MANEN C., PERRIN T., GUILAINE J. (eds) 2014 –
La transition néolithique en Méditerranée. The Neolithic
transition in the Mediterranean. Errance – AEP, 464 p.
La Méditerranée constitue un espace privilégié pour étudier la mutation
qui fit basculer les anciennes sociétés de chasseurs‐collecteurs dans la
sphère des producteurs de nourriture, agriculteurs et éleveurs
néolithiques, car fut à la fois un foyer de transition entre ces deux états et,
parallèlement, un espace de diffusion de l’économie nouvelle : deux
mécanismes clés pour comprendre le processus d’émergence du monde
paysan. C’est d’abord sur les terres de la Méditerranée orientale et sur ses
prolongements, depuis le Levant Sud jusqu’à à la Haute Mésopotamie et
au Zagros, que des communautés ont progressivement modifié leur
organisation sociale, leur cadre symbolique, leur mode de vie pour
devenir des sociétés sédentaires et productrices, inaugurant ainsi une ère
nouvelle, annonciatrice des temps historiques. Puis ce nouveau système
s’est propagé en Méditerranée, favorisant ainsi la conversion à l’économie
agricole et pastorale de l’Europe et d’une partie de l’Asie et de l’Afrique.
Les mécanismes de cette diffusion furent complexes, entrainant de
fréquentes recompositions culturelles et donnant lieu à processus adaptatifs commandés par le double jeu
des contraintes environnementales et de la créativité humaine.
Cet ouvrage constitue la publication d’un colloque international organisé en avril 2011 au Muséum de
Toulouse. Il réunit vingt‐six contributions qui dressent le panorama de la recherche actuelle en trois
principaux domaines géographiques : le Proche‐Orient, les îles de la Méditerranée orientale et la
Méditerranée occidentale.
The Mediterranean represents an ideal space for studying the transition from the last hunters‐gatherers
to the first farmers. It was both a primal place of transition between these two steps and a space of
diffusion of the new economy, two key mechanisms for understanding the process of the emergence of
farming.
It was first in the eastern Mediterranean, from the southern Levant to
upper Mesopotamia and the Zagros, that some communities
progressively modified their social organization, their symbolic
framework, their way of life to become sedentary and food‐producing
societies, thus opening a new era that set the pattern for historical times.
Latter on, this new economic system progressively expanded, promoting
the farming economy in Europe and in some part of Asia and Africa. The
mechanisms of this diffusion were complex and they produced frequent
cultural transformations and adaptive processes, both determined by
environmental constraints and by human creativity.
This book constitutes the proceedings of an international conference
held in April 2011 in the Museum of Toulouse. It gathers twenty‐six
papers offering an overview of the current research in three main
geographical areas: the Near‐East, the eastern Mediterranean islands and
the western Mediterranean.
http://www.librairie‐epona.fr/la‐transition‐neolithique‐en‐mediterranee.html
SOMMAIRE
TRANSITIONS
EN MÉDITERRANÉE - OU COMMENT DES CHASSEURS DEVINRENT AGRICULTEURS
JEAN GUILAINE ....................................................................................................................................................... 9
Un colloque pour en débattre
LA MUTATION PROCHE - ORIENTALE - THE NEAR - EAST CHANGE
FRÉDÉRIC ABBÈS.................................................................................................................................................................... 13
Bal’as : un autre scénario de la néolithisation du Proche-Orient
The Bal’as Mountains: a different scenario of the Near Eastern neolithization
DANIELLE STORDEUR ............................................................................................................................................................. 27
Jerf el Ahmar entre 9500 et 8700 cal. BC. Un village des débuts de l’agriculture. Une société complexe
Jerf el Ahmar between 9500 and 8700 cal. BC. A village at the outset of farming. A complex society
GEORGE WILLCOX ................................................................................................................................................................. 47
Les premiers indices de la culture des céréales au Proche-Orient
The beginnings of cereal cultivation in the Near East
ADRIAN NIGEL GORING-MORRIS, ANNA BELFER-COHEN .......................................................................................................... 59
The Neolithic in the southern Levant: yet another ‘unique’ phenomenon…
Le Néolithique dans le sud du Levant : un autre phénomène « singulier »…
MEHMET ÖZDOğAN ............................................................................................................................................................... 74
The Quest for New Criteria in Defining the Emergence and the Dispersal of Neolithic Way of Life
À la recherche de nouveaux critères pour définir l’émergence et la diffusion du mode de vie néolithique
ÉRIC COQUEUGNIOT ............................................................................................................................................................... 91
Dja‘de (Syrie) et les représentations symboliques au IXe millénaire cal. BC
Dja’de (Syria) and the symbolic representations during the 9th millennium cal. BC
MIQUEL MOLIST .................................................................................................................................................. 109
Le processus de consolidation de la néolithisation au Proche-Orient : Apports de l’étude du site de Tell Halula
(vallée de l’Euphrate, Syrie)
The process of consolidation of the neolithization in the Near East: evidence from the site of Tell Halula
(Euphrates valley, Syria)
LA DIFFUSION PAR CHYPRE, L’ÉGÉE
ET L’ADRIATIQUE
- THE DIFFUSION BY CYPRUS, EAGEAN
AND
ADRIATIC
JEAN-DENIS VIGNE ............................................................................................................................................... 125
Nouveaux éclairages chypriotes sur les débuts de la domestication des animaux et sur la néolithisation au Proche-Orient
New insights from Cyprus on the beginning of animal domestication and on the neolithisation in the Near East
KATERINA TRANTALIDOU ....................................................................................................................................... 141
L’exploitation des ressources animales pendant le 9e millénaire en Égée et le statut ambigu des suidés
Trends in faunal taxonomic representation during the 9th millennium in the Aegean and the ambiguous status of suids
AMELIE SCHEU, RUTH BOLLONGINO, JEAN-DENIS VIGNE, ANNE TRESSET, NORBERT BENECKE, JOACHIM BURGER ................ 165
The spread of domesticated cattle in the Neolithic transition
La diffusion du bœuf domestique durant la transition néolithique
NIKOS EFSTRATIOU ............................................................................................................................................... 173
“MICROHISTORIES” of transition in the Aegean islands.The cases of Cyprus and Crete
« MICRO-HISTOIRES » de la transition dans les îles Égéennes. Les cas de Chypre et de la Crète
ADAMANTIOS SAMPSON ......................................................................................................................................... 193
The Mesolithic of the Aegean basin
Le Mésolithique du bassin Égéén
JEAN-FRANÇOIS BERGER, GARYFALIA METALLINOU, JEAN GUILAINE ........................................................................................ 213
Vers une révision de la transition méso-néolithique sur le site de Sidari (Corfou, Grèce).
Nouvelles données géoarchéologiques et radiocarbone, évaluation des processus post-dépositionnels
Reconsidering the mesolithic-neolithic transition at the site of Sidari (Corfu, Greece).
New geoarchaeological and radiocarbon data, evaluation of the post-depositional processes
STAŠO FORENBAHER, PRESTON MIRACLE .............................................................................................................................. 233
Transition to Farming in the Adriatic: a View from the Eastern Shore
La transition vers l’agriculture et l’élevage en Adriatique: une vue des côtes orientales
RENATA GRIFONI CREMONESI, GIOVANNA RADI ..................................................................................................................... 243
Du Mésolithique au Néolithique ancien en Italie centrale et méridionale
From the Mesolithic to the Early Neolithic in central and southern Italy
LA
NÉOLITHISATION DE L’OUEST MÉDITERRANÉEN
- THE WESTERN MEDITERRANEAN NEOLITHIZATION
THOMAS PERRIN, DIDIER BINDER ......................................................................................................................................... 271
Le Mésolithique à trapèzes et la néolithisation de l’Europe sud-occidentale
Late Mesolithic trapeze assemblages and the Neolithization of the South-Western Europe
JOSEPH CESARI, PATRICE COURTAUD, FRANCK LEANDRI, THOMAS PERRIN, CLAIRE MANEN ................................................... 283
Le site de Campu Stefanu (Sollacaro, Corse-du-Sud) : une occupation du Mésolithique et du Néolithique ancien
dans le contexte corso-sarde
Campu Stefanu (Sollacaro, Sourthern Corsica) : a Mesolithic and Early Neolithic settlement in the Corso-sardinian context
CARLO LUGLIÈ .................................................................................................................................................... 307
The Su Carroppu rockshelter within the process of neolithization of Sardinia
L’abri sous roche de Su Carroppu et le processus de néolithisation de la Sardaigne
PILAR UTRILLA, RAFAEL DOMINGO.......................................................................................................................... 327
La transition Mésolithique-Néolithique dans la vallée de l’Èbre
The Mesolithic-Neolithic transition in the Ebro valley
CARMEN OLARIA.................................................................................................................................................. 359
The Mesolithic collective burial of Cingle del Mas Nou (Ares del Maestre, Castellón, Spain)
L’inhumation collective mésolithique du Cingle del Mas Nou (Ares del Maestre, Castellón, Espagne)
JAVIER FERNÁNDEZ-LÓPEZ DE PABLO ....................................................................................................................... 371
Art traditions, cultural interactions and symbolic contexts during the Neolithic transition in the Eastern Iberian Peninsula
Traditions artistiques, interactions culturelles et contextes symboliques de la transition néolithique dans la région
méditerranéenne espagnole
CLAIRE MANEN ................................................................................................................................................... 405
Dynamiques spatio-temporelles et culturelles de la néolithisation ouest-méditerranéenne
Spatial, chronological and cultural dynamics of the neolithization in the western Mediterranean
JOAN BERNABEU AUBÁN, BERNAT MARTÍ OLIVER ..................................................................................................... 419
The First Agricultural Groups in the Iberian Peninsula
Les premiers groupes agropastoraux de la péninsule Ibérique
MARIE LACAN, FRANÇOIS-XAVIER RICAUT, BERTRAND LUDES, ÉRIC CRUBÉZY, JEAN GUILAINE .......................................... 439
La néolithisation de l’Europe : apports de l’ADN ancien
The neolithization of Europe: evidence from ancient DNA
SIMONE MULAZZANI ............................................................................................................................................. 453
Le site de SHM-1 (Tunisie) entre le VIIe et le VIe mill. cal. BC. Prémices d’une transition du Capsien supérieur vers le Néolithique
The site of SHM-1 (Tunisia) between the 7th and the 6th mill. cal. BC. Evidence of Upper Capsian – Neolithic transition
LISTE DES AUTEURS .............................................................................................................................................. 463
THE NEOLITHIC IN THE SOUTHERN LEVANT
YET ANOTHER ‘UNIQUE’ PHENOMENON…
LE NÉOLITHIQUE DANS LE SUD DU LEVANT
UN AUTRE PHÉNOMÈNE « SINGULIER »…
ADRIAN NIGEL GORING-MORRIS, ANNA BELFER-COHEN
ABSTRACT
The Aceramic Neolithic (PPN) in the Near East corresponds
to revolutionary transformations in the human condition, setting
the stage for later developments prior to the emergence of urban
life.Theoretical constructs to explicate these processes vary from
climatic determinism, through human vitalism, to demographic
and social triggers, co-evolutionary symbiotic human-plant
relationships, linguistic, psychological and multi-factor models.
Yet, such models frequently preceded the hard data available.
In recent decades the situation has improved markedly with
numerous field projects conducted throughout the Near East
including the southern Levant, an area characterised by a
mosaic of ecological zones often located in close proximity to
one another. The nature and intensity of climatic change during
the course of the terminal Pleistocene and early Holocene
throughout the region and their effects on socio-cultural
developments including shifts in settlement patterns remains
ambiguous.
Locally, the period witnessed significant demographic
growth. It is possible that in part this reflects changes in lifeways
and population movements, when small settled PPNA village
communities were established, subsisting initially on cultivation
and foraging, and then on agriculture and herding in large
‘megasite’ villages during the course of the PPNB; and finally
on dispersed agro-pastoralism during the Late Neolithic. Yet, in
order to understand the nature of transformations associated
with ‘Neolithisation’ processes, it is crucial to note that many
seminal ideological and other developments first commenced
earlier during the course of the Epipalaeolithic Natufian.
Furthermore, in addition to plant and animal domestication,
these Neolithisation processes also involved such technological
innovations as the management of fire, water and plastic
materials, as well as the intensification of ritual and social
interactions. Still, it is important to note that these ‘first time’
processes were neither linear nor directed. Wide-ranging
cultural interaction spheres emerged throughout the Near East,
of which the southern Levant formed but one component of
broader systems. Subsistence shifted unevenly in time and space
to domesticates, with foraging commonly still being important
in some areas. Indeed, in recent years debates arose concerning
the presence of polycentric developments as opposed to a
single centre for plant and animal domestication within the
Near East. The ‘desert and the sown’ dichotomy, already present
earlier, continued, whether in the marginal zones of eastern
Transjordan or in the Negev and Sinai.
The innate social tensions deriving from the emergence
of larger sedentary communities were further exacerbated by
discrepancies in the accumulation of material, social and ritual
wealth within and between communities. Prestige and other
items were exchanged, often over considerable distances, and
there is some evidence for the emergence of incipient craft
specialisation. Certain localities may have served as hubs for
redistribution networks. Mechanisms for dissipating resulting
‘scalar’ stress involved the emergence and intensification
of increasing social and ritual complexity. This is reflected
in the proliferation of communal cultic installations and
paraphernalia, whether in dedicated areas of settlements or
as separate localities. This is also expressed in the variability of
mortuary practices during the course of the PPN, ranging from
single articulated burials to multiple secondary burials, the latter
seemingly more common later in the period.While post-mortem
skull removal, often interpreted as some form of ancestor
veneration, was common it was by no means ubiquitous, having
been initiated already during the Natufian.The role and intensity
of inter-personal and even inter-community violence remains
unclear. Furthermore, the effects of long-term sedentism and
the introduction of domestic animals into villages raise issues
concerning the emergence of contagious, including zoonotic
diseases.
The presentation summarises the results of various recent
investigations within the southern Levant during the course of
the Aceramic Neolithic (PPNA and PPNB), and examine their
significance concerning the nature and tempo of Neolithisation
processes in the broader context of the Near East.
59
THE NEOLITHIC IN THE SOUTHERN LEVANT:
YET ANOTHER ‘UNIQUE’ PHENOMENON…
ADRIAN NIGEL GORING-MORRIS
ANNA BELFER-COHEN
RÉSUMÉ
Le Néolithique acéramique (PPN) au Proche-Orient
correspond à des transformations révolutionnaires de la
condition humaine qui préparent le terrain en vue de
développements ultérieurs précédant l’apparition des
premières villes. Les constructions théoriques mises en
œuvre pour expliquer ces processus varient du déterminisme
climatique, en passant par le vitalisme humain aux causes
démographiques et sociales, aux relations symbiotiques entre
hommes et plantes accompagnant l’évolution et aux modèles
linguistiques, psychologiques et multifactoriels. Cependant, de
tels modèles ont souvent été construits avant de disposer de
données réelles.
Au cours de ces dernières décennies, la situation s’est
significativement améliorée grâce à de nombreuses recherches
conduites un peu partout au Proche-Orient, incluant aussi le
Levant sud, une région caractérisée par une mosaïque de zones
écologiques souvent proches les unes des autres. La nature et
l’intensité des changements climatiques à la fin du Pléistocène
et au début de l’Holocène dans cette région ainsi que leurs
effets sur le développement socio-économique y compris les
changements dans les structures de l’occupation du territoire
restent ambigus.
Dans certains endroits, cette période est caractérisée par
une croissance démographique significative. Il est possible
que cela reflète en partie des changements dans les façons
de vivre et des mouvements de population, lorsque des petites
communautés villageoises sont fondées au PPNA vivant
d’agriculture de chasse et de cueillette, ensuite évoluant vers
de vastes villages basés sur l’agriculture et l’élevage au cours
du PPNB et finalement se dispersant avec la pratique du
pastoralisme au PPNB récent. Afin de comprendre la nature
des transformations associées aux processus de néolithisation,
il est important de noter que l’origine d’un grand nombre de
développements décisifs, idéologiques et autres, remonte à
une date antérieure, au Natoufien épipaléolithique. En outre,
en plus de la domestication des plantes et des animaux, ces
processus de néolithisation ont aussi amené des innovations
technologiques, telle la gestion du feu, de l’eau et des matériaux
malléables, ainsi que l’intensification des interactions rituelles
et sociales. Il est aussi important de remarquer que ces toutes
premières transformations n’ont été ni linéaires ni dirigées. Des
sphères d’interaction culturelles à large échelle ont émergé
à travers le Proche-Orient, le Levant sud abritant seulement
60
une des composantes au sein d’un système plus large. Les
stratégies de subsistance évoluent différemment dans le temps
et dans l’espace vers l’agriculture et l’élevage, la chasse et la
collecte demeurant importantes dans certaines zones. En
effet, ces dernières années, des débats ont été engagés quant à
l’existence de multiples foyers par opposition à un seul centre
de domestication des plantes et des animaux au Proche-Orient.
La dichotomie entre le désert aride et la terre fertile (« the desert
and the sown »), déjà présente antérieurement, se prolonge,
aussi bien dans les zones marginales de l’est de la Transjordanie
que dans le Néguev et le Sinai.
Des tensions sociales inhérentes, dérivant de l’émergence
de grandes communautés sédentaires, ont été exacerbées par
les divergences dans l’accumulation des richesses matérielles,
sociales et rituelles à l’intérieur et entre les communautés. Des
objets de prestige et d’autres ont été échangés, souvent sur
des distances considérables et il existe quelques preuves pour
l’émergence de la spécialisation artisanale. Certaines localités
ont servi de centres au sein des réseaux de redistribution. Des
mécanismes d’apaisement des tensions engendrées par des stress
sociaux sont à l’origine de l’émergence et de l’intensification
d’une complexité sociale et rituelle croissante. Cela est
visible dans la prolifération des bâtiments communautaires et
accessoires liés au culte, soit dans des zones particulières au
sein des sites d’habitat soit dans des lieux séparés. La variabilité
des pratiques funéraires au cours du PPN exprime aussi cet état
de fait, allant de simples sépultures individuelles aux sépultures
secondaires multiples, ces dernières semblent plus communes
à la fin de la période. Si le prélèvement post mortem du crâne,
souvent interprété comme une sorte de vénération de l’ancêtre,
était courant, il n’était dans aucun cas novateur étant donné
qu’il avait été initié déjà au Natoufien. Le rôle et l’intensité de la
violence entre personnes et même entre communautés restent
peu précis. De la même manière, les effets sur le long terme de
la sédentarité et l’introduction des animaux domestiques dans
des villages soulèvent des questions concernant l’émergence
des maladies contagieuses, y compris les zoonoses.
Cette contribution résume les résultats de différentes
recherches récentes menées sur le terrain dans des sites du
Néolithique acéramique (PPNA et PPNB) du Levant sud, et
examine leur importance concernant la nature et le rythme des
processus de néolithisation dans le contexte proche-oriental
plus large.
LA MUTATION PROCHE-ORIENTALE
THE NEAR-EAST CHANGE
LE NÉOLITHIQUE DANS LE SUD DU LEVANT :
UN AUTRE PHÉNOMÈNE « SINGULIER »…
INTRODUCTION
Research on “The Neolithic Revolution”, a term that
was considered analogous to the “transition to agricultural
subsistence” in the Near East was initially driven by theoretical
constructs which preceded actual fieldwork in the region (e.g.
see summary in Childe, 1953). Exploration of “Neolithization”
processes entailed the assumption that there was but a single
trajectory of the manner in which fully fledged farming and
herding developed within the ‘Fertile Crescent’. Additionally,
based on the vagaries of the history of research, it was taken
as a given that the geographical location of such developments
was in the southern Levant, and that they only subsequently
disseminated northwards (fig. 1). The local Neolithic
archaeological record was conceived as representing the
standard by which Neolithization stages and transformations
should be judged. Thus the south Levantine record initially
became the yardstick for dealing with Neolithic developments
elsewhere in the Near East. Following research during the late
1950’s at Jericho and Jarmo this was reflected in the BraidwoodKenyon debate concerning the earliest appearance of settled
farming societies (e.g. Braidwood, 1957; Kenyon, 1957a).
Field research since the 1980s elsewhere in the Near East
has resulted in the heretofore south Levantine so-called ‘primacy’
- to use Watkins’ (2008) phrase - shifting to the northern Levant,
and especially the middle Euphrates – upper Tigris region. Still,
research remained anchored to the basic paradigm of a single
‘centre’ of origins, followed by subsequent dispersions. With the
recent rapid accumulation of archaeological data throughout
the Near East (including Cyprus), the complexity, diversity
and uneven pace of Neolithisation processes are highlighted.
It is obvious that there was no ‘blueprint’ to follow whenever
a group/society seemed to be on the route to become fullyfledged agriculturalists. Moreover, it transpires that the latter
was not a coherent concept; indeed, groups practicing incipient
cultivation and domestication were unaware that they were
on a trajectory to becoming agriculturalists. Clearly we are
facing, from the very beginnings of the shift from foraging to
village societies, longue durée processes that incorporated
complex webs of interactions pertaining to people, particular
environmental conditions, climatic shifts, as well as
technological and social innovations. The focus of the process
shifted back and forth between the northern and southern
Levant, differing with regards various realms, from technological
innovations to ritual behaviours. One may consider the whole
of the Fertile Crescent as a hub where, in different locations,
at different points of time, ideas developed and innovations
spread, at diverse paces, in different manners.
In light of the above, we believe that the time is ripe to
reassess the nature of developments in the southern Levant with
respect to that elsewhere in the Fertile Crescent. We shall first
present a brief overview of the basic data available for the Early
Neolithic. We prefer to use the terms ‘Early Neolithic’ and ‘Late
Neolithic’ when referring to what is usually termed ‘Pre-Pottery
Neolithic’ and ‘Pottery Neolithic’, respectively (Belfer-Cohen and
Goring-Morris, in press), since ceramics and pottery have been
consistently reported within ‘Pre-Pottery’ Neolithic contexts (e.g.
Biton, 2010; Freichman, 2006). The ‘Early Neolithic’ encompasses
the PPNA (ca. 9600 - 8750 cal. BC) represented by the ‘Khiamian’
and the ‘Sultanian’ entities, and the PPNB (ca. 8750 - 6900 cal.
BC). The ‘Late Neolithic’ comprises the ‘Yarmukian’ and ‘Lodian/
Jericho IX’ entities (ca. 6900 - 5500 cal. BC).
The archaeological record of the southern Levant will be
described according to developments in settlement patterns,
architecture, material culture, and symbolic behaviour, being
fully aware that such distinctions are often arbitrary. Discussion
of each of these realms will include comparisons with findings
from other regions, as well as a thorough exposé of the
chronological framework; this is crucial for understanding the
dynamics of local sequences and their relative positions within
the wider framework of Neolithisation processes throughout the
greater Levant.
Geographically, we consider the ‘southern Levant’ to
include areas south of a line between Beirut and Damascus
(fig.1). In addressing developments during the Neolithic in the
southern Levant, it is vital to relate to those already initialised
during the semi-sedentary Late Epipalaeolithic Natufian (ca.
13000 - 9500 cal. BC), since many aspects of local developments
can be traced directly back to that entity. Mostly we shall
concentrate on the earlier stages of the Neolithic. Since we view
what has traditionally been considered the beginning of the
‘Late Neolithic’ as demonstrating direct continuity, we shall also
relate to it whenever relevant (for further discussion see GoringMorris and Belfer-Cohen, in press).
61
ADRIAN NIGEL GORING-MORRIS
ANNA BELFER-COHEN
THE NEOLITHIC IN THE SOUTHERN LEVANT:
YET ANOTHER ‘UNIQUE’ PHENOMENON…
Fig. 1: Topographic map of the Fertile Crescent (the northern and southern Levant are delineated by a ‘line’ extending from Beirut to Damascus).
Carte topographique du croissant fertile (la limite entre le Levant nord et le Levant sud se situe sur la ligne reliant Beyrouth à Damas).
62
LA MUTATION PROCHE-ORIENTALE
THE NEAR-EAST CHANGE
LE NÉOLITHIQUE DANS LE SUD DU LEVANT :
UN AUTRE PHÉNOMÈNE « SINGULIER »…
SETTLEMENT PATTERNS
The Late Epipalaeolithic Natufian complex is characterized
by marked variability in settlement and mobility patterns within
the Mediterranean zone as well as at the arid margins, reflecting
complex webs of interaction (Belfer-Cohen and Goring-Morris,
2013; Goring-Morris and Belfer-Cohen, 2013). The picture
changes during the PPNA with settlement patterns focusing
especially upon lowland settings, mainly within the Rift Valley
north and south of the Dead Sea, and more modest occupations
along the western margins of the central mountain range (fig. 2).
The arid zone was almost completely abandoned at this time,
perhaps corresponding to the cumulative effects of the Younger
Dryas. The rather spotty data available from surveys indicates
that major settlements were spaced at intervals of about 20km
along the edges of the Jordan Rift, commonly on or adjacent
to active alluvial fans, close to water sources and potentially
cultivable land.
A hierarchy of PPNA site sizes is documented, with the
largest, such as Jericho and Netiv Hagdud extending over ca.
25 dunams 1, though most sites were clearly much smaller (Kuijt,
1994).There are indications that the largest settlements, possibly
with populations in the low hundreds, functioned as regional
nodes interacting with smaller sites: this is illustrated by the
variable quantities of imported obsidian between the sites,
irrespective of the recovery techniques employed (Bar-Yosef,
2001). In addition, smaller, presumably seasonal occupations
are found in adjacent upland areas to the west and east, e.g.
Iraq ed-Dubb, Ein Suhun and Yad Shmoneh (Kuijt et al., 1992;
Nadel et al., 2000; pers. obs.). We believe it likely that the larger
sites were basically sedentary communities, although parts of
the population may have engaged in seasonal transhumance
to exploit areas farther away. Yet it transpires that in some sites
the general nature and scale of the settlement continued in
the mode of ‘Natufian-type’ hamlets, e.g. the site of Nahal Oren
(Stekelis and Yisraely, 1963).
The larger settlements have significantly greater
accumulations of waste than previously, a new phenomenon in
the Near East. Indeed, for the first time occupation sediments
often are mainly of an anthropogenic nature and include
significant quantities of ash as well as construction debris.These
latter result in the rapid accumulation of levels to form ‘tells’,
again, a new phenomenon, previously known very rarely, e.g.
the aggregation sites of Early/Middle Epipalaeolithic Kharaneh
IV and Jilat 6 (Garrard, 1998; Garrard and Byrd, 1992). These
attest to intensive construction and pyrotechnical activities,
portraying a stable and structured mode of habitation within
PPNA sites, a trend that continues thereafter.
Subsequent PPNB settlement patterns differ considerably
and, to date, no site displays direct continuity from the PPNA.
Indeed, it is still difficult to characterize the nature of Early
PPNB settlement patterns in the southern Levant. The arid
margins began to be repopulated at this time, but by mobile
foragers, in an ‘Epipalaeolithic’ mode.
During the Middle PPNB, in addition to large settlements
being founded within the Rift valley, such as Beisamoun, Tel Eli,
Munhata and Jericho, there was increasing occupation of the
eastern highlands of Transjordan (fig.3). A linear north-south
settlement pattern is displayed there, along what would later
be known as the ‘Kings highway’, stretching from the Damascus
basin southwards to southern Edom. Many sites are located
within the major wadi systems dissecting this axis. Though most
Middle PPNB sites were initially modest in size, they, e.g. Abu
Suwwan,‘Ain Ghazal, Wadi Shueib, Khirbet Hammam, and other
newly founded sites rapidly expanded during the Late and Final
PPNB; these represent the so-called ‘mega-site’ phenomenon of
large village communities up to 12 hectares in size, e.g. Aswad,
Ramad, ‘Ain Ghazal, es-Sifiya and Basta (Rollefson et al., 1992;
Simmons, 2007; Stordeur et al., 2010; Mahasneh and Bienert,
2000; and references therein). Site numbers and sizes increased
dramatically. Other settlements in the area were of more modest
proportions during the Middle and/or Late PPNB, such as Wadi
Ghwair I, Shaqaret Msiad, Beidha, and ‘Ain Jammam (Byrd, 2005;
Kinzel et al., 2011; Simmons and Najjar, 2006; Waheeb and Fino,
1997). Small sites in the eastern steppes may have served as
seasonal outposts for the mega-sites, e.g. Wadi Abu Tulayha and
Jilat 26 (Fujii, 2010; Garrard et al., 1994).
West of the Rift valley, in the Galilee, Samaria and Judea,
settlements were generally more modestly sized than in and
east of the Rift Valley. Sites were located in lowland, alluvial
settings, e.g. Yiftahel, Mishmar Ha’Emeq and Ard el-Samra
(Barzilai et al., 2011; Getzov et al., 2009; Khalaily et al., 2008).
In the coastal plain south of the Carmel, sizeable settlements
only appear during the Final PPNB, e.g. Atlit Yam and Ashqelon
(Garfinkel and Dag dir., 2008; Galili et al., 20042). Middle and
Late PPNB occupation of the Negev and Sinai is marked by
the continued presence of seasonally mobile foraging bands
exploiting upland and lowland areas.
Most PPNB sites in the Mediterranean zone are located
either within major wadis or at the margins of large alluvial
valleys, such as would have provided nearby fields with
replenishable soils and access to perennial water sources.
Clearly, there were additional considerations in founding sites,
not present during preceding periods. Population densities and
property rights to fertile land would have played a major role
during the PPNB. Although the notion that the wall and tower at
PPNA Jericho were part of a defence system was proven to be
incorrect (Bar-Yosef, 1986; Barkai and Liran, 2008; Naveh, 2003;
Ronen and Adler, 2001), one cannot ignore the unusual setting
of Late/Final PPNB Baja on a ledge hidden within a narrow
canyon, impeding access to all and sundry. The excavator has
suggested that the inhabitants took advantage of a natural
defensive setting against hostile neighbours (Gebel, 2004).
However, given the sparse evidence for conflict or destruction
levels in settlements, another explanation may relate to a
psychological defensive ’state of mind’ (Ronen and Adler, 2001).
The reoccurring reference to possible inter-personal and intergroup violence during the Neolithic gains popularity in the
literature and is worth further detailed and in-depth exploration
(see papers in Rollefson and Gebel dir., 2010).
1
Although the size of Netiv Hagdud was originally reported as 15 dunams,
subsequent trenching around the edge of the site indicates it was at least 20
dunams in size (Bar-Yosef and Gopher, pers. comms.)
2
The possibility of earlier submerged PPNB on the coast should not be
discounted.
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Fig. 2: Map of PPNA sites in the Near East (size of squares approximates relative sizes of sites).
Carte des sites du PPNA au Proche-Orient (la taille des carrés correspond à la taille relative des sites).
As noted above, and notwithstanding the relatively
sudden appearance of ceramics in large quantities, we view
the early Pottery Neolithic ‘Yarmukian’ and ‘Lodian’ (=’Jericho
IX’) cultural entities as the culmination of PPNB village society
developments (Garfinkel, 1999; Gopher, 1995; Goring-Morris
and Belfer-Cohen, in press). Yarmukian sites tend to cluster
in valleys adjacent to the central Jordan valley, while the
‘Lodian’ has a more southerly distribution in and west of the
Rift valley, with some sites displaying ‘intermediate’ material
culture characteristics. It appears that there was a degree
of chronological overlap and that, generally, the Yarmukian
emerged somewhat earlier (Garfinkel, 1993; Gopher, 1995). The
Yarmukian settlement at Sha’ar HaGolan was of a different
order of magnitude in comparison to other Yarmukian and
Lodian sites (Garfinkel and Ben Shlomo, 2009).
64
Pastoralism in the arid margins emerged towards the
end of the PPNB, seemingly appearing first in the northeast
(the el-Kowm basin?) and thence spreading southwards
in Transjordan by way of the Black desert and Azraq basin
(Cauvin, 2000; Garrard, 1999; Martin, 1999; Rollefson, 2008;
Rollefson et al., 2002; Stordeur, 1989) to the Hisme (Henry,
2005) and thence across the Rift valley to the Negev and Sinai
(Bar-Yosef, 1985; Bar-Yosef and Khazanov dir., 1992; GoringMorris, 1993; Rosen, 2008). Of particular interest is the nature
of relationships between the settled communities and nearby
outposts deeper in the arid zone – or, the ‘desert and the sown’
(Fujii, 2010; Köhler-Rollefson, 1992). To date there is little, if any
evidence for contacts with the Nile valley prior to the Late
Neolithic, with its appearance in the Fayum (Goring-Morris,
1993; Shirai, 2011).
LA MUTATION PROCHE-ORIENTALE
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Fig. 3: Map of PPNB sites in the Near East (size of squares approximates relative sizes of sites).
Carte des sites du PPNB au Proche-Orient (la taille des carrés correspond à la taille relative des sites).
ARCHITECTURE
Residential architecture is considered as a basic
characteristic feature of a ‘community’.Yet the issue of precisely
what denotes residential architecture and how to identify its
fundamental unit is contentious; this relates to the nature of
the social structure operating at any point in time – whether
the set social divisions are by nuclear or extended families,
as well as other possible combinations, involving age and
gender classes, or other partitions (see Flannery, 1972 and
2002). Two polar concepts have emerged in examining early
architectural developments within the Levant; one approach
espouses a unilinear trajectory from small, circular, to large,
quadrilateral architectural units, considered as residential
(nuclear or extended family) dwellings (e.g., Ben-Shlomo and
Garfinkel, 2009). The other argues that all architecture prior to
the PPNB is ‘non-residential’, i.e. it does not represent shelter
and space for the daily activities of a ‘household’, the latter
concept appearing only later (e.g. Asouti, 2006; Finlayson et al.,
2011). We believe that the available architectural evidence is
actually more nuanced than either of the above. One cannot
ignore the variability observed in floor sizes of structures, or
the co-existence in various sites of structures differing in style
and contents (Goring-Morris and Belfer-Cohen, 2003, 2008). In
recent years more structured examinations of the syntax of
architectural developments within the region are apparent
(e.g. Bafna and Shah, 2007; Byrd, 1994, 2000; Byrd and Banning,
1988; Kent, 1990). What we interpret as ‘nuclear family’ based
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ADRIAN NIGEL GORING-MORRIS
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residential units in some sites correspond to ethnographic
analogies (notwithstanding the inherent problems of such
comparisons); they contain similar arrays of associated site
furniture, seemingly pertaining to daily subsistence activities,
e.g. cup-marked slabs (Casselberry, 1974; Naroll, 1962; Shelach,
2006). Such patterning already appeared during the late
Epipalaeolithic Harifian (ca. 10500 - 9600 cal. BC), as well as
during the PPNA (Goring-Morris, 1991; Rosenberg, 2008).
The presumed residential architectural units of the PPNA
display considerable continuity from the preceding Natufian
entity, in particular as regards the circular shape of the
structures (Valla, 2008). Still, it is important to note that within
this basic concept considerable variability is notable. For, during
the formative Early Natufian (ca. 13000 -11000 cal. BC) largescale circular structures varying in size from 7-15m diameter are
common in the Mediterranean zone. By the Late/Final Natufian
(ca. 11000 - 9600 cal. BC) they rarely exceed 4-5 m in diameter.
The presence in the Early Natufian of structures with internal
floor spaces on the order of 40-150 m² is especially important
as it has significant ramifications with regards developments in
symbolic realms (and see below).
During the PPNA residential structures were usually semisubterranean, circular or oval in plan, and ranging in size from
ca. 6-20m² in diameter 3. Dependent upon specific geographical
setting they were built on stone footings, sometimes topped
by ‘wattle and daub’ or modelled using mud (‘tauf’) (Gilgal I,
Iraq ed-Dubb) and later by actual mud-bricks (Netiv Hagdud,
Jericho), with pisé de terre floors. The appearance of the sundried mud-brick can be considered as either a local invention 4,
or as an element introduced from elsewhere, where, as claimed
by K. Kenyon (Kenyon, 1957a and 1957b), stone raw material
was scarce. Still the present evidence would appear to indicate
that sun-dried mud-brick first appears in the southern Levant.
Indeed, mud-bricks have not been reported from the northern
Levant during the PPNA, the appearance of moulded bricks
being first attested at Çafer Hüyük in the Middle PPNB (Stordeur,
2010).
Another architectural element to consider is the custombuilt storage space or the granary. Small-scale silos are
documented at Netiv Hagdud, while at Dhra and perhaps at
Jericho larger-scale granaries are present (Bar-Yosef and Gopher
dir., 1997; Kenyon, 1981; Kuijt and Finlayson, 2009).
Scanty, yet valid evidence indicates that there were public
spaces (built or open) used by groups already during the
Epipalaeolithic in aggregation sites, e.g. at Late Natufian Rosh
Horesha (Marks and Larson, 1977).This may presage the concept
of the ‘plaza’ known from the Tigris area 5. It is during PPNA that
we can observe, for the first time, clearly communal efforts in the
construction and use of durable non-domestic architecture.This
pertains to the famous wall and tower of Jericho (Kenyon, 1981),
which at the time was considered to denote the foundation of
the first city-state in the Fertile Crescent, as well as to the recently
published large kiva-like structure from the site of Wadi Faynan
16 (Finlayson et al., 2011), more or less coeval with similar
structures reported from the northern Levant 6. Though there is
debate concerning the man-power invested in the construction
of the Jericho tower and wall, there is no doubt that it would
have involved considerable communal efforts (Edwards, 1989;
Shelach et al., 2011 7).
The transition to the PPNB marks a major shift in
architecture concepts, at least within the Mediterranean zone
locally: quadrilateral architecture appears by at least the Middle
PPNB 8. Several basic arrangements for residential structures
can be identified. These include:
- the cell plan around a central courtyard, as at Basta
(Gebel et al. dir., 2006);
- the pier (or corridor) house, as at Beidha, ‘Ain Ghazal,
Jericho, and Yiftahel (Byrd and Banning, 1988; Braun, 1997; Byrd,
2005; Kenyon, 1981; Rollefson, 1997 and 2000);
- more agglutinative (‘pueblo’-like) plans, as at ‘Ain Jammam,
Baja and Wadi Ghwair (Simons and Najjar, 2006; Waheeb and
Fino, 1997; Gebel et al. dir., 2006).
Two and sometimes more stories appear, as at Beidha, ‘Ain
Ghazal, and Baja (Gebel, 2006; Kinzel, 2004).
Building activities involved solely mud-brick, as at
Aswad (Stordeur, 2010) admixtures of stone foundations and
mud-brick superstructures, as at ‘Ain Ghazal, Beisamoun and
Munhata, or solely of dressed stone, as at Tell Qarassa, Ghwair
I, Basta, Baja and Beidha depending upon the specific location
(Byrd, 2005; Gebel et al. dir., 2006; Ibáñez et al., 2010; Kinzel, 2004;
Lechevallier, 1978; Perrot, 1993; Rollefson et al., 1992; Simmons
and Najjar, 2006). In some instances channels underlie houses,
as at Basta and es-Siffiya, apparently to facilitate drainage within the built environment, and as a means of preventing rising
damp (Gebel et al. dir., 2006; Mahasneh, 2004).
PPNB structures had more durable lime-plaster floors
that facilitated house cleaning. This would have addressed the
growing problems of garbage accumulation as well as issues of
hygiene, which would have played a major role in the quality of
communal living from the beginnings of sedentism (see GoringMorris and Belfer-Cohen, 2010a; Hardy-Smith and Edwards,
2004).
Distinctive and unique PPNB structures relate to either
the corporate and/or ritual domains, often as designated areas
at the edges of settlements, e.g. Aswad, Atlit Yam, Beidha, Ain
Ghazal and Nahal Oren (Galili et al., 2004; Kirkbride, 1968;
Noy et al., 1973; Rollefson, 2000; Stordeur and Khawam, 2008).
Sites primarily dedicated to non-mundane activities include
3
Examples include Jericho, Gilgal I, Netiv Hagdud, Iraq ed-Dubb, ZAD 2,
Nahal Oren and Hatoula (Bar-Yosef et al. dir., 2010; Bar-Yosef and Gopher
dir., 1997; Kuijt and Goodale, 2009; Edwards and House, 2007; Kenyon, 1981;
Lechevallier and Ronen, 1994; Stekelis and Yisraely, 1963).
6
i.e. at Jerf-el Ahmar, Mureybet and Tell ‘Abr 3 (Stordeur et al., 2000; Yartah,
2005).
4
And see the use of pisé de terre in Natuian sites such as Wadi Hammeh 27
and Hayonim Terrace (Edwards, 1991; Henry et al., 1981).
5
e.g. Hallan Çemi, Nemrik, and Çayönu (Kozlowski, 2006; Özdogan and
Özdogan, 1990; Rosenberg and Redding, 2000).
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7
The effort required to build the perimeter wall was calculated by Dorrell as
about a week’s worth of work for 200 people; a recalculation based on an estimate
of 0.5m³ per person per day yields a igure of 10,400 work days or about 104 work
days for 100 people (Bar-Yosef, 1986).
8
The initial shift from circular to quadrilateral architecture is observed in Early
PPNB levels at Tell Qarassa (Ibáñez et al., 2010 ; Balbo et al. 2013) and Motza
(Khalaily, Bar-Yosef et al., 2007). It is of interest that at Aswad circular plans appear
to be dominant through to at least the Middle PPNB (Stordeur et al., 2010).
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the cult and mortuary centre of Kfar HaHoresh and the ritual
paraphernalia repository at Nahal Hemar cave (Bar-Yosef and
Alon, 1988; Goring-Morris, 2005; Goring-Morris et al., 2008). The
small circular Late PPNB structures at ‘Ain Ghazal (Rollefson,
2000) could represent ‘sweat lodges’ (Belfer-Cohen and
Goring-Morris, 2005).
Systematic water management is first documented as
wells in Cyprus during the PPNA and PPNB. In the southern
Levant they appear at Final PPNB Atlit Yam and Yarmukian
Sha’ar HaGolan (Gebel and Fujii dir., 2010 and references
therein). Other water management systems are documented
at Middle/Late PPNB Wadi Abu Tulayha, in the al-Jafr basin,
and later during the Late Neolithic at Waida for the irrigation
of field systems (Fujii, 2010; Kuijt et al., 2007). The importance
of wells lies not only in terms of the domestication of water,
‘bringing water to the settlement,’ but also with regards
hygienic considerations – with animal domestication the
physical separation of water sources for human as opposed
to animal use would have been of paramount importance to
the well-being of the community, as protection from potential
zoonoses (Karlen, 1995; Miller, 1982; and see also Goring-Morris
and Belfer-Cohen, 2010a).
MATERIAL CULTURE
The profound changes evident in nearly every aspect of
human existence during the Neolithic were accompanied by a
plethora of technological innovations. They pertain not only to
plant and animal domestication but also to what can be termed
as the domestication of ‘fire’,‘water’, and the ‘built environment’.
PPNA chipped stone tools initially display considerable
technological variability but general typological standardisation.
The innovations observed in the lithic repertoire pertain mainly
to projectile points and bifacial tools (Barkai, 2005; Gopher,
1994); these were already known from the preceding Natufian.
The same can be said of the sickle blades that also became
a permanent component of Neolithic assemblages (Bar-Yosef,
1998; Edwards, 2007a; Rosen, 1997). With the transition to the
Early PPNB a more standardized means of blank production
was introduced (from the northern Levant [Abbès, 1994]) in
the form of the bidirectional ‘naviform’ core technology – the
quintessential characteristic of the PPNB world.This technology
continues in use through the earlier part of the Late Neolithic
(Barzilai, 2010; Quintero, 2011). Naviform blade blanks were
used to manufacture standardized tool forms such as sickle
blades, projectile points, perforators, burins and chamfered
items. The naviform concept is a fairly simple (and elegant)
technology; sometimes production was carried out by skilled
craftsmen, e.g. the Motza cache (Khalaily, Marder et al., 2007),
and there is evidence for some long distance exchange of raw
materials and final products (Barzilai, 2010). In terms of bifacial
tools, a development from tranchet to more efficient polished
axes occurs, whether on flint, limestone or basalt (Barkai, 2005;
Yamada, 2000).
Obsidian already appears in minute quantities towards the
end of the Natufian (Delerue, 2007). Although larger quantities
are found during the Early Neolithic, it appears primarily within
symbolic contexts in much the same manner as other colourful
(and often exotic) minerals (Bar-Yosef Mayer and Porat, 2008).
Prior to the Late Neolithic obsidian derives exclusively from
Cappadocian sources and some sites served as central nodes
for its distribution (e.g. PPNA Jericho). It is of interest to note that
the only standardized tools made on obsidian in the southern
Levant are Helwan points, perhaps hinting at the nature of local
interactions during the course of the PPNB, as at Motza, Kfar
HaHoresh and Nahal Lavan 109 (Burian et al., 1999).
Many of the larger groundstone tools seemingly relate to
cultivation, in the sense that the main items are food processing
utensils, very similar to those known in extant populations for
processing plant materials, especially seeds (e.g. Hillman, 1984;
Kraybill, 1977). They display a shift away from the deep mortars
and pestles (for pounding) characteristic of the Natufian, to
the shallow cup marks of the PPNA and on to the querns and
upper handstones (for grinding) of the PPNB and Late Neolithic
(Belfer-Cohen and Hovers, 2005; Rowan and Ebeling dir., 2008;
Wright, 2000; and references therein). An interesting observation
is the presence of stepped ‘saddle’ or ‘trough’ querns only in
PPNB sites within the Jordan valley; this may correlate with the
types of plants cultivated (Goring-Morris and Belfer-Cohen, in
press). Raw materials include limestone, basalt, and sandstone.
The use of large platters first occurs during the PPNA and
continues into the PPNB (Rosenberg 2008); they may have
symbolic connotations (for service during feasting?), and are
sometimes found associated with burials (Goring-Morris, 2005).
It should be remembered that groundstone tools were also used
for processing materials other than foods, such as pigments,
plaster and bone (Wright, 2000).
Lime plaster production and use first appears during the
Middle Epipalaeolithic (for hafting microliths), and in symbolic
contexts, amongst others, in architectural features during the
Natufian (Kingery et al., 1988; Perrot, 1966). During the PPNB
it is used on a much larger scale, whether in architectural or
symbolic contexts such as skull modelling, statues and as beads
(Bar-Yosef and Alon, 1988; Garfinkel, 1988; Garfinkel and Dag
dir., 2008; Goren and Goring-Morris, 2008; Goren at al., 2001). The
cauterising properties of lime should be considered also with
regards hygiene. In addition lime-plastered surfaces facilitated
house cleaning, to the chagrin of archaeologists...; and we
should not dismiss the connotations associated with its bright
white colour (‘purity’ in later contexts). Undoubtedly, some of
these properties came together in the lime-plastered surfaces
present at Kfar HaHoresh.
Other facets of pyrotechnology include the intentional
modification of ochre as well as the production of burnt clay
objects (figurines and beads) and even ceramics prior to the
Late (Pottery) Neolithic (Biton, 2010; Freichman, 2006; Goren
and Biton, 2010; Zackheim, 1997).
The relatively sudden appearance and dominance of
ceramics in the material culture remains is the most visible
attribute for separating Early Neolithic (i.e.,the ‘Pre-Pottery’) from
Late Neolithic (i.e.,‘Pottery Neolithic’). However, the situation is
probably much more nuanced than appearances suggest,since it
is likely that ceramics represent an addition to and replacement
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of the basketry that is so rarely preserved in the archaeological
record. Indeed, it is of interest to note that the decorations on
early Neolithic Yarmukian pottery resemble basketry patterns
(Garfinkel, 1993). Bone tools used for fabrication of basketry are
known from the Natufian (Belfer-Cohen, 1988; Campana, 1989; Le
Dosseur, 2008), indicating indirectly that basketry was already a
major component of the material repertoire. Such tools continue
to appear during the Neolithic, as well as rare wooden items
of similar function (Schick et al., 1995). Unfortunately, basketry,
matting and woven articles are rarely preserved, except under
exceptional conditions, such as those in the Judean desert or
in the form of impressions of mats, i.e. Jericho. At Gilgal, Netiv
Hagdud and Nahal Hemar actual remains of baskets were
recovered, and there is a very rare instance of textiles at Nahal
Hemar (Schick, 1988, 1997, 2010; Schick et al., 1995).
Asphalt, deriving from the Dead Sea or, rarely, from distant
sources, was used for hafting and for lining baskets, as well
as a pigment, from at least the beginning of the Neolithic
(Nissenbaum and Connan, 1999). A unique occurrence is the
production of a paste from bone collagen modelled as a knife
handle at PPNB Nahal Hemar (Nissenbaum, 1997).
Incised ‘tokens’ occur in the Early Neolithic, but it was only
during the Late Neolithic that seals begin to appear in larger
quantities (Edwards, 2007b; Eirikh-Rose, 2004; Schmandt-Besserat,
1999). Such distinctive stone and pottery ‘seals’ denote the
emergence of the ‘individual’ as part of Neolithisation processes.
Other material remains incorporate items similar to those
recovered in earlier periods, such as marine molluscs (from the
Red Sea and the Mediterranean), as well as freshwater species
(Bar-Yosef Mayer, 2005), being used as beads. The impressive
quantities of powdered minerals, such as malachite, amazonite,
turquoise, manganese and ochre indicate the popular use
of pigments, which is also a common practice under ritual
and / or communal circumstances. Notable is the appearance
of green minerals, mostly for the shaping of beads, given various
interpretations tying it in with Neolithization processes and the
rising importance of plant cultivation (Bar-Yosef Mayer and
Porat, 2008; Wright and Garrard, 2003). During the Early Neolithic
individualised pendants and beads were common, often of
colourful, exotic materials (e.g. Critchley, 2007; Fabiano et al.,
2004). These indicate communication and exchange networks
with far-flung regions (Bar-Yosef Mayer, 2010). It was only during
the Late Neolithic that beads began to be mass-produced.
A unique category that makes its first appearance during
the PPNB are sandstone rings (actually bracelets) manufactured
in southern Transjordanian sites such as Baja and Basta; they are
also found in small numbers further north and west, perhaps
produced elsewhere (Gebel, 2010; Wright and Garrard, 2003).
Soft chalky stone and rarely clay were used during the Early
Neolithic for the production of figurines and various items (e.g.,
Hershman and Belfer-Cohen, 2010) to be replaced later on by
the massive use of burnt clay.
SYMBOLIC BEHAVIOUR
The Neolithic mindset was formed through adherence to
the deep-seated traditions of the preceding hunter-gatherer
societies and the introduction of new perceptions stemming
from the on-going transformations in various spheres of
existence. This affected the manner in which people perceived
their society, its place within the surrounding environment
and themselves within it. Distinctions between symbolic and
mundane realms were not clear-cut, as opposed to later periods,
when symbolic-cum-ritual behaviours became standardized
and canonization of practice evolved.
In several sites distinct cult areas were located at the
edges of settlements, e.g. ‘Ain Ghazal, Aswad, Atlit Yam, Jericho
and Mishmar Ha’emeq (Barzilai et al., 2011; Galili et al., 2004;
Kenyon, 1981; Stordeur and Khawam, 2008; Rollefson, 2000).
Some sites may have functioned as dedicated cult and
mortuary localities. For example, Kfar HaHoresh has been
hypothesised as representing a local cult and funerary centre
serving neighbouring communities, while Nahal Hemar seems
to have functioned as a remote repository for ritual artefacts;
both sites are located in secluded settings (Bar-Yosef and Alon,
1988; Belfer-Cohen and Goring-Morris, 2007; Goring-Morris et
al., 2008). Special sites for mortuary/ritual practices already
appear during the late Epipalaeolithic (Goring-Morris and
Belfer-Cohen, 2010b; Munro and Grosman, 2010).
Tracing actual rituals in the Neolithic is a ‘murky business’;
still, one can infer the custom of feasting through secondary
evidence such as bone concentrations of large animals
slaughtered at the same time, in particular locations and
68
specific associations. Illustrative cases are Early PPNB feasting
events at Kfar HaHoresh and Motza (Goring-Morris and
Horwitz, 2007; and see also Goring-Morris and Belfer-Cohen,
2011; Khalaily, Bar-Yosef et al., 2007). One may also mention the
presence of large stone platters, the sizes of which have been
interpreted as receptacles for quantities of food (Rosenberg,
2008; Wright, 2000 and references therein). Indeed, feasting
was an archaic tradition, which can be traced back to the
Natufian (e.g. Munro and Grosman, 2010) and even earlier as
observed at Early Epipalaeolithic Kharaneh IV (Goring-Morris
and Belfer-Cohen, 2011; Martin et al., 2010; Richter et al., 2010).
Studies on feasting in general (see references and discussion
in Hayden and Villeneuve, 2011) and those dealing specifically
with the Near East during Neolithic times (Twiss dir., 2007 and
Twiss, 2008) establish feasting as a common and repetitive
phenomenon.
The PPNB ‘Nahal Hemar knife’ is an illustrative example
of a chipped flint artefact type, seemingly of a mundane
character, the specific association of which indicates it was
used within a ritual context. These artefacts are found only
(and in large numbers) at the eponymous site associated with
other ritual paraphernalia. Given the presence of a string tied
tightly around the bilateral basal notches of one ‘knife’ and the
inconclusive results of use-wear analysis, it seems unlikely that
they were hafted, to be used for cutting or slicing (Bar-Yosef,
2011). Its actual function is difficult to guess and in a fancy
frame of mind one can suggest that perhaps they were used as
musical chimes attached to ceremonial items of clothing.
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DISCUSSION
Here we intend to bring up issues that were not covered
in detail in the above overview or those that merit additional
emphasis. For example, we shall not delve here into recent
debates concerning the nature, location(s) and precise timing
of shifts to agriculture in the Near East (e.g. Abbo et al., 2010;
Asouti and Fuller, 2011; Fuller et al., 2011). Suffice it to note
that currently the prevailing approach accepts that the shift
to plant domestication was a long-term, non-directed process.
Another issue to consider is that of the much debated cultural
‘bottlenecks’, whether between the Natufian and the PPNA
(accepting the validity of a ‘Khiamian’ entity) or between the
PPNA and the PPNB (the ‘Early PPNB’, which differs between
the southern and northern Levant), both short ‘bridging’ events,
demonstrating elements of changes and continuity.
In the southern Levant evaluation and interpretation of the
initial Neolithisation processes are greatly influenced by the
detailed archaeological record of the immediately preceding,
cultural entities. This contrasts with the situation in the northern
Levant, where the archaeological record of events predating the
Early Neolithic is scanty (and see critique in Watkins, 2008).
Opinions vary as regards the scope and intensity of plant
manipulation during the Natufian; the implicit evidence
available for incipient cultivation (quantities of groundstone
tools, sickle blades, increasing sedentism, etc.) can be well
accommodated within the behaviours recognized in recent
hunter-gatherers societies (and see Keeley, 1995 for a detailed
discussion). We believe that this renders the insistence for a
clear-cut demarcation between agricultural and non-agricultural
practices, ignoring relative degrees of plant manipulation, a
barren argument. It is quite apparent that with the appearance
of the Natufian there is both a dramatic intensification of
previously recognized behaviours, as well as a plethora of
inter-related technological and social innovations. This sets
the background for subsequent developments during the
Early Neolithic, which incorporate elements of those practices,
reflected in long-lasting traditions involving ‘deep memory’9.
The gradual accruement (yet by no means incremental or
linear) of the implications inherent in the ‘domestication’
processes pertaining to the various realms of human existence
at that stage, also incorporated radical and significant changes
in the scale and nature of social interactions. These affected
personal relations between individuals, the community, and
between communities (and see discussion in Belfer-Cohen and
Goring-Morris, 2012).
As Natufian groups became more sedentary in the
Mediterranean zone, settlements were primarily located at
ecotones, maximising the exploitation of foraging areas within
more restricted territories. By the PPNB choice localities for
villages were situated in well-watered settings on or close
to alluvial fans and terraces for fields, where soils would be
naturally replenished, as there is no evidence for intentional
fertilization prior to the Late Neolithic (Bogaard and Isaakidou,
2010). Though hunting continued to be psychologically
9
e.g. post-mortem skull removal (Kuijt, 2008 and references therein); see also
the similarities in ritual activities observed in the Natuian site of Hilazon Tachtit
Cave and those observed in the PPNB site of Kfar HaHoresh (Goring-Morris,
2000 and 2005; Grosman and Munro, 2007; Grosman et al., 2008).
important, hunting grounds would commonly have been
subsidiary considerations in such decisions. In addition, from
the Natufian onwards, special sites were founded in remote,
boundary settings, in the form of cemetery/cult sites. Here, the
concept of ‘ownership’ at kin and community levels would
have developed, in terms of rights to material culture items,
fields, and the landscape. Though actual settlement territories
would have progressively shrunk, webs of interactions would
have multiplied, as the range and intensity of exchange of
information and goods increased.
Not only can we observe in the Early Neolithic the
intensification and standardization in building activities,
‘domesticating’, so-to-speak, the natural environment. There
was secondary ‘domestication’ also of natural elements such as
‘fire’ and ‘water’. At the same time one can observe both the
increasing manipulation of raw materials (e.g., clay, coloured
minerals) and innovative combinations of raw materials and
technologies known previously (e.g. the reed and plaster Ain
Ghazal statues, painted and decorated bone Nahal Hemar
figurines). Indeed, accrued knowledge of aspects of such
technologies - the naviform bidirectional lithic technology
being a distinctive example 10 - likely contributed to ‘proto’-craft
specialization, evidenced most clearly for the first time during
the Early Neolithic (Barzilai, 2010).
The technological and social innovations described above
are apparent in mundane and in sacred settings, differentiation
between the domains usually being relative and contextual
(e.g. Goring-Morris and Belfer-Cohen, 2001). The same can be
said as regards private and public activities (e.g. Byrd, 1994).
Exchange of goods and ideas within and between different
regions of the greater Levant became more obvious through
time, culminating in the PPNB koine. Certain innovations
appear to have spread southwards (and westwards), as, for
example, the shift from circular to quadrilateral architectural
principles 11. There are differences both in the character and
the tempo of the components and transformations comprising
the Neolitisation processes between the southern and northern
Levant. These stem from different environmental circumstances,
as well as from the different historical trajectories of the various
life-histories of the groups inhabiting both regions 12.
We should acknowledge this, while at the same time
recognizing the fact that there were constant, on-going
connections criss-crossing the whole of the Fertile Crescent
that differed in direction, intensity, scope and impact. Accepting
and realizing that this was representative of the situation, rather
than looking for rigid directions of trajectories as regards
origins and development of the Neolithic worldview/gestalt, is
the first and most basic condition to begin to disentangle the
complexity that is the Neolithisation process in the Levant.
10
Indisputably deriving from the northern Levant.
11 Rectangular architecture appears at ‘Ain Ghazal during the early stages of
the Middle PPNB, while at the coeval southern site of Beidha the shift is observed
at a later stage.
12 A minor example: in the northern Levant obsidian was a raw material of
choice for a wide array of mundane tool types, whereas in the southern Levant it
was hardly ever used for daily tools but rather as pendants and the like.
69
THE NEOLITHIC IN THE SOUTHERN LEVANT:
YET ANOTHER ‘UNIQUE’ PHENOMENON…
ADRIAN NIGEL GORING-MORRIS
ANNA BELFER-COHEN
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