Macintyre, K; Bakker, MI; Bergson, S; Bhavaraju, R; Bond, V;
Chikovore, J; Colvin, C; Craig, GM; Cremers, AL; Daftary, A; Engel,
N; France, NF; Jaramillo, E; Kimerling, M; Kipp, A; Krishnaratne,
S; Mergenthaler, C; Ngicho, M; Redwood, L; Rood, EJJ; Sommerland, N; Stangl, A; van Rie, A; van Brakel, W; Wouters, E; Zwerling,
A; Mitchell, EMH (2017) Defining the research agenda to measure
and reduce tuberculosis stigmas. The international journal of tuberculosis and lung disease, 21 (11). pp. 87-96. ISSN 1027-3719 DOI:
https://doi.org/10.5588/ijtld.17.0151
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http://dx.doi.org/10.5588/ijtld.17.0151
SUPPLEMENT: TB STIGMA
Defining the research agenda to measure and reduce
tuberculosis stigmas
K. Macintyre,* M. I. Bakker,† S. Bergson,‡ R. Bhavaraju,§ V. Bond,¶# J. Chikovore,** C. Colvin,††
G. M. Craig,‡‡ A. L. Cremers,§§ A. Daftary,¶¶ N. Engel,## N. Ferris France,*** E. Jaramillo,†††
M. Kimerling,‡ A. Kipp,‡‡‡ S. Krishnaratne,¶ C. Mergenthaler,† M. Ngicho,‡ L. Redwood,§§§ E. J. J.
Rood,† N. Sommerland,¶¶¶ A. Stangl,### A. van Rie,**** W. van Brakel,†††† E. Wouters,###
A. Zwerling,‡‡‡‡ E. M. H. Mitchell‡
*Oxford Health Evaluations, Oxford, UK; †KIT Royal Tropical Institute, Amsterdam; ‡KNCV Tuberculosis
Foundation, The Hague, The Netherlands; §Global Tuberculosis Institute, Rutgers, The State University of New
Jersey, Newark, New Jersey, USA; ¶London School of Tropical Medicine & Hygiene, London, UK; #Zambart,
University of Zambia, Lusaka, Zambia; **Human Sciences Research Council, Durban, South Africa; ††US Agency
for International Development Global Health Bureau, Washington DC, USA; ‡‡Centre for Research in Primary and
Community Care, School of Health and Social Work, University of Hertfordshire, Hatfield, UK; §§Amsterdam
Institute for Global Health and Development, Amsterdam, The Netherlands; ¶¶Department of Epidemiology,
McGill University, Montreal, Quebec, Canada; ##Department of Health, Ethics & Society/Care And Public Health
Research Institute, University of Maastricht, Maastricht, The Netherlands; ***The Work for Change/Irish Forum
for Global Health, Dublin, Ireland; †††Global TB Programme, World Health Organization, Geneva, Switzerland;
‡‡‡
Institute for Medicine and Public Health, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tennessee, USA; §§§University of
Sydney, Sydney, New South Wales, Australia; ¶¶¶Department of Sociology, Centre for Longitudinal and Life
Course Studies, University of Antwerp, Antwerp, Belgium; ###International Center for Research on Women,
Stigma Action Network Secretariat, Washington DC, USA; ****University of Antwerp, Antwerp, Belgium;
††††
Netherlands Leprosy Relief, Amsterdam, The Netherlands; ‡‡‡‡Department of Epidemiology, University of
Ottawa, Ontario, Canada
SUMMARY
Crucial to finding and treating the 4 million tuberculosis
(TB) patients currently missed by national TB programmes, TB stigma is receiving well-deserved and longdelayed attention at the global level. However, the
ability to measure and evaluate the success of TB stigmareduction efforts is limited by the need for additional
tools. At a 2016 TB stigma-measurement meeting held
in The Hague, The Netherlands, stigma experts discussed and proposed a research agenda around four
themes: 1) drivers: what are the main drivers and
domains of TB stigma(s)?; 2) consequences: how
consequential are TB stigmas and how are negative
impacts most felt?; 3) burden: what is the global
prevalence and distribution of TB stigma(s) and what
explains any variation? 4): intervention: what can be
done to reduce the extent and impact of TB stigma(s)?
Each theme was further subdivided into research topics
to be addressed to move the agenda forward. These
include greater clarity on what causes TB stigmas to
emerge and thrive, the difficulty of measuring the
complexity of stigma, and the improbability of a
universal stigma ‘cure’. Nevertheless, these challenges
should not hinder investments in the measurement and
reduction of TB stigma. We believe it is time to focus on
how, and not whether, the global community should
measure and reduce TB stigma.
K E Y W O R D S : discrimination; human rights; social
justice; respect; equity
TUBERCULOSIS (TB) STIGMA is beginning to
receive some well-deserved attention at the global
level.1 ‘Zero suffering’ is one of the three goals of the
World Health Organization’s End TB Strategy, and
reference to stigma is common in key implementation
documents.2 The Global Fund has declared TB stigma
to be among the most commonly identified barriers to
fighting the epidemic,3 and United Nations agencies
have called for an end to discrimination in health
care.1
Many experts believe that it will be difficult to find
the estimated 4 million missing TB cases without
addressing TB stigma.1,4 Experts also believe that the
full potential of new drugs and regimens for
multidrug-resistant TB (MDR-TB), paediatric TB
and latent tuberculous infection (LTBI) cannot be
realised without addressing TB stigma. Increasingly,
countries using Global Fund support are attempting
to reduce TB stigma and discrimination across and
within elements of their TB programmes. However,
Correspondence to: Ellen M H Mitchell, Evidence Team, KNCV Tuberculosis Foundation, Benoordenhoutseweg 46, The
Hague 2596 BC, The Netherlands. e-mail: ellen.mitchell@kncvtbc.org
Article submitted 28 February 2017. Final version accepted 6 August 2017.
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The International Journal of Tuberculosis and Lung Disease
the capacity to measure and evaluate the success of
these interventions needs to be fostered.5–8
To begin to address this gap, an expert meeting
took place in May 2016 to discuss the measurement
issues surrounding TB stigma. This article outlines a
research agenda for improving the measurement of
and action on TB stigma, and is a product of that
meeting. The ultimate aim of this research agenda is
catalytic. We want researchers, TB activists, and
programme managers to measure TB stigma appropriately and enable them to design, implement and
evaluate interventions to reduce the impact TB stigma
has on patients, families, health workers, communities and the epidemic itself. While there are many
ways to define stigma, we draw on Weiss et al.’s
definition: ‘a social process, experienced or anticipated, characterised by exclusion, rejection, blame or
devaluation, that results from experience, perception,
or reasonable anticipation of an adverse social
judgment about a person or group’.9
METHOD
Expert meeting
At a 3-day TB stigma measurement meeting hosted by
the KNCV Tuberculosis Foundation in The Hague,
The Netherlands, in 2016, stigma experts gathered to
discuss the status of TB stigma measurement science
and define which steps might be taken to improve
tracking of TB stigma dynamics. Using free mapping,
small group discussions and plenary debate, the
group distilled the priorities and the proposed study
designs or methodologies for the main research
priorities summarised under four themes: Theme 1
(drivers): what are the main drivers and domains of
TB stigma(s)? Theme 2 (consequences): how consequential are TB stigmas and how are TB stigma(s)
impacts felt? Theme 3 (burden): what is the global
prevalence and distribution of TB stigma(s) and what
explains any variation? Theme 4 (intervention): what
can be done to reduce the extent and impact of TB
stigma(s)?
General principles
In advance of the meeting, we leveraged information
from studies already conducted on TB stigma, and
commissioned four new studies, including two
systematic reviews of published stigma scales and
interventions.10–13 Link et al., Weiss et al., Pescosolido et al. and others have described the extent of how
TB stigma can be observed, felt and resisted at
different levels of society.9,14–19 TB stigma can also be
present at the level of societal discourse where
cultural and social determinants may be more or less
important.14,20 We also learned from research on
stigmas other than for TB, with the caveat that not
everything will translate readily. Finally, we built on
the work that has outlined the typologies of
stigma,20,21 which are produced in different ways.9
‘Anticipated stigma’ (perceived stigma) is the
worry that one will be devalued or tainted if one is
found to have a TB diagnosis. While these fears may
not actually materialise, anticipated stigma may
interfere with care seeking and treatment adherence.
‘Secondary stigma’ refers to the taint that care givers,
friends, family members, health workers or those in
TB-associated industries (e.g., miners), may experience because of their link to TB or TB patients.22,23
‘Internalised stigma’ or ‘self-stigma’ captures the idea
that individuals may come to endorse negative
attitudes about themselves, and therefore behave or
think according to these negative messages.24 ‘Enacted stigma’ refers to behaviours, including microaggression, discrimination, rejection, isolation and
denial of rights. It is useful to distinguish between
enacted stigma and experienced stigma as two sides of
the same coin, seen from the perspective of either the
stigmatiser (enacted) or the stigmatised (experienced). Finally, ‘structural stigma’ describes laws,
policies and institutional architecture that may be
prejudicial or denigrating.
RESULTS
We developed a matrix of types of stigma and the
populations that may produce them or be affected by
stigma. We separated types of stigma (anticipated,
courtesy, internalised/self, enacted or experienced and
structural) from the drivers and consequences of
stigma. The drivers of stigma(s) are factors that
facilitate the stigmatisation process (e.g., infectiousness of TB, power differentials, ignorance, discriminatory laws). The consequences of stigma (e.g., nondisclosure, poor adherence, depression, stress, poor
health-seeking behaviour, self-isolation, reduced
quality of life, social distancing, forced isolation)
must also be captured and measured, and need to be
separated from the drivers or causes of stigma.
Based on this approach, we considered a matrix of
types of TB stigma and the populations that may
produce them or be affected by stigma. Table 1 links
the different forms of stigma and the specific groups
(dyads) involved in producing them. A more complete
picture would be three-dimensional, including the
social and political spaces in which TB stigma(s) are
enacted (Table 1).
Research agenda for the measurement of TB stigma
For each of the four key research thematic areas, we
defined the main research questions, foundation
studies, levels or subpopulations and study designs
or methodologies most fitting to address these
questions. One conclusion reached was that much
of the existing TB stigma research has focused on TB
patients (individuals who made it into a health
Defining the research agenda
Table 1
S89
Matrix of illustrative scales used in referenced studies, by type of TB stigma and affected population
General public
Subgroups at higher risk of TB
TB patients
Health care workers
Policy makers
Anticipated
stigma
Courtesy
stigma
25–27
28
13
Internalised/
self-stigma
Enacted or experienced
stigma (discrimination)
15,29–31
33
32
33
Structural stigma
(policies, laws, architecture,
human rights)
STP legal environment assessment
TB ¼ tuberculosis; STP ¼ STOP TB Partnership.
system). There may thus be much we still do not
know about the prevalence, degree and impact of TB
stigma among missing cases: those who fail to make it
into the facilities. We therefore propose that future
work should cast a wider net to include a broader set
of actors, including the general public, community
leaders, media, policy makers, health care workers
and community health workers (HCWs/CHWs), and
explore protective as well as risk factors.
Theme I: What are the main drivers and domains of TB
stigma(s)?
To address this theme, one must articulate the
complex constructs underlying stigma. So far, indepth qualitative work around why and how stigma
emerges and which facilitators sustain it remains
scarce. As one reviewer notes, ‘most authors on TB
stigma seem to point to the fundamental cause of the
stigma being the perceived contagiousness of
TB’.34,35 In contrast, in their study of TB stigma in
five health systems in Nicaragua, Macq et al. found
that the ‘determinants of stigma . . . were the content
and channels of information, and issues of domination and power.’36
A persistent quandary around disentangling TB
stigma from other stigmatised identities hinders study
of the drivers of TB stigma. In other words, it remains
unclear how and when the roots of TB stigma differ
from other stigmatised identities such as having
human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infection,
being poor, homeless, an immigrant, or being
dependent on drugs or alcohol.37,38 Some argue that
TB stigma is hard to distinguish from xenophobia,
elitism and racism.9,39 Other researchers suggest it is
so bound up with HIV stigma that trying to tease
them apart may be a fool’s errand.13,40–42
Specific drivers may depend on the type of stigma,
setting, population and type of TB. Structural stigmas
can be driven by power differentials, whereas
anticipated stigma thrives on misinformation. Drivers
may also differ by epidemic characteristics (low- or
high-burden settings) or by the populations impacted
(age, sex and class).9,14,43,44 Stigma toward people
with MDR-TB and extensively drug-resistant TB
(XDR-TB) and those with LTBI is likely fostered and
sustained by distinct sets of underlying factors. The
drivers of MDR-TB stigma may be weighted distinct-
ly from drug-susceptible TB stigma in three ways.
First, one of the classical facets of any stigma
construct is the social designation of ‘dangerousness’.
If a person has MDR- or XDR-TB, doubts about
curability may fuel the social construction of MDRTB patients as embodying a mortal risk to others. The
second classical facet of stigma is the conscious
attachment of blame for one’s mark or condition.19,45
In the case of MDR-TB, there may be treatmentadherence behaviours that may at times contribute to
the development of drug resistance, creating rhetorical opportunities to blame individuals for their
disease. Third, MDR-TB patients are more likely to
experience perception-altering side effects as a
consequence of their treatment and catastrophic costs
due to the length of their treatment, both of which
can heighten their vulnerability to stigma.46 Hearing
loss, psychological side effects and impoverishment
can reinforce the social construction of MDR-TB
patients as ‘deviant’, ‘unpredictable’ and ‘other’.
Given the complexity of TB stigma, we believe that
qualitative research before, during or after quantitative research is essential to ensure that the nuance and
meanings are not lost in the numbers (Table 2).
Theme II: How consequential are TB stigmas? How are
TB stigma(s) impacts felt?
Understanding when and how TB stigma is problematic is vital. Figure 1 illustrates the potential impacts
of stigma along a person’s trajectory of TB infection,
disease and recovery. Assessing stigma at the individual behavioural level is crucial to determine how TB
stigma hampers case finding and recovery from TB or
MDR-TB. A recent systematic review of TB scales
concluded that researchers should optimise existing
TB stigma scales and develop new ones to better
capture specific micro-, meso- and macro-level
constructs (Figure 1).53
We recognise that TB stigma interacts on complex
levels with psychological, social and political factors.41,43,54 The impact of stigma is therefore not
unidirectional and not always negative. For example,
stigma can make some patients more adherent29,55
and some less adherent.56 Furthermore, stigma’s
consequences may vary for different groups, individuals, and settings.15,42,44,57,58 Intersectional ap-
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The International Journal of Tuberculosis and Lung Disease
Table 2 What are the main drivers and facilitators of TB stigma(s)?
No
Research questions/
research topics
Foundational studies
references
1
How do the drivers of TB stigma
vary across contexts and
among types of stigma?
9,39,47
2
What are the structural drivers of
TB stigmas?
39,48
3
What are the drivers and
facilitators of compound
stigmas in key populations?
24,37,38,49–51
4
How are the drivers of MDR-TB
stigma and LTBI stigma
different from those of drugsusceptible TB?
52
Level of measurement
Individual: patients
Health system: HCWs/health
managers/CHWs
Community: leaders, key
spokespersons
Structural: policy-level triggers or
drivers
Societal systems and structures:
laws, policies, institutions,
rhetorics, architectures
Individual: patients
Health system: HCWs/health
managers/CHWs
Community: leaders, key
spokespersons
TB-affected populations who are
also marginalised for other
reasons
Individual: patients
Health system: HCWs/health
managers/CHWs
Community: leaders, key
spokespersons
Key TB affected populations
Study designs and methodology
Qualitative research: ethnography
content review
Qualitative research:
ethnography, policy mapping
Ethnography, oral history, indepth interviews
Qualitative research: ethnography
TB ¼ tuberculosis; HCW ¼ health care worker; CHW ¼ community health worker; MDR-TB ¼ multidrug-resistant TB; LTBI ¼ latent tuberculous infection.
proaches that address multiple forms of exclusion are
essential.13
Different types of stigma (anticipated/felt, courtesy,
internalised/self and enacted) impact at distinct levels
(individual, family, community). Building on existing
work, we identified the main research questions and
gaps in our understanding of the impact of TB
stigma(s) (see Table 3).
Theme III: What is the global prevalence and distribution
of TB stigma(s)? What explains any variation?
Policy makers, civil society, research organisations,
donors and activists are keen to know where TB stigma
is most problematic so that they can channel scarce
resources. This theme focuses attention on the macro
level: how prevalent is TB stigma across the globe, and
how can valid global comparisons be made? (Table 4).
Figure 1 Potential impacts of stigma along a person’s TB care itinerary or trajectory (artist: R
Takahashi). TB ¼ tuberculosis.
Defining the research agenda
S91
Table 3
How consequential are TB stigmas? Where are TB stigma(s) impacts felt?
No
Research
questions/research topics
Foundational studies
references
Does TB stigma contribute to
poor care seeking or delay in
diagnosis?
Does stigma hamper quality
and completeness of contact
and outbreak investigations?
Does stigma reduce
willingness to disclose TB
disease to contacts?
Does stigma hamper TB
screening/diagnosis? Do
health workers hesitate to
ask TB patients about other
stigmatised identities,
diseases or behaviours?
How do health workers
experience TB stigmas when
they provide TB services, does
it impact care?
Does TB stigma hamper
treatment initiation?
Does TB stigma(s) worsen TB
outcomes via poor adherence
or loss to follow-up, death?
59,49,60–64
Symptomatic persons with
undiagnosed TB
Interviews, life histories
60,63–65
HCWs, persons with TB
Record review, key informant
interviews (patients and
HCWs)
59,33,66,67
Individual: patients
Health system: HCWs/health
managers/CHWs
Community: leaders, key
spokespersons
59,33,68
HCWs
Interviews, surveys, focus
groups
54,69
PTLFU
PTLFU surveys
25,56
TB patients who drop out of
anti-tuberculosis treatment
Relatives of those who have
died of suspected TB
Affected households
Cohort studies, mortality
studies, verbal autopsy
studies
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
Does stigma contribute to
catastrophic costs?
Does stigma contribute to the
erosion of social capital and
social networks (social
impacts)?
Does stigma hamper full
recovery and long-term selfworth (mental health and
quality of life)?
How consequential are stigmas
for public and individual
health and human rights?
28
Level of
measurement/population
Study designs and methodology
Macro- and micro-economic
analysis
Social network studies
70
Health system, community
leaders, key spokespeople
24
Current and former TB patients
Cohort study; medical record
review; surveys (patient, care
giver, family)
13,59
Health system; legal and ethics
framework
Tracking systemic
discrimination, harassment,
isolation or breaking
confidentiality
TB ¼ tuberculosis; HCW ¼ health care worker; CHW ¼ community health worker; PTLFU ¼ pre-treatment loss to follow-up.
Although normative influences upon stigma have been
mapped in broad strokes,16,17,19,45 multi-country
studies are few.12,13,32,74
Theme IV: What can be done to reduce the extent and
impact of TB stigma(s)?
Sommerland et al. report that the strength of the
evidence for interventions to reduce TB stigma is
limited.11 Well-designed trials to assess the effect of
changing societal, community, and individual attitudes and behaviours to reduce stigma(s), as well as
interventions maximising resistance, resilience, and
strengthening or multiplying allies, are needed.59
Adapting effective interventions designed to address
other stigmas, such as leprosy, HIV or mental health,
may be an effective way forward.
We proposed to build on the stigma-reduction
framework of Heijnders and Van der Meij,74 and
chose the ‘onion’ as a familiar frame. As TB stigma
may operate at all levels from the individual to the
community, to health system level and to the wider
societal or structural levels (where policies operate),
our responses must also target particular social spaces
(Figure 2).
We recommend that all implementation science
specify which drivers, protective factors, actions or
behaviours are being targeted and which behavioural,
psychological or social theories underpin the intervention. One way of gaining clarity is to insist on
determining if an intervention addresses the drivers of
TB stigma (fundamental intervention) or if it aims to
mitigate its consequences (symptomatic intervention). While both types of interventions may be
needed, transparency on where in this chain of
‘driver-to-consequence’ the intervention takes place
could help us understand which interventions are
working, and why.
Practitioners should partner with researchers to
evaluate the media materials, curricula and counselling guides that are in use.75 Publishing negative
findings is as crucial as documenting success.4,11
Whether or not effective interventions will perform
equally well across settings is a research question that
must be answered empirically. Rood et al. and
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The International Journal of Tuberculosis and Lung Disease
Table 4
What is the global foot print of TB stigma(s)? What explains this variation?
Research questions/research
topics
Foundational studies
references
11
How do we optimise existing TB
stigma scales so that they can
be used cross-culturally?
10,15,29,25–28,33,36,71
Individual: patients
Community
Institutions
Laws and policies
12
How do we leverage existing
survey data?
1,12
Household surveys
13
How do we measure levels of
TB stigmas in key population
groups?
41–43,47
14
Is it possible to develop valid
‘mini scales’ and ‘rapid
assessments’ that capture TB
stigma?
What explains the variation in
stigmas across and within
countries? Are there
protective factors in some
settings?
55,72
Individual: patients
Health workers
Community: leaders
Key populations: men,
miners, PLHIV, prisoners,
migrants
Structural: policy use at
national and global level
for monitoring and
comparing over time
Structural: legal frameworks
No
15
4,13–15
Level of
measurement/population
Study designs and methodology
Cross-sectional, comparative or
longitudinal surveys;
prospective observational
cohorts; case studies and indepth interviews
Secondary analysis of TB nondisclosure for hypothesis
generation
Based on qualitative work from
thematic area 1.2, conduct
surveys
Embed in existing and
continuing surveys, e.g.,
prevalence surveys;
catastrophic cost surveys
Ecological analyses
Mapping of legal frameworks
using adapted legal
environment assessments
TB ¼ tuberculosis; PLHIV ¼ people living with human immunodeficiency virus.
Sommerland et al. argue that as TB stigma is often
compounded with other forms of discrimination,
combined stigma-reduction efforts are likely to be
synergistic (Table 5).11,13
Several behavioural-change theories could be used
to inform the design of stigma-reduction efforts in
public health. It remains true that some domains of
stigma (e.g., reified beliefs, attitudes and behaviours)
may be difficult to change, being sustained by
powerful interests, habit, culture, history and social
determinants.
CONCLUSION
Given the goal to eliminate suffering in people with
TB, and the urgent need to find and treat the 4 million
missing patients and strengthen the fight against
MDR-TB, there is an increasing mandate for valid
methods to estimate the burden of TB stigma(s).
One of the main outcomes of the above-mentioned
expert meeting in May 2016 was that, while the
world wants simple tools and checklists, complex
dilemmas remain to be resolved, including clarity on
what causes TB stigmas to emerge and thrive in
different contexts and populations. The challenge of
unpacking and measuring the intersectional aspects
of TB stigma, and the low likelihood of a ‘cure’ for
universal stigma being found, oblige diverse and
innovative approaches. While existing validated
scales are useful, new TB stigma scales need to be
developed and rigorously validated to fill the gaps.
Collectively, the meeting participants believed that
a powerful social force such as TB stigma is amenable
to appraisal and amelioration. We hope those
interested in reducing the suffering due to TB stigma
will use the proposed research agenda to join efforts
in achieving better measurement of TB stigma with
the ultimate goal of developing clear, focused and
effective interventions. People affected by TB have a
key role to play in the development and implementation of interventions to ensure that science is linked
to the reality of their experiences, and that proven
strategies for resistance, resilience and countering are
funded and fostered. While the research agenda
presented will require considerable resources and
planning, we are convinced that it is now time to
focus on the ‘how’, and not the ‘whether’, to measure
and reduce TB stigma.
Figure 2 An onion framework: spaces for intervention to
reduce stigma.50
Defining the research agenda
S93
Table 5 What can be done to reduce TB stigma? (i.e., which interventions work?)
No
16
17
Research
questions/research topics
Does increasing specific kinds of
knowledge reduce TB
stigma? What is protective?
Which legal and policy reforms
reduce TB stigma?
Foundational studies
references
Level of
measurement/population
13,76
77
Study designs and methodology
Pragmatic trials, RCT, stepped
wedge designs
Structural, e.g., progressive
legal interventions for nonadherence; worker privacy
for DOT on the job
Structural/Health System
Medical ethics education/
interpersonal skills/stigma
awareness training
Repeat legal environment
assessment
Trend analyses
18
Which educational
interventions reduce TB
stigma?
32,68
19
Which types of individual-level
psychosocial, nutritional,
economic supports foster
resilience to TB stigma?
How can infection control and
contact tracing behaviours be
modified to reduce stigma?
How effective are shifts in
language and rhetoric to
reduce stigma?
11,36,31,78
Patient-level
Household-level
Use of simulated patients with
students to assess language
used with communicating or
providing information
Assessments of teaching case
presentations about people
with TB —observe language
used
Assess the role of peer or health
worker support
79
All levels/ultimately structural
and discourse levels
Pragmatic trials, RCT, stepped
wedge designs
80–85
Discourses, laws, media,
policies, recording and
reporting forms
22
What interventions are effective
with those who stigmatise?
32,76,83
Household/family/care givers
Policy makers
HCW
Study using comprehensive
critical analysis and discourse
analysis of language used;
norms present or not present
Content review of print and
online media to determine
how TB is portrayed (e.g.,
epidemiology, patient names
or images)
Pragmatic trials, RCT, stepped
wedge designs
23
How effective are interventions
adapted from other stigma
arenas (e.g., mental health,
leprosy, HIV)?
What interventions are effective
against the consequences of
stigma?
Is stigma reduced by new
technology such as video
based-DOT/telemedicine and
SMS reminders that may
increase privacy and
confidentiality?
24,77,80,86–88
20
21
24
25
26
27
28
How well do effective stigma
reduction interventions
translate to other settings?
Are some people more resilient
to stigma? How can allies be
cultivated to combat
discrimination?
Which interventions are
effective against
intersectional stigmas?
Does improving TB service
delivery quality reduce
stigma? e.g., Is stigma
reduced by rapid diagnostics
or shorter regimens?
89,90
Pragmatic trials, RCT, stepped
wedge designs
Organisational/health system:
HCW and managers/CHWs
Individual: patient and family
Diverse settings
Adding new questions to health
facility and individual survey
questions; qualitative
methods looking at individual
responses
Matched case control study:
enrol patients in the
interventions not only
compare adherence and
health outcomes to nonintervention groups, but ask
questions about extent of
stigma and shame
Multisite studies
12,91,92
Patient-level
Case control
Participant observation
37,59
Patient-level
RCT
Pragmatic trials
32
Facility-level
Nested studies in evaluations of
non-stigma interventions
Pragmatic trials
TB ¼ tuberculosis; RCT ¼randomised controlled trial; HCW ¼ health care worker; HIV ¼ human immunodeficiency virus; DOT ¼ directly observed treatment; SMS ¼
short message service; CHW ¼ community health worker.
S94
The International Journal of Tuberculosis and Lung Disease
Acknowledgements
We are indebted to the anonymous reviewers for constructive
comments.
The Global Health Bureau, Office of Health, Infectious Disease
and Nutrition (HIDN), US Agency for International Development
(USAID, Washington DC, USA), financially supports this study
through Challenge TB under the terms of Agreement No. AIDOAA-A-14-00029. The authors’ views expressed in this publication
do not necessarily reflect the views of the USAID or US
Government.
Conflicts of interest: none declared.
18
19
20
21
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Defining the research agenda
i
R É S U M É
La stigmatisation vis-à-vis de la tuberculose (TB) reçoit
enfin, au niveau mondial, une attention bien méritée, car
elle est cruciale pour identifier et traiter les 4 millions de
patients atteints de tuberculose (TB) qui sont
actuellement manqués par les programmes nationaux
TB. La capacité à mesurer et à évaluer le succès des
efforts de réduction de la stigmatisation TB est
cependant
limit ée
par
le
besoin
d’outils
supplémentaires. Lors d’une réunion de mesure de la
stigmatisation TB qui a eu lieu à La Haye en 2016, les
experts en stigmatisation ont discuté et proposé un
programme de recherche autour de quatre thèmes : 1)
Moteurs : quels sont les principaux moteurs et domaines
de la stigmatisation TB ? 2) Conséquences : quelles sont
les conséquences de la stigmatisation TB? Comment les
impacts négatifs sont-ils surtout ressentis? 3) Fardeau :
quelle est la prévalence mondiale et la distribution de la
stigmatisation TB? Comment s’expliquent les
variations? 4) Intervention : que peut-on faire pour
réduire l’étendue et l’impact de la stigmatisation TB?
Chaque thème a ensuite été subdivisé en sujets de
recherche à examiner pour faire avancer les choses. Ceci
inclut de clarifier les causes qui font émerger et croı̂tre la
stigmatisation vis-à-vis de la TB, la difficulté à mesurer
la complexité de la stigmatisation et l’absence de
probabilité d’un remède universel. Néanmoins, ces
défis ne devraient pas entraver les investissements dans
la mesure et dans la réduction de la stigmatisation
relative à la TB. Nous pensons qu’il est temps pour la
communauté mondiale de se concentrer sur la manière
de mesurer et de réduire la stigmatisation liée à la TB et
non pas de se demander s’il faut le faire.
RESUMEN
Dada la gran influencia que ejercen los estigmas
relacionados con la tuberculosis (TB) en la detección y
el tratamiento de los 4 millones de pacientes que se pasan
por alto en los programas nacionales contra la TB, se
otorga hoy a la estigmatización una atención bien
justificada y tardı́a a escala mundial. Sin embargo, la
falta de instrumentos adecuados limita la capacidad de
medir y evaluar la eficacia de las iniciativas tendentes a
aminorar los estigmas asociados con la TB. En una
reunión celebrada en el 2016 en La Haya sobre la
medición de la estigmatización por TB, expertos en el
tema analizaron y propusieron un programa de
investigación en torno a los siguientes cuatro temas: 1)
los factores determinantes: ¿Cuáles son los principales
factores y las dimensiones de la estigmatización por TB?;
2) las consecuencias: ¿Qué tanta repercusión tienen los
estigmas relacionados con la TB? ¿De qué manera se
suelen percibir las repercusiones negativas?; 3) la carga:
¿Cuál es la prevalencia mundial de estigmatización por
tuberculosis y cómo se distribuye? ¿Cómo se explican las
variaciones? 4): la intervención: ¿Qué puede hacerse a
fin de disminuir la magnitud y el impacto de la
estigmatizaci ón por TB? Luego, cada tema se
subdividió en los aspectos de investigación que se
deben abordar con el fin de avanzar en el programa.
Estos aspectos incluyeron una mayor claridad sobre las
causas que hacen surgir y progresar los estigmas
relacionados con la TB, la dificultad de medir la
complejidad de los estigmas y la improbabilidad de un
‘remedio’ universal a la estigmatización. Sin embargo,
estas dificultades no deberı́an obstaculizar las
inversiones encaminadas a medir los estigmas
relacionados con la TB y a reducirlos. Los autores
consideran que llegó el momento de centrar los esfuerzos
en decidir la forma como la comunidad mundial debe
medir y reducir la estigmatización por TB en lugar de
deliberar sobre la pertinencia de hacerlo.