ran barkai

The evolution of Neolithic and Chalcolithic woodworking tools and the intensification of human production: axes, adzes and chisels from the Southern Levant Introduction and cultural background The axe, adze and chisel were prominent among the bifacial flint tools of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic in the Levant (about 9,600 to 3,500 cal BC). The main purpose of the research reported in this paper, is to show how they provide evidence for social conditions at that time. To achieve this, patterns in the development of technology, in morphologies and in other characteristics of the industry are viewed in the context of broader cultural, economic and social changes. Bifacial tools are shaped by intensive flaking on both principal faces, using a technique known in the Levant since the dawn of prehistoric times (for a detailed terminology see Barkai 2002; 2005:80). An axe is defined as bifacially shaped tool with a lenticular cross section. The working edge was formed by bifacial flaking, polished, and is wider than 2cm. An adze has a plano-convex cross section. The ventral face is mostly flat and the dorsal face is curved; the cross-section is trapezoid or triangular. Its working edge is wider than 2cm. A chisel is long and narrow with a variety of cross sections. Its cutting edge rarely exceeds 2cm in width. Lower Paleolithic Hand-axes were prominent tools in the Levant for more than a million years. About 200,000 years ago, with the appearance of the Mousterian culture, flint knappers ceased to use the bifacial technique to shape their tools. Instead, this technique was used for shaping Levallois cores. Indeed, bifacial tools are hardly found within the flint industry of the Middle Paleolithic, the Upper Paleolithic, or the Epipaleolithic periods, that is, until about 13,000 years ago. At the end of the Pleistocene, bifacial tools were manufactured once again, this time in the framework of the Natufian lithic tool-kit (13,000–9,600 cal BC, [dates for the Natufian and Pre-Pottery Neolithic (PPN) cultures are based on Goring-Morris and Belfer-Cohen 2008; dates for the Pottery Neolithic (PN) and the Chalcolithic periods are based on Banning 2007 and Gilead 2007]). This reappearance is just one comparatively small change at a time of major changes in society that occurred during the transition from mobile food collectors and hunters to agricultural sedentary communities (Bar-yosef 1998). Early signs of this transition include orderly architecture, new forms of symbolism, common burial customs and the emergence of social complexity – all of which appear for the first time in the Natufian, and constitute the infrastructure of Neolithic societies. The first sites large enough to be called villages are found during the first phase of the PPN period (hereafter PPNA), 9,600–8,500 cal BC. In these villages were found public buildings, such as the wall and tower of Jericho (Barkai and Liran 2008), items which suggest long-term commerce, possible cereal cultivation, artistic representations and unique burial customs. These permanent settlements, along with the introduction of plant cultivation, underlie the definition of the Neolithization process (Bar-Yosef 1995; Kuijt and GoringMorris 2002), characterised by the introduction of the flaked flint axe, the working edge of which was shaped by transverse blows (Fig. 1). Along with flint axes, flint chisels and polished stone axes (made of basalt, limestone and other materials, Fig. 2) also begin to appear at around this time. During the second phase of the PPN Period (hereafter PPNB, 8,500–6,400 cal BC), axes shaped by bifacial flaking and grinding/polishing (Figs. 3–4) replaced those shaped by trans2 Stone Axe Studies III Fig. 1. PPNA flint axes shaped by transversal blows from

This paper describes the techno-typological affinities of a specific Acheulo-Yabrudian lithic assemblage dated to over 300 ka years ago from Qesem Cave, a middle Pleistocene site in central Israel. Aspects of blade production, knapping trajectories, and lithic recycling are examined in detail, demonstrating that this assemblage, notwithstanding its initial attribution to the blade-dominated Amudian industry, has some specific characteristics differing from other Amudian assemblages in the cave. The study discusses similarities and differences within the Amudian industry and offers a broader view of the variability within the Amudian industry of Qesem Cave.

This book was funded by the EU 7th Framework Programme (7FP), TropicMicroArch 623293 Project (http://cordis.europa.eu/project/rcn/187754_en.html). The book will be Open Access, thanks to FP7 post-grant Open Access (https://www.openaire.eu/postgrantoapilot).

Abstract Lower Paleolithic bifaces are one of the most ubiquitous and persistent stone tools in prehistory, proliferating from Africa through Eurasia from as early as 1.75 Mya and remaining in use for over 1.5 million years. Numerous studies have thus far focused on Acheulean handaxes’ technological characteristics, underlining their relevance in terms of early human technology, behavior and cognition. Moreover, many experimental studies have investigated the use of handaxes, highlighting their exceptional efficiency in carcass processing tasks and in other activities. However, issues of preservation have often prevented a thorough and accurate functional interpretation of Lower Paleolithic bifaces, thus limiting our current knowledge regarding their actual use. This paper presents initial results from the functional analysis of two biface assemblages originating from the Late Lower Paleolithic sites of Revadim and Jaljulia (Israel). Our analysis of use wear traces shows that handaxes at both sites appear to have been employed mainly for carcass processing. We identified differences in biface utilization at the two sites, most probably attributable to the type of animal processing activities for which these tools were employed. We also designed a dedicated experimental framework in which biface replicas were utilized in different tasks on animal, vegetal and mineral materials. This made it possible to test the efficiency of the tools and build a use-wear reference collection to which the traces observed on the archaeological specimens were compared. We thus provide a solid and reliable functional interpretation of the use of bifaces at Revadim and Jaljulia, contributing to our current understanding of the role that these tools played in the adaptation of early human groups in the Levant.

Abstract Hearths are considered a central element in reconstructing activity areas, artifact distribution, and spatial organization of human activities in Paleolithic caves and rock shelters. However, research regarding the rationale for hearth locations within the cave is lacking. Smoke is a major negative product of hearths, which has an immediate effect on human health. Smoke dispersal from a hearth may even prevent, in certain circumstances, the presence of humans in the cave after a short period of use. In this study, we investigate the relation between cave dimensions and smoke dispersal following the principals of the air circulation model published recently by us. In order to analyze the influence of different parameters of cave dimensions on smoke dispersal, we simulated these parameters using actual Paleolithic cave dimensions. We show that hearth location, cave mouth height, and season of use are the critical parameters affecting smoke dispersal. As such, these variables should be taken into account when reconstructing human uses of Paleolithic caves with active hearths. Further research and simulations are planned to extend the preliminary results presented in this paper to include a wider range of cave dimensions, and thus this study is universally relevant for better understanding caves in which fire was habitually used.

Stone tools provide a unique window into the mode of adaptation and cognitive abilities of Lower Paleolithic early humans. The persistently produced large cutting tools (bifaces/handaxes) have long been an appealing focus of research in the reconstruction of Lower Paleolithic survival strategies, at the expenses of the small flake tools considered by-products of the stone production process rather than desired end products. Here, we use use-wear, residues and technological analyses to show direct and very early evidence of the deliberate production and use of small flakes for targeted stages of the prey butchery process at the late Lower Paleolithic Acheulian site of Revadim, Israel. We highlight the significant role of small flakes in Lower Paleolithic adaptation alongside the canonical large handaxes. Our results demonstrate the technological and cognitive flexibility of early human groups in the Levant and beyond at the threshold of the departure from Lower Paleolithic lifeways.

Proboscideans and humans have shared habitats across the Old and New Worlds for hundreds of thousands of years. Proboscideans were included in the human diet starting from the Lower Paleolithic period and until the final stages of the Pleistocene. However, the question of how prehistoric people acquired proboscideans remains unresolved. Moreover, the effect of proboscidean hunting on the eventual extinction of these mega-herbivores was never seriously evaluated, probably because of the lack of acquaintance with the plethora of information available regarding proboscidean hunting by humans. The aim of this paper is to bridge this gap and bring to light the data available in order to estimate the extent and procedures of elephant and mammoth hunting by humans during the Quaternary. This study examines the archaeological evidence of proboscidean hunting during Paleolithic times, and provides a review of ethnographic and ethno-historical accounts, demonstrating a wide range of tradition...

Humans are limited in their capacity to convert protein into energy. We present a hypothesis that a "bell" shaped thorax and a wide pelvis evolved in Neandertals, at least in part, as an adaptation to a high protein diet. A high protein diet created a need to house an enlarged liver and urinary system in a wider lower trunk. To test the hypothesis, we applied a model developed to identify points of nutritional stress. A ratio of obligatory dietary fat to total animal fat and protein sourced calories is calculated based on various known and estimated parameters. Stress is identified when the obligatory dietary fat ratio is higher than fat content ratios in available prey. The model predicts that during glacial winters, when carbohydrates weren't available, 74%-85% of Neandertals' caloric intake would have had to come from animal fat. Large animals contain around 50% fat calories, and their fat content is diminished during winter, so a significant stressful dietary f...

Abstract Most of the studies related to the function of Paleolithic stone tools carried out so far focused mainly on the analysis of the worked materials and the activities performed. On the other hand, only few works included an analysis of the tool griping area/s, and the wear derived by object manipulation. Here we present the results of an experimental framework dedicated to the interpretation of the griping modes of two types of flint scrapers, Quina and demi-Quina scrapers, which represent a very meaningful component of the lithic assemblages unearthed at the late Lower Paleolithic site of Qesem Cave (Israel). Our study includes the analysis of both a selected sample of archeological scrapers and of experimental replicas. We were able to underline the efficiency of different types of prehension modes while isolating diagnostic wears related to each of the adopted solutions. The experiments allowed defining wears related to several handling solutions, creating a traces collection to be compared to the ones identified on the archeological sample. The results obtained so far suggest a preference towards a free hand manipulation of the scrapers, even though wear related to wrapping and also to a probable insertion of the objects in a haft have been identified as well. This work allows providing preliminary insights related to the handling solutions adopted by the human groups at Qesem Cave, underlining the overall high level of technological knowledge characterizing the Middle Pleistocene inhabitants of the site.

An exceptionally large obsidian assemblage (ca. 3000 items) was found during the 1996-1997 excavations at the multi-layered Neolithic site of Hagoshrim, located at the northern part of the Hula basin, northern Israel. The assemblage is dominated by pressure produced bladelets and related debitage. On-site production of these pressure produced bladelets intensified with time. Of note is a large bladecore that was burnt and discarded on-site. The obsidian tool assemblage is Neolithic in character and a unique northern Levantine tool type – Corner Thinned Blades – is present. Obsidian beads and vessel fragments were also found. The presence of unequaled quantities of obsidian at this southern Levantine site, the use of pressure technology, the specific tool types and the ornamental composition, reflect Hagoshrim’s involvement in the Halaf interaction sphere.

The Neolithic-Chalcolithic site of Qumran Cave 24 is located in desert ecology by the Dead Sea, 285m bsl. Qumran Cave 24 shows exclusive human use almost throughout the first half of the Holocene and must have been a seasonal (winter-spring) short lived site. The economy of the cave’s inhabitants always included an important component of hunting, even when domesticated animals are clearly present and even when they constitute a significant percentage in the later layer’s faunal assemblages. The lithics of all layers show two significantly different trajectories –one, brought-in from “parent” settlements made on high-quality raw materials; and one made locally while staying in the cave. The short analysis of the lithic assemblages per-layer bears this out clearly with formal curated tools usually made on imported raw materials and ad hoc (expedient) tools made on the local, low quality flint. Technological and typological aspects enable assignment to Neolithic and Chalcolithic cultur...

ABSTRACT The technological innovation involving the controlled use of fire represents a decisive change in the hominin subsistence. Hearths and the spatial distribution patterns associated with them constitute a valuable element to deepen our knowledge about human behaviour and its evolution. Studies focussed on the use of fire are approached by different disciplines and through different points of view. Thus, hearths were studied for their meaning in the diet, the caloric and light capacity, spatial organisation and their role as communication and socialization focal points. The site of Qesem Cave (Israel) shows evidence of the controlled use of fire as early as 400 kya. A particular superimposed central hearth that was repeatedly used as a focus for human activities ca. 300 kya is the topic of this presentation. This succession of hearths at the same location in the cave yields dense faunal and lithic remains as well as evidence for spatial differentiation of activities around it. Here, we present faunal taphonomical data from this specific archaeological context, which includes not only the hearth area (approximately 4 m2), but also surrounding areas (approximately 11 m2). The most common prey species is the Mesopotamian fallow deer (Dama cf. mesopotamica), whose wide age range and anatomical profile (marrow-rich bones such as long limb bones) led us to propose the development of social hunting techniques and seasonal occupations. Here, we will provide data on human subsistence behaviour during the formation of this archaeological unit as well as compare it to other areas from a taphonomical point of view. Elements such as taxonomical attribution, size (length) of bone fragments and intensity of burning are used for spatial differentiation of activities around the hearth. This study is designed to contribute to our understanding of subsistence strategies and hominin behaviour during the Acheulo-Yabrudian Cultural Complex in the Levant.

ABSTRACT The Acheulo-Yabrudian Cultural Complex (AYCC) of the late Lower Paleolithic Levant consists of three major industries, one of which is the blade-dominated Amudian. This paper provides an in-depth comparison of the Amudian blade industry from three major AYCC sites in the Levant - Qesem Cave, Tabun Cave and Yabrud Rockshelter I. The results demonstrate high inter-site similarity in Amudian blade technology and in product (blades) characteristics - i.e., a regional, clearly defined Amudian blade production technology. Nevertheless, differences in particular technological choices along the reduction sequences of blade production between the sites represent minute sub-regional technological variability within the Amudian. The evidence presented in this paper, together with many other innovative behavioral patterns seen in the AYCC, especially as reflected at Qesem Cave, may mark the end of a Lower Paleolithic Acheulian way of life that lasted over a million years in the Levant, and the beginning of a new era.

ABSTRACT The multi-layered Lower Paleolithic Acheulian site of Revadim Quarry provides a rare opportunity to study patterns of continuity and change within the lithic assemblages of the Late Lower Paleolithic period in the Levant. This open-air site was excavated to a large extent (∼250 m2) and yielded a wealth of lithic and faunal remains. The rich lithic assemblages are typical of the Late Acheulian in the Levant, including handaxes, but mostly dominated by flake production and flake tools. In this paper, we present the results of a technological study recently conducted in order to establish the character and scale of lithic recycling directed towards the production of small flakes (<2 cm). Our results shed new light on the character and extent of Lower Paleolithic production of small flakes by means of lithic recycling, providing an opportunity for comparison with similar phenomena during contemporaneous as well as later cultural complexes in the Levant and beyond.

The presence of elephants, and specifically of elephant head remains, is well demonstrated in many Paleolithic sites in Europe, Africa, and Asia. However, the possible mechanisms for the exploitation of this enormous body part are rarely discussed, and it is often suggested that elephants' heads were exploited specifically for the extraction and consumption of the brain. In this paper, we discuss the nutritional potential that lies within elephants' heads as implied by ethnographic and zoological literature, and present archaeological evidence from Paleolithic sites for the exploitation of proboscideans' heads. The data show that the prevailing view should be re-evaluated, and that the nutritional potential within the elephant's head extends far beyond the brain. We suggest that organs such as the temporal gland, the trunk, the tongue, the mandible and the skull itself were exploited routinely as an integral part of early humans' diet. The nutritional potential of the elephant head provides a parsimonious explanation for the investment early humans put into transporting and exploiting this specific body part at open-air sites but particularly at cave sites, and serves as a significant beacon in understanding Paleolithic human behavior in relation to proboscidean remains.

ABSTRACT This paper presents new results of a lithic study of two distinct lithic assemblages from the Qesem Cave “Shelf” area in the northwestern part of the cave – one Yabrudian and one Amudian, both older than 300 ka. The two assemblages exhibit clear stratigraphic relations, the Yabrudian being deposited on top of the Amudian. A detailed techno-typological study of the two assemblages (n = ∼30,000 artifacts) is presented as well as a comparative analysis between them. The results indicate that the Yabrudian and Amudian of the “Shelf” area are part of the same technological system sharing similar techno-typological features. Differences are mainly at the relative frequency level and in the density of the various elements of the assemblages. These results suggest that the differences between the assemblages might be related to differences in human activities in the different strata of the “Shelf” area using different tool-kits and not to differences in technology or any other cultural conception.

ABSTRACT The lithic assemblages recovered from Qesem Cave can be divided into two distinct industries, the Amudian and the Yabrudian, based mostly on different proportions of blades and scrapers. The assemblages can also be divided chronologically and by area within the site, such as the shelf, and the hearth area. The goal of our study is to try to determine whether the assemblages vary in their use of the landscape and its resources. Were the same raw materials used in each case, or do the assemblages differ, either in proportions or in sources exploited? We have therefore undertaken an examination of a sample of approximately 6000 pieces, divided fairly equally between three assemblages: the Amudian and the Yabrudian from the shelf area, and the hearth area (which is Amudian). We begin by categorizing each distinct raw material as to rock type, and, since most of them are varieties of flint, distinguish individual types based on criteria such as colour, cortex characteristics, homogeneity, and any visible fossils. To date we have identified 51 raw material types, some of which are varieties of each other which will be grouped together later. Each lithic piece examined is recorded as to typological category, assigned a raw material type, and weighed. We are thus able to examine the differences in proportions of use of the raw material types in each assemblage, by typological category, and in terms of number of pieces and of weight of material used. This paper reports only on the data concerning numbers of pieces, and shows that some raw materials were selected for specific types of tools or technological requirements. In addition, we have started field work aimed at locating the sources of the flint varieties. We have located 15 potential sources, most within 5 km of the site, but also two located more than 15 km away. Comparison of samples from the geologic sources with samples from the site assemblages has allowed us to tentatively suggest the origins of 46 of the 51 raw material types. This gives us an idea of the extent of the territory exploited by the hominins at Qesem, how different raw materials were used for different purposes, and how use of these resources and territory differs between assemblages.

In this paper we present our interpretation about the circumstances leading towards an evolutionary replacement of the earliest populations of the Levant, most probably Homo erectus (senso lato), by a new hominin lineage during the Middle Pleistocene, some 400,000 years ago. Our model suggests that dietary stress caused by the disappearance of elephants triggered the replacement of Homo erectus, a hominin highly dependent on consuming large animals, by a new hominin lineage that was better adapted to hunting larger numbers of smaller and faster animals in order to provide sufficient caloric intake to compensate for the loss of the elephants. The biological replacement took place in tandem with significant cultural changes embodied in a new, unique and innovative, local cultural complex in the Levant. It is our contention that the appearance of a new creative set of behaviors in the Levant some 400,000 years ago must have been accompanied by innovative cultural transmission mechanisms of a different nature than those practiced during earlier Lower Paleolithic times. These new learning behaviors must have played a significant role in the adoption and assimilation of new hunting methods, meat sharing, flint procurement and flint production strategies, as well as in the earliest habitual use of fire. The new cultural traits characterized humans in the Levant for a long period of over 200,000 years, to be replaced by the Middle Paleolithic Mousterian Cultural Complex created by both Modern humans and Neanderthals.

Abstract The paper reports the discovery of an extraordinary flint implement—a large biface—and discusses its significance in the context of Qesem Cave in particular and the late Lower Palaeolithic Acheulo-Yabrudian Cultural Complex of the Levant in general. We contend that this unusually large biface was discarded in an unfinished and unused state, most probably due to a collapse event that took place at the cave some 280,000 years ago.

ABSTRACT Archaeologists can use different kinds of data to identify recycling. However, most approaches to recycling are based on lithic artefact attributes, especially on surface alterations, suggesting a period of discard between different events. Recycling can also be approached by means of faunal remains based on bone damage characteristics. Bone breakage processes, aimed at maximizing the nutritional value of consumed animals, generate a high number of small- and large-sized fragments, which are eventually discarded. Some of these are morphologically suitable for human use. It is necessary to distinguish between the use of bone as raw material from pre-existing very large-sized carcasses such as elephants (in cases where it is not certain if these had a nutritional purpose) and the recycling of fragments resulting from bone marrow extraction of smaller mammals that were obtained and consumed by human groups. In the first case, when the bones of a pre-existing elephant (including natural deaths) are exploited for tool making, the bones can be considered raw material, very similar to collecting stones as raw material for the lithic industry. In the second case, the bones of smaller mammals are selected to be used in a subsequent life cycle, after being broken for nutritional purposes and discarded. Here, we present some early cases of recycled bones from the Middle Pleistocene sites of Gran Dolina TD10-1 and Bolomor Cave in Spain and Qesem Cave in Israel. The studied elements appear to have been part of a previous faunal processing sequence (nutritional in nature), which were later discarded, and then used or modified for purposes other than the original ones. These fragments are dated to MIS 9 and show damage produced by use (retouched and unmodified soft retouchers) or shaped forms (bone artefacts). This study is an attempt to provide new data on recycling activities of faunal remains in the Middle Pleistocene and discuss the origin of this behaviour.

ABSTRACT The study of lithic recycling in Paleolithic cultures throughout the Old World is increasingly becoming a topic of interest for many scholars. Technological analyses, refitting, and spatial analyses are disclosing the “recycling behavior” of many contexts, especially those of Lower and Middle Paleolithic sites. Still lacking, however, is a functional approach to the subject, which would certainly add new pieces to this intriguing jigsaw puzzle. Use-wear analysis, one of the most powerful methods to reach functional interpretations in lithic finds, can greatly improve our understanding of Paleolithic recycling behavior. Even in those cases where post-depositional alterations affected lithic items, use-wear analyses may produce important data despite the decrease in detail or less than optimal conditions of preservation. At the late Lower Paleolithic site of Qesem Cave, the high degree of conservation and preservation of the lithic tools maximizes the inference potential of this method. In this article, functional data are summarized following a study of a large sample of Amudian parent flakes (flakes from which were produced cores on flakes, termed COF-FFs) as well as recycled products (blanks produced from COF-FFs). Confirming the inference potential of use-wear analyses, this data allows for the delineation of functional peculiarities of the studied items, which, despite first impression, are anything but expedient. Moreover, the current use-wear analysis expands the scenario outlined by the technological study of the lithic recycling phenomenon at Qesem Cave, confirming its own role in the complex techno-functional system practiced by the hominins of Qesem Cave.

The third sentence in the second paragraph of the Methods summary should have cited several authors [20-25] instead of Spencer de Gruchy and Roberts [17]. The correct sentence should read as follows, "Percussion marks were identified according to criteria described by several authors [20-25] and compared with cut-marks, carnivore tooth-marks and geochemical etching [48,57-58]."

... SOCIETY Vol. 24 i 1 j I I ! j I Editors: URI BARUCH NIGEL GORING-MORRIS ERELLA HOVERS THE ISRAEL PREHISTORIC SOCIETY JERUSALEM 1991 Page 2. Journal of The Israel Prehistoric Society 24 (1991), 34-58 Typo-Chronology and Absolute Dating of the ...

ABSTRACT A major debate in prehistory revolves around the time and place of the earliest habitual use of fire and the hominin species responsible for it. Here we present a newly discovered hearth at Qesem Cave (Israel) that was repeatedly used and was the focus of hearth-centered human activities, as early as three hundred- thousand years ago. The hearth, identified based on mineralogical and microscopic criteria, contains two superimposed use cycles, each composed of shorter episodes e possibly the earliest superimposed hearth securely identified to date. The hearth covers ca. 4 m2 in area making it a uniquely large hearth in comparison to any contemporaneous hearth identified thus far, possibly indicating it has been used by a relatively large group of people. In addition, the hearth is located in the center of the cave and is associated with butchered animal remains and a dense flint assemblage. The flint assemblage indicates spatially differentiated meat cutting and hide working activity areas. The central location of the hearth within the cave and the activities associated with it may reflect an embedded perception of space organization of the Qesem Cave inhabitants. Since fire was habitually used throughout the 420-200 ky sequence of Qesem Cave, where preservation conditions are alike throughout, we suggest that this unique hearth may reflect a development in nature and most probably in the intensity of fire use in Qesem Cave, from ca. 300 ka ago onwards.

Our survey project was aimed to investigate lithic procurement and exploitation strategies of prehistoric communities in the central Dishon valley, Northern Israel. Many archaeological sites are known from there, representing a long sequence of human activity starting from the Lower Palaeolithic. In the course of our survey we have located two major types of flint extraction and exploitation localities. Intensive activities related to flint extraction and exploitation are indicated at the central Dishon valley in the Upper Pleistocene and Holocene. These activities are most probably related to sites of these periods known in the close vicinity of the raw material sources.

Early humans and elephants roamed the Pleistocene landscapes of Asia and shared habitats for hundreds of thousands of years. Many Paleolithic archaeological sites in Asia, and especially in the Middle East and China, contain abundant elephant remains that clearly demonstrate that early humans were capable of obtaining these mega herbivores. The significant role of elephants the Paleolithic is well demonstrated throughout the Old World and the dietary significance of proboscideans has also recently been explored. This chapter argues that, during Paleolithic times, proboscideans, when available, represented a constant and significant source of calories for early humans which were actually dependent on mega herbivores for their successful survival. Moreover, the central role of proboscideans as a food source, coupled with the social, behavioral and even physical resemblance between these animals and humans, were the reasons behind the cosmological conception of elephants by early humans. The archaeological evidence for such speculation lies in the use of elephant bones for the production of tools that resemble the characteristic Lower Paleolithic stone hand axes, as well as the later depictions of mammoths in cave “art” and the production of mammoth “sculptures” and engravings made from mammoth ivory and bone. Ethnographic studies support such a view too. Given that early humans in Asia were repeatedly preoccupied by the procurement, exploitation and appreciation of elephants, this chapter explores the nature of human-elephant relationships based on case studies from China and the Levant.