions adopted with all offenders is
generally beyond the remit of one person. Programmes are adopted and
implemented at a corporate and strategic level and the services offered to
an offender are monitored through line management and strategic
oversight. In addition Programmes that are accredited or approved are
not only subject to the rigours of continual theoretical review but also
state best practice guidance for the line management, supervision and
oversight of those working on programmes and with such offenders.
With this in mind, many programmes that have adopted the principles
outlined in the Duluth theory now also incorporate ideologies from other
disciplines such as learning theory and theories of socialisation.
Examples of such programmes are Men Overcoming Domestic Violence
(MODV), developed and currently being run by the Probation Board for
Northern Ireland, and the Integrated Domestic Abuse Programme
(IDAP) currently being offered through the Home Office. These
programmes represent a shift in both the understanding and the
treatment of those who commit acts of domestic violence, and lend
further support to the research proposed in this article for the further
development of interventions.
Addressing domestic violence
At present the most prominent model of intervention used with
perpetrators of domestic violence is the Duluth model (Domestic Abuse
Intervention Project, 2008). This model is a psycho-educational,
cognitive-based intervention that is designed to dissuade men from using
158
Maurice Mahon, John Devaney and Anne Lazenbatt
domestic violence as a control strategy. The model teaches anger deescalation techniques and emphasises the need for men to respect
women as equals by highlighting the power and control function of
domestic violence (Pence and Paymar, 1993; Gondolf, 2007). In general,
research suggests that the majority of men mandated to attend these
groups either fail to attend or do not complete the programme (Gondolf,
2002; Barnish, 2004). There is also research suggesting that men who do
not complete the programme pose a greater risk to the women in their
lives.
It can be concluded therefore that those who lose out when men fail
to engage or fail to complete a domestic violence programme are the
women and children subjected to domestic violence in the first place and
those men who perpetrate violence but are not yet ready for change. The
research findings suggest that while the Duluth model of intervention is
effective for certain groups of men, there is a need to devise alternative
interventions for other groups of men who are not yet ready, or able, to
change their behaviour (Eckhardt et al., 2008).
This last statement may provoke bewilderment given the view that
male perpetrators are considered to know exactly what they are doing in
hurting and controlling women. The argument, though, is based on the
current research evidence that group treatment modalities have
unproven outcomes for the majority of men who engage in domestic
violence (Bowen and Gilchrist, 2004). It would be better for victims if all
or most male perpetrators completed treatment programmes and
emerged changed and committed to treating all women as equals and
eschewing forms of violence and manipulative controlling behaviour.
This may never be the case if the choice of intervention is based on the
belief that all male perpetrators of domestic violence are the same, as
posited through the Duluth model.
However, it is not possible to understand the factors influencing a
man’s decision to behave violently by using information about the
reported impact of his behaviour on his victims. This tells us what the
victims feel and think but it does not explain the underlying reasons for
the behaviour of the male perpetrator. Therefore, designing an
intervention for perpetrators based on the impact experiences of victims,
such as the Duluth model, might well address the general factors such as
gender inequalities but is likely not to address more specific factors that
influence the individual’s decision to abuse and control women and
children. It is essential for professionals involved in working with
The Role of Theory in Promoting Social Work Values
159
domestically violent men to allow emerging research to influence their
choice of intervention.
Research findings about the origins of domestic violence (Murphy et
al., 1993; McCloskey et al., 2003; Rivett, 2006) can provide an
alternative schema for social workers to guide their work with
domestically violent men. Having access to a wider knowledge base can
enhance the social worker’s ability to practise with adherence to a social
work value base, thus encouraging and motivating the professional to
treat the client with genuine respect. Social work theory enables the
professional to conceive of the client and his behaviour as being
connected but different:
when practitioners decide what they are actually going to do to engage
and motivate clients, help them access resources and convey a sense of
hope in the possibility of constructive change, they will find themselves
using ideas and skills that have emerged from social work theory and
research. (Smith, 2005, p. 634)
Social work theory teaches that clients are much more than their
presenting problematic behaviour. The uniqueness of the social work
profession, evidenced time and again, is the willingness of social workers
to take stock of the problematic behaviour but also to consider the
problematic behaviour within the historical and present contexts where
it had been influenced and maintained.
From the pro-feminist Duluth model perspective, though,
paying attention to the psychopathology of the male perpetrator to
explain the occurrence of domestic violence is a distraction from the real
issue, which is about structural gender inequalities (Adams et al., 1988).
For this reason, as mentioned above, the Duluth programme is the
predominant model of intervention used with men who perpetrate
domestic violence. The rationale for the group-based programme is the
belief that all male perpetrators are the same and so the psychoeducational programme is deemed to be appropriate. Unfortunately for
the victims of domestic violence, it is deemed to be appropriate even
though research would suggest that most men fail to engage or fail to
complete the programme (Babcock et al., 2004). The Duluth-type
programmes are effective for only a minority of domestically violent men.
This paper, therefore, supports developments made in programmes
for those who are perpetrators of domestic violence that incorporate
alternative and complementary strategies, and would argue that this work
160
Maurice Mahon, John Devaney and Anne Lazenbatt
needs to be continued if the problem of domestic violence is to be tackled
effectively and efficiently.
The relevance of research
When social workers conceive of all perpetrators of domestic violence as
‘being the same’ they lose sight of the need to consider how incidents and
events in the client’s earlier life might be associated with current violent
behaviour. There is a large literature that explores the development of
individuals throughout the lifecourse and the factors that contribute to
successful maturation (Crawford and Walker, 2007). More recently there
has been a growing interest in the factors in childhood that influence
later adult outcomes (Ereaut and Whiting, 2008).
One of the largest studies of its kind on the impact of adverse
childhood experiences on the mental health of the children and in later
life as adults is currently being carried out in the USA. The ACE study
(Anda et al., 2006) has firmly established an association between the
numbers and types of adverse experiences in childhood, including
witnessing domestic violence, and the likelihood of the child developing
mental health problems in adult life. In particular the study has
established that male children who witness violence against their mothers
are more likely to perpetrate domestic violence in intimate relationships.
Debbonaire (2004), however, voices scepticism about such findings from
the psychological literature and suggests that while correlations between
childhood experiences and adult perpetration of domestic violence have
been found, a causal link has not been established.
Nevertheless, a series of research studies over the past decade has
begun to suggest that not all perpetrators have the same motivations,
personality structures or degrees of abusive behaviour (Dutton, 1995;
Saunders, 1996; Wallace and Nosko, 2003). In considering individual
characteristics, Craig (2003) found that certain types of personality
disorder were more common in the MCM1 profile codes of male spouse
abusers. Hamberger and Hastings (1986, 1988) found that 88% of their
sample of perpetrators had personality disorders, many of which were
associated with depression, anger and emotionally labile affective states.
The personality disorders were also associated with feeling helpless to
change, avoidance of problems and holding irrational beliefs (Lohr et al.,
1988). Dutton’s (2007) review of efforts to subtype domestically violent
men also found a higher incidence of personality disorders among the
The Role of Theory in Promoting Social Work Values
161
group. Murphy et al. (1993), examining associations between family of
origin violence and spousal assault, found that assaultive men were more
likely to report traumatic childhood experiences of being physically
abused and having witnessed their mothers being physically abused:
The results support prior descriptions of a batterer subgroup with
significant trauma histories, more psychological difficulties, and higher
abuse levels than other batterers, suggesting continuities in social and
emotional development from childhood maltreatment to adult
relationship violence. (Murphy et al., 1993, p. 165)
Bowen and Gilchrist (2004) have argued that findings from research
could lead to improvements in pre-treatment screening and the
development of alternative treatment modalities for perpetrators based
on offender types. They suggest that offenders who do not engage with
existing modalities of treatment might be more inclined to engage with
interventions tailored to their needs. However, according to Babcock and
Taillade (2000), most theoretical positions on the causes of domestic
violence have not been incorporated into treatment programmes.
Readiness to change
With regard to emerging theory, there has been a growing interest in the
literature about the associations between poor outcomes in terms of men
not engaging or dropping out of domestic violence programmes
and men’s ‘readiness to change’ (Alexander and Morris, 2008). Hollin et
al. (2008, p. 281) have stated:
Increased understanding of readiness to change and the characteristics
of dropouts through conducting in-depth qualitative research will
inform both program selection and the preparation of offenders to
take part in offending behavior programs.
The theories about ‘readiness to change’ offer social workers an
alternative schema through which, possibly, they can maintain adherence
to the belief that the power and control factors are of ultimate
significance, while conceptualising the intransigence of domestically
violent men from a different perspective. As mentioned above, research
has highlighted differences between males who are domestically violent
and this suggests that men who perpetrate domestic violence are a
162
Maurice Mahon, John Devaney and Anne Lazenbatt
heterogeneous group who do not present with uniform patterns of
behaviour (Rees and Rivett, 2005). Therefore the types of intervention
required to address the abusive behaviours need to be varied and tailored
to the individual particularities if resources are to be used as efficiently
as possible (Tolman and Bennett, 1990):
Such practice would be in keeping with research literature that
supports multivariate rather than singlefactor models of domestic
violence. (Maiuro and Eberle, 2008, p. 148)
The subject of men’s readiness to countenance change has been
postulated to help explain the poor take-up and significant dropout
figures for men mandated to attend domestic violence education
programmes (Day et al., 2009). Hollin et al. (2008, p. 280) state that
various explanations including:
selection, motivation, program effects, and differences between
completers and non-completers – can be brought together through the
notion of ‘readiness for change’.
Day and colleagues (2009) also caution that the construct of ‘readiness’
includes the environment in which the treatment is provided, and
methods of treatment delivery have been found to have an association
with attrition rates (Rees and Rivett, 2005). On an individual level
‘readiness to change’ does not correspond exactly to ‘willingness to
change’. Expressing an unwillingness to engage in a programme is not
evidence that the person does not care or that he is content to carry on
as before. It is more usually that the person does not recognise there is a
problem with his behaviour because he is in denial. The term ‘denial’ is
currently used to describe the defence mechanism whereby an
individual, faced with a truth too difficult or uncomfortable to accept,
refuses to believe this truth even in the face of overwhelming
evidence (Wikipedia, 2009; Fonagy and Target, 2003).
Denial is a multifaceted mechanism demonstrated by domestically
violent men who (a) deny the violence completely, (b) admit the violence
but deny or minimise the seriousness, or (c) admit both the violence and
seriousness but deny responsibility by transferring the blame onto the
victim (Cadsky et al., 1996). Men in the denial phase usually have not yet
considered the need for change. Denial is not so much an attitudinal
stance as a form of resistance associated with the stage of change at
The Role of Theory in Promoting Social Work Values
163
which the man is currently positioned. Dealing successfully with
resistance to change is a crucial component of the structured change
process (Wanigaratne et al., 1990).
The most well known model that seeks to explain how people resist
and eventually change their behaviour is the Transtheoretical Model of
Change (TTM) developed by Prochaska and DiClemente (1984). The
appeal of the model is that it makes sense, helps people make sense of
their own difficult behaviours and, with regard to the polemic about the
underlying reasons about domestic violence:
It is in fact one of those few topics … that can be taught and discussed
without fear of antagonising ideological sensitivities. (Saunders
and Allsop, 1991)
The main construct of the TTM is the Stages of Change (SoC). The SoC
construct is based on the premise that people move forwards and
backwards through a number of stages of change as they consider and
embark on a behaviour change. The SoC and its relevance to work with
perpetrators of domestic violence has been demonstrated (Begun et al.,
2002). The SoC stages are Precontemplation; Contemplation;
Preparation; Action; and Maintenance. The possibility of relapse from a
later to an earlier stage of change is always a possibility. Therefore, a
central component of the model is relapse prevention, a term most
associated with addiction.
Readiness to change can be measured by use of the URICA
questionnaire (McConnaughy et al., 1983) and a participant’s position
on the SoC determined. Alexander and Morris (2008) identified two
clusters of domestically violent men associated with the men’s position
on the SoC. In addition the research highlighted an association between
a male perpetrator’s position on the SoC and completion of the domestic
violence programme. The research found that perpetrators positioned
at an earlier SoC were less likely to complete while those at a later SoC
were more likely to complete. Those perpetrators found to be in the later
SoC expressed more distress and guilt about their behaviour, and this
awareness and responsibility-taking attitude was most likely a motivating
factor in their desire to complete the programme. Those men in the
earlier SoC expressed less distress and less guilt about the consequences
of the behaviour, and therefore one could assume that they did not own
responsibility for their actions and therefore lacked the rational logic
required to influence their decision to change the behaviour. The results
164
Maurice Mahon, John Devaney and Anne Lazenbatt
suggest that the men at the earlier SoC were much more in denial than
the men in the later SoC.
The TTM also contains the Processes of Change (PoC) construct,
which attempts to explain how people move from stage to stage. In
specific terms, the PoC construct suggests that men positioned at the
precontemplation and contemplation stages require a different type of
intervention to men at the preparation, action and maintenance
stages. With reference to domestically violent men, Levenesque et al.
(2000) propose the use of specific compliance measures with men not yet
at the preparation SoC. The rationale is based on the theory of
motivational interviewing (Miller, 2002) and the practice of working
effectively with resistance.
Motivational interviewing techniques are designed specifically to …
increase commitment to change, to effectively address resistance to
change, and to increase confidence that change can occur, thus
providing an excellent strategy for increasing compliance and
motivation. (McCloskey et al., 2003, pp. 89–90)
In light of theory concerning men’s readiness to change, denial,
resistance and the importance of motivation, the main limitation of the
Duluth-type intervention is that it presupposes that all male
perpetrators of domestic violence are the same, therefore a ‘one
treatment fits all’ solution is implemented. Research has consistently
recorded high attrition rates for domestically violent men attending
Duluth-type interventions (Brodeur et al., 2008). In addition, other
research has highlighted that the design and delivery of the programme
material was a variable associated with poor outcomes (Bowen and
Gilchrist, 2004; Hollin et al., 2008). There is, perhaps, no one treatment
model that can promote change in resistant clients apart from a model
such as the SoC that is specifically designed to promote change. It seems
clear that Duluth-type interventions do not equate with the needs
of domestically violent men, particularly those men who have not
reached the preparation stage and are positioned at either
the precontemplation or contemplation stage. Attempting to deliver a
standardised common programme to men at varying stages of change
can actually produce greater resistance in some men and a consolidation
of the kind of negative perceptions that the group programme set out to
alter.
The Role of Theory in Promoting Social Work Values
165
Conclusion
Careful individualised assessment to determine whether domestically
violent men are ready to change is of vital importance to ensure that
appropriate forms of interventions are employed and outcomes for
completion of domestic violence programmes improved. An
individualised approach to domestically violent men is also important, as
adherence to a social work values base demands that professionals
respect clients as individuals. This will only be seen as crucial when male
perpetrators of domestic violence are regarded as a heterogeneous and
not a homogeneous group. Stating that perpetrators of domestic violence
are not a homogeneous group and therefore require individualised
interventions is not to deny the existence of structural discrimination and
subordination of women, by the male population in general, that has
been and remains a very significant element in all kinds of domestic
violence and abuse. Therefore, the acceptance of the need for a range of
modalities of treatment/education for domestically violent men does
not require social workers to ignore or minimise the structural gender
inequalities explanations of domestic violence. Likewise, when social
workers conceive of the violence and controlling behaviours of male
perpetrators as somehow linked with the manifestation of inner conflict
associated, most likely, with childhood or later trauma, that conception
does not nullify the reality that domestic violence against women is
encouraged and condoned in the patriarchal society. It simply means that
there are other theoretical perspectives, suggesting a number of types of
intervention available to social workers with which to tackle the scourge
of domestic violence.
Social workers have always been good at considering the wider
picture, looking at behaviour to find meaning from a systemic
perspective. In practising this way with substance-misusing adults, for
example, social workers do not condone the destructive behaviour and
do not ignore the very real risks posed by violent behaviours. Neither do
social workers have to condone the inexcusable violent and controlling
behaviour of domestically violent men. What social workers can do is to
search for the antecedents of the behaviour and help the client resolve
underlying conflict while being ever mindful of the structural oppression
of women in the patriarchal society and how the oppression feeds
domestic violence. Social workers are obliged to treat domestically
violent men in the same way they treat all other clients, with a strict
adherence to the social work value base.
166
Maurice Mahon, John Devaney and Anne Lazenbatt
By failing to practise in accordance with social work values, which also
include continuous professional development and the acquisition of
additional knowledge and skills, social work with its commitment to the
empowerment of all victims would lose the very core of what makes it
unique. With this in mind, social workers, regardless of where they work,
are now also bound by the NISCC codes of practice. Social work is a
regulated profession and it is therefore compulsory for practitioners to be
actively engaged in evidence-based and reflective practice and ongoing
post-registration training and learning.
Bibliography
Abel, E.L. (1997), ‘Maternal Alcohol Consumption and Spontaneous Abortion’,
Alcohol and Alcoholism, vol. 32, no. 3, pp. 211–219
Adams, D., Jackson, J. and Lauby, M. (1988), ‘Family Violence Research: Aid or
Obstacle to the Battered Women’s Movement?’, Response, vol. 11, no. 3, pp. 14–16
Alexander, P.C. and Morris, E. (2008), ‘Stages of Change in Batterers and Their
Response to Treatment’, Violence and Victims, vol. 23, no. 4, pp. 476–492
Amnesty
International
(2008),
http://archive.amnesty.org/air2008/globalthemes/stop-violence-against-women.html
Anda, R.F., Felitti, V.J., Walker, J., Whitfield, C.L., Bremmer, J.D., Perry, B.D., et al.
(2006), ‘The Enduring Effects of Abuse and Related Adverse Experiences in
Childhood: A Convergence of Evidence from Neurobiology and Epidemiology’,
European Archives of Psychiatry and Clinical Neurosciences, vol. 256, no. 3, pp.
174–186
Babcock, J.C., Green, C.E. and Robie, C. (2004), ‘Does Batterer’s Treatment Work?
A Meta-analytic Review of Domestic Violence Treatment’, Clinical Psychology
Review, vol. 23, pp. 1023–1053
Babcock, J.C. and Taillade, J.J. (2000), ‘Evaluating Interventions for Men Who
Batter’, in J.P. Vincent and E.N. Jouriles (Eds), Domestic Violence: Guidelines for
Research Informed Practice, London: Jessica Kingsley
Barnard, M. (2007), Drug Addiction and Families, London: Jessica Kingsley
Barnish, M. (2004), Domestic Violence: A Literature Review Summary, London: HM
Inspector of Probation
BASW (2002), The Code of Ethics for Social Work, Birmingham: British Association of
Social Workers
Begun, A., Shelley, G., Strodhoff, T. and Short, L. (2002), ‘Adopting a Stages of
Change Approach for Individuals Who Are Violent with Their Intimate Partners’,
Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma, vol. 5, no. 2, pp. 105–127
Biestek, F. (1961), The Casework Relationship, London: George Allen and Unwin
Blacklock, N. (2001), ‘Domestic Violence: Working with Perpetrators, the
Community and Its Institutions’, Advances in Psychiatric Treatment, vol. 7, pp.
65–72
The Role of Theory in Promoting Social Work Values
167
Bowen, E. and Gilchrist, E. (2004), ‘Comprehensive Evaluation: A Holistic Approach
to Evaluating Domestic Violence Offender Programmes’, International Journal of
Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology, vol. 48, no. 2, pp. 215–234
Broadhurst, K., Wastell, D., White, S., Hall, C., Peckover, S., Thompson, K.,
Pithouse, A. and Davey, D. (2009), ‘Performing “Initial Assessment”: Identifying
the Latent Conditions for Error at the Front-Door of Local Authority Children’s
Services’, British Journal of Social Work, Advance Access: doi:10.1093/bjsw/bcn162
Brodeur, N., Rondeau, G., Brochu, S., Lindsay, J. and Phelps, J. (2008), Does the
Transtheoretical Model Predict Attrition in Domestic Violence Treatment
Programs? Violence and Victims, vol. 23, no. 4, pp. 493–507
Burnett, R. and McNeill, F. (2005), ‘The place of the officer–offender relationship in
assisting offenders to desist from crime’, Probation Journal, vol. 52, no. 3, pp.
221–242
Cadsky, O., Hanson, R.K., Crawford, M. and Lalonde, C. (1996), ‘Attrition from a
Male Batterer Treatment Program: Client–Treatment Congruence and Lifestyle
Instability’, Violence and Victims, vol. 11, pp. 51–64
Cleaver, H., Nicholson, D., Tarr, S. and Cleaver, D. (2007), Child Protection, Domestic
Violence and Parental Substance Misuse: Family Experiences and Effective Practice,
London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers
Craig, R.J. (2003), ‘Use of the Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory in the
Psychological Assessment of Domestic Violence’, Aggression and Violent Behavior,
vol. 8, pp. 235–243
Crawford, K. and Walker, J. (2007), Social Work and Human Development, Exeter, UK:
Learning Matters
Day, A., Howells, K., Casey, S., Ward. T., Chambers, J.C. and Birgden, A. (2009),
‘Assessing Treatment Readiness in Violent Offenders’, Journal of Interpersonal
Violence, vol. 24, pp. 618–635
Debbonaire, T. (2004), Evaluation of Work with Domestic Abusers in Ireland, Bristol,
UK: Domestic Violence Responses: Training, Prevention, Research
Department of Health, Social Services and Public Safety (2005), Tackling Violence at
Home, Belfast: DHSSPS
Domestic Abuse
Intervention
Project
(2008), available
online
at:
www.theduluthmodel.org/domesticabuseintervention.php
Dutton, D.G. (1995), Trauma symptoms and PTSD-like profiles in perpetrators of
intimate abuse. Journal of Traumatic Stress, vol. 8, 299–317
Dutton, D.G. (1998), The Abusive Personality: Violence And Control in Intimate
Relationships, New York: Guilford
Dutton, D.G. (2007), The Abusive Personality: Violence and Control in Intimate
Relationships (2nd ed.), New York: Guilford
Eckhardt, C., Holtzworth-Monroe, A., Norlander, B., Sibley, A. and Cahill, M.
(2008), ‘Readiness to Change, Partner Violence Subtypes, and Treatment
Outcomes among Men in Treatment for Partner Assault’, Violence and Victims, vol.
23, no. 4, p. 446
Ereaut, G. and Whiting, R. (2008), What Do We Mean by ‘Well Being’? And Why Might
It Matter?, London: Department of Children, Schools and Families
168
Maurice Mahon, John Devaney and Anne Lazenbatt
Erikson, E.H. (1959), Identity and the Life Cycle, New York: International Universities
Press
EVAW (2007), Making the Grade? 2007: An Independent Analysis of Northern Ireland
Government Initiatives on Violence against Women, London: End Violence Against
Women
Fonagy, P. and Target, M. (2003), Psychoanalytic Theories: Perspectives from Developmental Psychopathology, London: Whurr
Gondolf, E.W. (2002), Batterer Intervention Systems: Issues, Outcomes and
Recommendations, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage
Gondolf, E.W. (2007), ‘Theoretical and Research Support for the Duluth Model: A
Reply to Dutton and Corvo’, Aggression and Violent Behaviour, vol. 12, no. 6, pp.
644–657
Hamberger, L.K. and Hastings, J.E. (1986), ‘Personality Correlates of Men Who
Abuse Their Partners: A Cross-Validational Study’, Journal of Family Violence, vol.
1, pp. 323–341
Hamberger, L.K. and Hastings, J. (1988), ‘Characteristics of Male Spouse Abusers
Consistent with Personality Disorders’, Hospital and Community Psychiatry, vol.
39, pp. 763–770
Hancock, M.R. (1997), Principles of Social Work Practice: A Generic Practice Approach,
New York: Haworth Press
Hollin, C., Maguire, J., Hounsome, J., Hatcher, R., Bilby, C. and Palmer, E. (2008),
‘Cognitive Skills Behaviour Programs for Offenders in the Community: A
Reconviction Analysis’, Criminal Justice and Behaviour, vol. 35, pp. 269–284
Humphreys, C. and Stanley, N. (Eds) (2006), Domestic Violence and Child Protection:
Directions for Good Practice, London: Jessica Kingsley
Jordan, B. (1991), ‘Competencies and Values’, Social Work Education, vol. 10, pp. 5–11
Klee, H., Jackson, M. and Lewis, S. (2002), Drug Misuse and Motherhood, London:
Routledge
Kroll, B. and Taylor, A. (2003), Parental Substance Misuse and Child Welfare, London:
Jessica Kingsley
Levenesque, D.A., Gelles, R.J. and Velicer, W.R. (2000), ‘Development and Validation
of a Stage of Change Measure for Men in Batterer Treatment’, Cognitive Therapy
and Research, vol. 24, no. 2, 175–199
Lohr, J.E., Hamberger, L.K. and Bonge, D. (1998), ‘The Nature of Irrational Beliefs
in Different Personality Clusters of Spouse Abusers’, Journal of Rational-Emotive
and Cognitive-Behavior Therapy, vol. 6, pp. 273–285
Maiuro, R.D. and Eberle, J.A. (2008), ‘State Standards for Domestic Violence
Perpetrator Treatment: Current Status, Trends, and Recommendations’, Violence
and Victims, vol. 23, iss. 2, pp. 133–155
Maslow, A.H. (1943), ‘A Theory of Human Motivation’, Psychological Review, vol. 50,
no. 4, pp. 370–396
McCloskey, K.A., Sitaker, M., Grigsby, N. and Malloy, K.A. (2003), Characteristics
of Male Batterers in Treatment: An Example of a Localized Program Evaluation
Concerning Attrition’, Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma, vol. 8, no. 4,
pp. 67–95
The Role of Theory in Promoting Social Work Values
169
McCollum, E.E. and Stith, S.M. (2008), ‘Couples Treatment for Interpersonal
Violence: A Review of Outcome Research Literature and Current Clinical
Practices’, Violence and Victims, vol. 23, iss. 2, pp. 187–201
McConnaughy, E.A., Prochaska, J.O. and Velicer, W.F. (1983), ‘Stages of Change in
Psychotherapy: Measurement and Sample Profiles’, Psychotherapy, Theory, and
Practice, vol. 20, pp. 368–375
Miller, W.R. (2002), Motivational Interviewing: Preparing People for Change (2nd ed.),
New York: Guilford Press
Mirlrees-Black, C., Budd, T. and Partridge, S. (1998), The 1998 British Crime Survey
of England & Wales, issue 21/98, London: Home Office
Morran, D. (2008), ‘Firing Up and Burning Out: The Personal and Professional
Impact of Working in Domestic Violence Offender Programmes’, Probation
Journal, vol. 55, no. 2, pp. 139–152
Mullender, A. (2004), Tackling Domestic Violence: Providing Support for Children Who
Have Witnessed Domestic Violence, London: Home Office Research, Development &
Statistics Directorate
Murphy, C.M., Meyer, S.L. and O’Leary, D.K. (1993), ‘Family of Origin Violence
and MCMI-II Psychopathology among Partner Assaultive Men’, Violence and
Victims, vol. 8, iss. 2, pp.165–176
NISCC (2002), Codes of Practice for Social Care Workers, Belfast: NISCC. Available
online at: www.niscc.info
Northern Ireland Office (2008a), An Evaluation of Offending Behaviour Programmes
within the Prison and Probation Services of Northern Ireland, Belfast: NIO
Northern Ireland Office (2008b), Experience of Domestic Violence: Findings from the
Northern Ireland Crime Survey 2007/2008, Belfast: NIO. Available online at:
www.nio.gov.uk/08_northern_ireland_crime_survey.pdf
Northern Ireland Policing Board (2009), Thematic Inquiry on Domestic Abuse, Belfast:
NIPB
Parton, N. and O’Byrne, P. (2000), Constructive Social Work – Towards a New
Perspective, Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan
Pence, E. and Paymar, M. (1993), Education Groups for Men who Batter, New York:
Springer
Petrillo, M. (2007), ‘Power Struggle: Gender Issues for Female Probation Officers in
the Supervision of High-Risk Offenders, Probation Journal, vol. 54, no. 4, pp.
394–406
Perls, F., Hefferline, R.F. and Goodman, P. (1951), Gestalt Therapy: Excitement and
Growth in the Human Personality, London: Souvenir Press
Pithouse, A. (2008), ‘Early Intervention in the Round: A Great Idea, but …’, British
Journal of Social Work, vol. 38, pp. 1536–1552
Povey, D., Coleman, K., Kaiza, P. and Roe, S. (2009), Homicides, Firearm Offences and
Intimate Violence 2007/08, London: Home Office
Prochaska, J.O. and DiClemente, C.C. (1984), The Transtheoretical Approach: Crossing
Traditional Boundaries of Therapy, Homewood, IL: Dow Jones-Irwin
PSNI Statistical Report 2006–07, Belfast: Police Service of Northern Ireland.
www.psni.police.uk
170
Maurice Mahon, John Devaney and Anne Lazenbatt
Rees, A. and Rivett, M. (2005), ‘“Let a Hundred Flowers Bloom, Let a Hundred
Schools of Thought Contend”: Towards a Variety in Programmes for Perpetrators
of Domestic Violence’, Journal of Community and Criminal Justice, vol. 52, no. 3,
pp. 277–288
Rivett, M. (2006), ‘Treatment for Perpetrators of Domestic Violence: Controversy in
Policy and Practice’, Criminal Behaviour and Mental Health, vol. 16, pp. 205–210
Rothman, E.F, Butchart, A. and Cerda, M. (2003), Intervening with Perpetrators of
Intimate Partner Violence: A Global Perspective, Geneva: World Health Organisation
Saunders, D. (1996), ‘Feminist-Cognitive-Behavioural and Process-Psychodynamic
Treatments for Men who Batter: Interaction of Abuser Traits and Treatment
Models’, Violence and Victims, vol. 11, pp. 393–413
Saunders, B. and Allsop, S. (1991), ‘Helping Those Who Relapse’, in R. Davidson, S.
Rollinick and I. MacEwan (Eds), Counselling Problem Drinkers, London and New
York: Tavistock/Routledge
Scourfield J.B. (2002), ‘Reflections on Gender, Knowledge and Values in Social
Work’, British Journal of Social Work, vol. 32, pp. 1–15
Smith, D. (2005), ‘Probation and Social Work’, British Journal of Social Work, vol. 35,
pp. 621–637
Stark, E. and Flitcraft, A. (1996), Women at Risk: Domestic Violence and Women’s
Health, London: Sage
Tolman, R.M. and Bennett, L.W. (1990), ‘A Review of Quantitative Research on
Men Who Batter’, Journal of Interpersonal Violence, vol. 5, pp. 87–118
Vigilante, J.L. (1974), ‘Between Values and Science: Education for the Profession
During a Moral Crisis, or is Proof Truth?’, Journal of Education for Social Work, vol.
10, pp. 107–115
Walby, S. (2004), The Cost of Domestic Violence, London: Department of Trade &
Industry
Wallace, R. and Noska, A. (2003), ‘Shame in Male Spouse Abusers and its
Treatment’, Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment and Trauma, vol. 7, pp. 47–74
Wanigaratne, S., Wallace. W., Pullin, J. and Keaney, F. (1990), Relapse Prevention for
Addictive Behaviours: A Manual for Therapists, Oxford: Blackwell Scientific
Publications
Women’s Aid (2009), The Survivor’s Handbook, Bristol, UK: Women’s Aid.
www.womensaid.org.uk
Wikipedia (2009), ‘Denial’, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Denial