Anglo French Relations

The presented article deals with the royal visit of Edward VII to Paris in May 1903 and the presidential visit of Émile Loubet to London in July 1903 and their importance for the Entente Cordiale. The Anglo-French relations were slightly improving since the French withdrawal from Fashoda in 1898, but there were still signs of persisting animosity. In the early spring 1903, a new factor occurred -the Anglo-German relationship worsened a lot. When the King Edward VII visited Paris in May 1903, he was able to win the public opinion, and the main result was the shift in the rhetoric of both English and French press towards the entente. His visit therefore contributed to the rapprochement between France and England, which resulted later in 1904 in signing of the Entente Cordiale. What was the main reason for this to happen? Were there other factors too? The aim of this article is to reveal the preconditions for the rapprochement of Paris and London.

Emotions were, in early modern literature on diplomacy, described as a parasitic and even dangerous manifestation, and this view has endured until today. A series of recent books and articles published in the field of the history of emotions lays however the groundwork to question this traditional analysis. This article thus aims to examine the possibility of a broader and more strategic use of emotions in early modern diplomacy than is often acknowledged, and therefore the possibility of what can be called an early modern emotional diplomacy. I will first provide a summary of what the honnête homme culture of Europe’s ruling class meant for an ambassador in terms of emotion control. I will then show, through a few examples from diplomatic occurrences during Charles II of England’s late reign, some of the possible uses of emotion in early modern diplomacy. Thirdly, I will study through one very memorable display of emotion from the English king the way such a display could be prepared and staged in order to achieve full effectiveness. Lastly, I will put these one-time emotional displays in the perspective of Charles II’s international policy, arguing that they were not conceived as isolated occurrences but as parts of a real diplomatic strategy in which emotion played a crucial role, in other words an emotional diplomacy.

This MA Thesis analyses hundreds of Victorian newspapers, periodicals, pamphlets and other media to investigate how Victorian perceptions of Napoleon I affected perceptions of Napoleon III and vice versa. It is argued that Victorian Britons frequently viewed Napoleon III through the lens of Napoleon I with significant consequences for the legacies of both Emperors today. Through analysis of letters to the editor and newspapers which appealed to all classes of society, this thesis does not produce a history of ‘Great Men’ from the top-down but rather an analysis of how such men were perceived from the bottom up and how popular perceptions helped shape their legacies. Why is it that Napoleon I, once the most hated and feared enemy of Britain, has obtained an almost celebrity-like status in Britain today whilst Napoleon III, the friend of Queen Victoria and champion of the entente cordiale is largely forgotten by the general public? The answer, this thesis argues, can be found in Victorian perceptions of both Napoleons, and in the resulting perceptions of themselves.

В статье рассматриваются роль и характер воздействия национальных стереотипов и опыта истории на отношения Великобритании и Франции в 1920-е гг. Основываясь на материалах британского Национального архива и французских дипломатических документах, автор раскрывает негативное влияние указанных факторов, а также их место в совокупности военно-политических отношений двух государств. В заключении делается вывод о том, что хотя национальные стереотипы и "тень прошлого" не являлись определяющими факторами в англо-французских отношениях, они играли существенную роль: служили одним из источников взаимных подозрений и недоверия, не давали ясно представить себе интересы другой стороны, грозили обрести "собственную жизнь" после окончания конфликтов.

The article considers the role and nature of the impact of national stereotypes and historic experience on the Anglo-French relations in the 1920's. Basing on the materials of British National Archives and French diplomatic documents the author reveals the negative effect of the above-mentioned factors and identifies their place in the whole picture of military and political relations of the two states. He concludes that though national stereotypes and historical experience were not decisive factors in the Anglo-French relations their impact cannot be neglected: they served as one of the principal sources of mutual suspect
and distrust, they hamper the understanding of each state's interests, and finally, they had the potential to obtain their "own momentum" after the conflicts are
over.

Through the signature of the Entente Cordiale, France and Great Britain settled their colonial disputes in non-European territories and started the cooperation. The entente became a milestone towards the birth of the alliances, which later clashed in the First World War. Based mainly on the non-published documents, this contribution tries to analyze the motives that permitted the Anglo-French rapprochement from 1898–1904. Attention is paid to the influences of the world diplomacy on the development of the negotiations. Furthermore, this article deals with the Moroccan points of contention between France and Great Britain, which together with the Egyptian question, were of crucial and strategic importance for the development of the Anglo-French relations.

Drawing on sociological conceptualisations of the formation of group identities, this study investigates the formation of a ‘French’ identity in the sixteenth, seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. Whilst championing a symbiotic relationship between theoretical frameworks and the historical case study, I consider how a twin discourse of barbarity, both forged and recorded in the first French monolingual dictionaries, was invested in a social practice in order to form an elite and restricted intra-European ‘social identity’, which would later be rearticulated as a national identity at the end of the eighteenth century. My main thesis is that the methodisation of – what I typologise as – Gallocentric travel to distant extra-European lands and the accounts resulting from such travel was mirrored in the culture of travel to England and travel writing, itself a practice employed as a further vehicle in the assertion and consolidation of the language of ‘Frenchness’. To evidence thi...

[Now available through open access from Speculum: http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1017/S0038713415002316]

Among those witnesses of John Gower's works that are known to have been produced during his lifetime, the Trentham manuscript (London, British Library, Additional MS 59495) stands out for its remarkable design as a seemingly planned trilingual collection. The manuscript, usually dated to the first year of Henry IV's reign, exclusively contains Gower's poetry—showcasing his virtuosity in English, French, and Latin. A number of its poems are either addressed to or invoke Henry, yet nothing is known about the history of this manuscript before the seventeenth century. As a result, scholarship on the Trentham manuscript (henceforth Trentham) tends to foreground the question whether this compilation was ever presented to Henry. I will adduce fresh evidence to establish the early provenance of Trentham and show that the manuscript remained in Southwark until the middle of the sixteenth century. Second, I will offer a new context for the composition of Trentham by reading the collection against the background of Anglo-French relations during the first months of Henry's rule. Finally, I will argue for Gower's personal involvement in and continued ownership of this manuscript.

Sebastian Sobecki (2015). Ecce patet tensus: The Trentham Manuscript, In Praise of Peace, and John Gower's Autograph Hand. Speculum, 90, pp 925-959. doi: 10.1017/S0038713415002316.

http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0038713415002316

When France rejected to join the Great Britain in military intervention in Egypt in 1882, the British decided to put down the policy of dual control in Egypt. This decision influenced the mutual relations of both countries for more than twenty years. The aim of this article was to analyse the attitude of France towards the British presence in Egypt. This article deals with development of the mutual British-French relations from 1882 to 1888 with regards to their interests in Egypt.

Данная работа посвящена анализу сущности феномена англо-французской Антанты, а также основных этапов ее эволюции в первой половине 1920-х гг. Для решения поставленной проблемы автор привлекает новые источники из британского Национального архива, лишь недавно опубликованные французские дипломатические и военные документы, а также широкий круг литературы по истории и теории международных отношений. Методологической основой исследования стало изучение Антанты на различных «уровнях анализа»: на уровне системы международных отношений, на уровне двусторонних отношений, на уровне бюрократий и индивидов. В работе показано, что на системном уровне Антанта, понимаемая как режим принятия международных решений с привилегированным доступом к нему Великобритании и Франции и дискриминацией Германией, существовала в 1920-1925 гг. На двустороннем межгосударственном уровне Антанта функционировала как военно-политический союз в 1919-1920 гг.; как особая форма англо-французских отношений, в основе которой лежало предварительное согласование позиций двух государств в целях выработки совместных решений, в 1920-1921 гг. на Ближнем Востоке, в 1920-1923 гг. в Европе. Результатами эволюции Антанты на данном уровне стала ее трансформация в политику нейтралитета одного из партнеров: в Европе – Великобритании в период Рурского кризиса 1923 г.; на Ближнем Востоке – Франции в период Чанакского кризиса 1922 г. На уровне бюрократий Антанта в качестве формы совместной работы представителей Великобритании и Франции, нацеленной на реализацию общих целей, эволюционировала по-разному в зависимости от того или иного института: в Репарационной комиссии она существовала до 1923 г., в Контрольной комиссии в Германии до 1927 г., Военном комитете в Версале до 1931 г. На уровне индивидов Антанта, понимаемая как особая доверительность и «сердечность» в отношениях лидеров Великобритании и Франции в 1919-1923 гг. фактически не существовала. Изучение Антанты на различных «уровнях анализа» позволило автору продемонстрировать сложность данного феномена, а также объяснить существующую разноголосицу во мнениях среди историков по выделению этапов ее эволюции.
Using original definition and criteria of Entente phenomenon in Anglo-French relations of the 1920s author proposes his own model of Entente evolution in 1919-1923.

This monography is a revised and published thesis of the author. The book deals with Anglo-French relations from the Fashoda Crisis of 1898 till the Entente Cordiale and reveals the path which led both countries from their animosity to the entente. Author pays considerable attention to the course of negotiations, to the key leaders and their influence on the process of negotiations and to the fact, which of the countries had to make larger concessions.

The Entente Cordiale, which ended tension between France and England in extra‑European territories, became a milestone towards the birth of the Triple Alliance and Triple Entente, two blocks which later clashed in the First World War. Based on the study of published and non‑published documents, this contribution tries to analyze the motives that permitted the Anglo‑French rapprochement from 1898–1904. Attention is paid especially to the Egyptian and Moroccan points of contention between France and Great Britain, which were of crucial and strategic importance for the development of Anglo‑French relations. When France abandoned the policy of pinprick agitation in Egypt in exchange for the policy of a free hand in Morocco, a new era in the Anglo‑French relations was opened.

Emotions were, in early modern literature on diplomacy, described as a parasitic and even dangerous manifestation, and this view has endured until today. A series of recent books and articles published in the field of the history of emotions lays however the groundwork to question this traditional analysis. This article thus aims to examine the possibility of a broader and more strategic use of emotions in early modern diplomacy than is often acknowledged, and therefore the possibility of what can be called an early modern emotional diplomacy. I will first provide a summary of what the honnête homme culture of Europe’s ruling class meant for an ambassador in terms of emotion control. I will then show, through a few examples from diplomatic occurrences during Charles ii of England’s late reign, some of the possible uses of emotion in early modern diplomacy. Thirdly, I will study through one very memorable display of emotion from the English king the way such a display could be prepar...

This article is concerned with the interplay between commerce and manners in early eighteenth-century Paris. It examines how the esteemed ‘cultural capital’ of Paris came to be challenged by the model of contra-cultural economic capital observed in London. Against a study of Brice’s description of Paris which de-emphasises trade outside ventures of national benefit, it highlights the incremental counter-narrative in the commentaries on London by Miege and Muralt. It traces the development of this counter-narrative from Miege’s account of trade and English prosperity to Muralt’s construction of an imitable urban model through study of the individualist English character and the socio-economic freedoms it secured.

Lieu : Institut Français, 27 Queensberry Place, London SW7 2EL

Date : 21 Mai 2015, de 9h à 15h
Organisée à l’occasion du centenaire du lycée français Charles de Gaulle de Londres et de la sortie du livre retraçant l’histoire de cet établissement, cette journée rassemble des universitaires britanniques et français qui aborderont l’histoire de la diffusion de la langue française dans le contexte britannique, du 19ème siècle à nos jours.

Sous l’impulsion des études comparatistes puis transnationales, l’histoire de l’éducation française s’internationalise. Néanmoins, le champ de recherche de l’éducation française hors de France reste exclu des travaux de synthèse sur l’histoire de l’éducation française, bien qu’il apparaisse comme un domaine bourgeonnant. Ce colloque propose aux spécialistes et au grand public de débattre sur l’éducation française dans le contexte britannique, par le biais de l’histoire diplomatique, de l’éducation, des études sur les réfugiés ou encore de la sociologie. Les communications seront données en français ou en anglais et seront suivies par un temps de questions pour permettre à l’assistance de débattre.

Malgré leur caractère plaisant, les divertissements de cour n'étaient pas à l'époque moderne dépourvus de dimension politique et diplomatique, notamment le sport et le jeu sur lesquels se concentre cette communication. Ces pratiques donnaient en effet lieu à des rencontres dans un environnement plus informel, ce qui permettait des applications diplomatiques particulières. La suspension des exigences officielles en termes de représentation créait également de nouvelles opportunités de représentation, et permettait à travers une mise en scène savamment calculée d'indiquer publiquement son positionnement diplomatique sans pour autant se compromettre. L'émergence de gestes diplomatiques particuliers dans des situations relevant du privé mais à portée publique fut également l'occasion d'employer des acteurs diplomatiques complémentaires des acteurs officiels et qui, sans chercher à les remplacer, jouaient malgré tout un rôle crucial en assurant une représentation diplomatique au quotidien.

The influence of French literature on British theatrical productions of the second half of the nineteenth century has been a focus for Victorian theatre studies since Stephen Stanton’s work in the 1950s. However, the visual aspect of this influence is only rarely discussed; when it is, it tends to be with reference to the issue of gestural performance. For instance, scholars refer to Henry Irving’s observation after a visit of the Comédie-Française in London that ‘the pictures they produced went straight to the heart and needed no language for those of us who could not master French’. Yet Irving's comments could also be understood as acknowledgment of the art of staging. In the frame of constant artistic exchanges between the two countries, this paper considers how stage directors and artists interpreted the contemporary French visual environment through stage decor. For some plays, like those of Emile Augier or Victorien Sardou, the existing Parisian stage sets could have been copied or reinterpreted for the British audience. By contrast, other plays inspired by other French literary forms, like Alexandre Dumas’ novels, were fully-fledged British visual creations. How did British scene painters represent French interiors? What were their references? How did French theatre import decorative forms in England? Through the visuality and the materiality of various British plays created either ex nihilo or imported from France, the study aims to analyse the cultural transfer of decorative forms between Paris and London.

Modern Arabic: French fabrication of a fake language to de-personify, de-valorize, radicalize and barbarize
Through the creation of a fake modern Arabic language , the French prevented a genuine Nation building in the area, ensured that the local peoples would never have access to their identity, and like this gave the Wahhabist sheikhs a most powerful tool of de-personification, de-valorization, radicalization and barbarization. The so idiotically venerated French ‘mission civilisatrice’ is truly speaking a ‘mission barbarisatrice’.
The French created what is the concept of Arabic as Modern Language, and (as an extension to it – at a second stage) the Arab nationalism – supreme stage of the colonialism.
First published in Buzzle and the American Chronicle on 24th November 2006
Republished in Aram Nahrin on the same day

Dans une lettre au ministre de la guerre Louvois datée d'avril 1677, le chevalier de Canaples écrivait : « J'ai appris que la chambre basse s'est toutefois gendarmée contre moi, disant que je n'ai passé en Angleterre que pour faire cabale contre eux. Ils me font plus d'honneur que je ne mérite, mais je puis me vanter que je ne m'oublie en rien pour fortifier le roi d'Angleterre dans la continuation de son amitié pour le roi [de France], et pour le désabuser de tous les confédérés. Sur cela, ils sont servis à souhait et les maux qu'ils font dans la chambre basse sont réparés dans les moments qui ne leur sont pas connus. » 1 Le chevalier, qui avait traversé la Manche à titre particulier en 1673 afin d'aller chercher fortune auprès du duc Jacques d'York dont il était proche, résumait ainsi le rôle informel mais néanmoins crucial qu'il avait été amené à jouer dans les relations diplomatiques franco-britanniques. Alors que le Parlement et l'opinion anglaises se montraient chaque jour davantage hostiles à la France, un petit groupe de Français proches du roi Charles II contribua à entretenir son incertitude si longtemps que, lorsqu'il se décida finalement à intervenir contre le gouvernement de Louis XIV dans la guerre de Hollande, cette dernière venait de prendre fin. Cette neutralisation diplomatique de l'Angleterre fut l'oeuvre non seulement des ambassadeurs de France successifs, mais également d'un certain nombre de Français qui, comme le chevalier de Canaples, se trouvaient à Londres sans commission officielle mais ne se privaient pas d'oeuvrer en faveur de leur contrée d'origine. Ce petit groupe de femmes et d'hommes, présents à Londres pour des raisons personnelles diverses allant de la visite familiale à la fuite face à la justice, d'horizons différents mais rapprochés par l'expérience de l'expatriation, formaient un cercle cohérent organisé autour de quelques figures centrales. Par leurs contacts au sein de la haute société et de la cour d'Angleterre, ils possédaient une capacité d'influence importante, dont les ambassadeurs n'hésitèrent pas à se servir même s'ils usèrent souvent vis-à-vis d'eux d'une certaine précaution. Même lorsque les ambassadeurs se refusaient à leur confier des tâches précises, leur simple présence en Angleterre et la continuation de leur sociabilité continuaient de remplir une mission diplomatique essentielle, celle de la représentation et du maintien d'un contact entre la France et l'Angleterre. Afin d'étudier ce rôle d'interface diplomatique joué par les expatriés français, je reviendrai dans un premier temps sur la constitution de ce groupe et sur leurs modes de sociabilité, qui les plaçaient dans une situation idéale pour faire le lien entre les deux pays. J'étudierai ensuite les fonctions de cette interface, c'est-à-dire les différentes manières dont ces expatriés pouvaient contribuer, individuellement ou collectivement, à la diplomatie française en Angleterre. Enfin, je consacrerai la fin de cette communication à l'étude de l'intérêt pour les Anglais et les expatriés eux-mêmes de ce rôle d'interface, et par extension à ses limites, liées aux appréhensions des diplomates professionnels face aux risques représentés par ces acteurs potentiellement concurrents et incontrôlables.

Dans le cadre du dossier "La défense européenne revisitée".
Le multilatéralisme a joué un rôle capital en matière de coopération internationale. Il semble pourtant s’essouffler, en matière de défense européenne, à travers ses grandes institutions (Organisation du traité de l’Atlantique nord, Union européenne). Les « minilatéralismes », coopérations plus limitées entre
des États en nombre restreint, représentent sans doute une dynamique prometteuse en Europe, en dépit des multiples difficultés auxquelles ils se trouvent confrontés.

Introduction
Cet article a pour but d’apporter un éclairage nouveau sur les liens artistiques entre la Grande-Bretagne et la France à travers le ballet et se situe, par conséquent, à la croisée de la diplomatie culturelle et de l’histoire de la danse. Pourquoi choisir la danse pour illustrer cette « Entente cordiale » ? Car le ballet, plus particulièrement, est crucial dans l’histoire des relations internationales, comme enjeu de représentations dans les échanges culturels.

Britain and France have long been intertwined, their history is so linked that the two may be more deserving of the 'Special Relationship' moniker than the relationship between Britain and the United States.
This paper examines how the British tried to forge a role for France in the World after its defeat in 1940, how they butted heads with America repeatedly over this policy course, and how, eventually, they secured their aims.