Far-Right International Conferences in 2014

The paper examines the connections between Russia and far-right political parties in Europe. It argues that these close relationships are based both on ideology and strategy. The European far right sees in Russian President Vladimir Putin the model of a strong, conservative leader who defends traditional values and opposes the decadent West. Since most far-right parties are at the same time against European integration and anti-American, they also see a close relationship with Russia as a necessary foothold in order to achieve the gradual disassociation of their countries from Euro-Atlantic institutions. The Kremlin, for its part, views these parties as possibly being useful for the achievement of its own objectives. Thus, it is interested in gathering them under its wing. In this context, in recent years far-right parties all over Europe have established cordial relations with Moscow. Far-right leaders pay regular visits to Russia, have meetings with Russian officials and often appear on state-owned Russian media. The fact that they are discussants with the Kremlin boosts their credibility at home and improves their image. At the same time, they are often invited to monitor electoral procedures in disputed territories, thus offering some sort of credibility and international recognition for the results of ballots. The secessionist referendum which was held in Crimea in March 2014 is the latest example of this trend. More generally, the conflict between Russia and Ukraine has offered a great opportunity for the expression of the pro-Russian sentiments of most European far-right parties. These organisations see Putin’s policy as tangible proof of his resolve to impose his will on his opponents and to mark the reemergence of Russian power at the international level. From the Kremlin’s point of view, these parties can also help Moscow to expand its geopolitical influence. Even if Putin does not manage to see parties with pro-Russian leanings forming governments, he can still hope that their growing influence will exert considerable pressure on EU governments, especially as far as relations with Russia are concerned.

2015

Vladimir Putin's trip to Budapest in February 2015, followed by his visit to the newly elected Greek prime minister Alexis Tsipras in April have caused a lot of ink to be spilled and triggered anxiety in European lead- ers and institutions of the European Union. These trips are only the tip of the iceberg of Russia's increasing influence in Europe and its policy of looking after new allies inside the EU. Contrary to what many pun - dits claim about Russia's being outside Europe, Russia is in Europe, through a good many channels. One of them is its influences, both old and new, among certain countries and political parties. H istorically, the Balkan region has been an area of Russian influence since the nineteenth century, when Russia acted as the torchbearer for Orthodox peo- ples in their struggles for national liberation from Otto- man domination, and more recently in the 1990s, when Russia's position on the Yugoslav crisis and its support for Serbia led Slavophile...

2024

Over the past 15 years, the relationship between illiberal European actors and Russia has become increasingly intertwined. Russia has cultivated these relationships, viewing illiberal actors as a means of influencing Europe. Despite the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, which could have been considered a critical juncture, some European parties and politicians did not sever their connections with Russia. This paper addresses this conundrum, focusing on how illiberal Central European actors, exemplified by the FPÖ and Hungary’s Fidesz, continue to reference Russia in their rhetoric, and how Russian state rhetoric, represented by statecontrolled media, constructs its discourse on Hungary and Austria in response. Through a multi-method analysis, the paper argues that European illiberal parties and Russia engage in mutual legitimation strategies, leveraging shared narratives to bolster their positions domestically and internationally. The paper identifies common argumentative frames used by illiberal actors, highlighting the intertwined nature of their legitimation strategies.

Far-right groups in France are not restricted to the party of the Le Pen family. They are diverse, operate through networks, and are now well within Russia's force field. But this is not only the result of Vladimir Putin's charisma or Marine Le Pen's need for funds. The Russian question has drawn French nationalist activists into combat, both at the rhetorical level—over the promotion of competing geopolitical visions—and at the level of armed combat. These debates are rich, grounded in their organicist thinking and its definition of the relationship between ethnicities and the nation. The wars in the former Yugoslavia and in Ukraine have considerably intensified both the orientation of these groups toward Moscow and the practical aspects of their relationships to the Russian political scene.

Lithuanian Annual Strategic Review

The study traces the development occurred in the alliance between Putin’s Russia and the European far-right parties since the European Parliamentary election held in May 2019. The article briefly summarizes the populist upsurge in Europe, exploring the reasons behind it. Consequently, the relations established between the political actors are outlined, starting with the concept of “sovereign democracy” to cover all the eventual points where the interests of the Kremlin match with those of the European far-right populists. The ultimate purpose of the study is to define three possible macro-scenarios for the alliance and, indirectly, for the European Union in the near term, concluding that even though the uprising of the populist parties has been somehow contained and the alliance has been widely exposed, the far-right still benefits from great success among public opinion. Furthermore, however ephemeral and transitory the collaboration between Putin and the populists may be, it has a...

Promote Ukraine, 2021

Research by Promote Ukraine Russia's unofficial "diplomacy" has performed a pretty good correction of mistakes made by its Soviet “predecessors." Thus, the USSR general secretaries relied only on their satellites in the form of communist parties which were frankly a marginal phenomenon in many developed countries. Unlike the Soviet Union, Putin's Russia is exploiting in its interests any movements aimed against the Western agenda. The example of Germany is indicative: both the far-right Alternative for Germany and their ideological opponents from The Left party are equally “Putin-Versteher," loyal to the Russian president despite obvious differences. At the same time, the Russian curators for "foreign comrades" from different ideological camps may be the same people. Like Alexander Ionov.

The Legatum Institute Briefing, 2015