Battle of Brunanburh

In this text the authors want to explain the relation between the field in Hunwick as a possible site for the Battle of Brunanburh and four sites closely to the field that are likely to be burial sites for the lost ones in the battle. There is possibly an ancient burial site close to the proposed field and there are three different sites that might relate to three different segments of the invading force. There was a local chapel one mile from the proposed field, there is possibly a Scottish site half a mile from there and another site only half a mile therefrom that could relate to the Danish Vikings from Dublin.  In this paper we look at these sites as well as other possible sites further afield.

This paper announces the Battle of White Hill. It took place in 926 and was a crushing victory for King Athelstan of Wessex. As the immediate result of the battle, Athelstan reasserted control over Northumbria which he had annexed by fiat and then lost over the course of the previous twelve months. In the treaty of Eamont Bridge, which followed hard upon this victory, the kings of Scotland and Strathclyde formally recognised Athelstan as king of all England and overlord of all Britain. As such I propose that this was the "First Battle of Britain". Without victory for Athelstan at this battle, there would have been no Battle of Brunanburh (937), so vaunted by the annalists. This paper sets this battle in its context, identifying the battlefield. The author hopes that the local authority will now take steps to preserve and memorialise such of the battlefield as remains otherwise undisturbed and takes appropriate steps to recognise the forthcoming 1100th anniversary.

Explains our theory that the Battle of Brunanburh was fought at Wigan.

Rev 4 Splits our Battle of Brunanburh at Wigan and Battle of Wen Heath into separate papers
Rev 4b fixed some typos
Rev 4c Added a revised Brunanburh battle narrative
Rev 4d Revised the paragraph order and fixed some text formatting
Rev 4e Fixed an error in Egil's Saga timeline
Rev 4f Fixed typo in date of Haakon's accession and some ambiguities
Rev 4g Added reference to two papers by Kevin Halloran
Rev 4h Fixed an embarrassing east / west transposition error
Rev 4i Improved some poorly worded sections that were ambiguous or unclear
Rev 4j Converted an ugly long sentence into a bulleted list and fixed a few ambiguities
Rev 4k Reordered some paragraphs and fixed some poorly worded phrases
Rev 4l Standardised Northumbria/Northumberland and fixed some poorly worded sentences
Rev 4m Updated Lancashire Roman roads diagram
Rev 4n Fixed a glaring logic error and some typos
Rev 5a Changed the layout and section order for Part 2, and fixed a bunch of stupid errors that readers pointed out. Oops, sorry.
Rev 5b Got one of the references to Olaf the wrong way around ... again
Rev 5c Switched one of the quotes to Latin, to show that Simeon''s Second Chronicle and Chronicon ex Chronicis are almost identical
Rev 5d Added Green's political map of England in 937, and adjusted some paragraphs around it.
Rev 5e Added a small section about Bromborough, and rearranged some text to accommodate it
Rev 5f Added a Table of Contents and revised some section headings
Rev 5g Added a note about the Cuerdale Hoard
Rev 5h Added a note about Malmesbury's claim that Athelstan retreated to draw Olaf further into England
Rev 5i Added a heat relief map of Lancashire, and fixed a bunch of typos
Rev 5j Standardised on referring to Olaf's race as Hiberno-Norse, and made a few clarifications of poorly worded statements,
Rev 5k Divided the Wigan battlefield clues and fixed a bunch of errors noted by readers. 
Rev 6a Broken out from a joint paper that also explained our theory that the battle described in Egil's Saga's was fought at Brasside.
Rev 6c: Fixed a bunch of typos
Rev 6e: Fixed some typos, added Mynor's translation of Malmesbury's poem and some references to it.
Rev 6f: Fixed an error in Amounderness on the map, and made a few clarifictions
Rev 6g: Improved some poorly worded paragraphs, and added note about the similarity of Weon/Wigan (from Weondune).
Rev 6h: Added list of Bruanburh battlefield candidates as Appendix A
Rev 6i: Fixed an error in the TOC
Rev 6j: Fixed a couple of typos
Rev 6k: Added Kirsten Møller's theory that the battle was fought at Brompton near Northallerton and switched the order of some paragraphs.
Rev 6l: Moved contemporary account translations to an Appendix.
Rev 6n: Added reference to Michael Wood's poem translation, and added Paul Hill's response to my query about his three battlefield candidates
Rev 6o: Added a brief section on Burnley
Rev 6p: Fixed a couple of stupid errors in new Burnley section, including a missed 'e' on Livingstone and a date of 1053 instead of 1953, etc.
Rev 6q: Updated to reflect Damian' Bullen's feedback on our misunderstanding about St Ethedreda.
Rev 6r: Updated section in Burnley following discussion with boffins at IHR
Rev 6s: Added reference to Walter Barrett's History of Burnley following visit to IHR
Rev 6t: Added note on Michael Wood's poem translation & made some clarity imrovements
Rev 6u: Switched to ITC Berkeley Book font. and fixed a couple of typos
Rev 6v: Added our interpretation of David Griffiths' Lancashire Hiberno-Norse population
Rev 6w: Fixed a few ambiguities
Rev 6x: Fixed a faulty reference to Olaf Sihtricson; swapped two sections; fixed some ambiguities
Rev 6y: Fixed (oops, sorry Michael) embarrassing misspelling of Michael Livingston's name, and fixed a couple of ambiguities in section about Michael Wood.

In this paper I want to show possible relation between the poem of Brunanburh and the poems in Egil’s saga. I also want to show possible relation to the poem “The Ruin” and to the field in Hunwick. The Brunanburh poem was in manuscripts and chronicles that were written contemporary to events of the battle of Brunanburh in the year 937. Egil’s saga was written in Iceland early in the twelfth century but the poems in the saga are accounted for to be older and possibly contemporary  to the battle. The part of the Icelandic poem Íslendingadrápa from twelfth century which describes the fate of the brothers in England is translated in this paper. There are many poems in Egil’s saga and there is a quite descriptive account given for the battle of Brunanburh and these poems are believed made by Egil himself . The poem Ruin  is made by unknown poet in similar time frame as the other poems. It is published in the 10th century in the Exeter Book. The description given in the poem fits closely to the site of the Vinovia fort. The style of the poem is similar to the Brunanburh poem. To give the reader some insight to the Old English poetry from this time I compare these poems to the poem “The Recapture of the Five Boroughs” which is made in the year 942. That poem is made only five years later than the poem “Brunanburh” and now all passion is missing and there is a dry account given of the events. That begs the question of possible relation of the former poems and possible Egil’s saga and if that can be established whether the poems do relate well to the situation in Hunwick and at the Vinovia fort.

This Paper puts forward the extensive evidence that sites the famous Battle of Brunanburh at the Lancashire town of Burnley. A Brunanburh contender must connect in some way to the following ten bullet points.

FOUGHT IN ENGLAND
UP IN TH’ILLS
THE RIVER BRUN
ETYMOLOGY
A SAXON BURH
NOT TOO FAR FROM YORK
EARL’S NESS
VINHEATH
THE PLAINS OF OTHLYN
DINGESMERE

This paper shall show how the Burnley site fits more than well with all of the points, while at the same time revealing some long-lost nuances of Anglo-Saxon history.

This little note was written during the COVID19 lockdown in 2020 while libraries were closed and most of my own books were in storage. While resources are limited, the Battle of Brunanburh 'Casebook' edited by Michael Livingston and first published in 2011, was very useful in pulling together sources which provoked consideration of the size of this medieval battle. The Battle of Brunanburh, fought in AD 937 between the forces of King Athelstan of Wessex and Mercia and the combined forces of King Olaf of Dublin, King Constantine of Alba (the forerunner of the Scottish kingdom) and their allies, is one of the most famous conflicts in early English history and the topic of much speculation and debate.

The location of the Battle of Brunanburh (937) is identified to be on the old Roman Road between Brough-on-Humber and South Cave in the East Riding of Yorkshire. This conclusion is drawn from an understanding of the military considerations based on the evidence in the Annals. The role of Beverley Minster is considered. It is demonstrated that the place-name evidence is fully consistent with this site - offering a more comprehensive analysis than anything hitherto. Finally church dedications in the area are shown to offer possible reinforcing evidence. In short this is a far more comprehensive treatment of the matter than has been made available before.

There is a substantial tranche of opinion which has leapt upon references to the Battle of Vin-Heath depicted in Egil's Saga and has supposed it to be a reference to the Battle of Brunanburh. This note demonstrates that this is not the case, putting Vin-Heath in its proper context.

Explains our theory that the battle described in Egil's Saga was fought at Brasside near Durham.

Rev 7: Extracted the new section about why Egil's Saga is not describing Brunanburh into a separate paper entitled "Why Egil's Saga is not describing Brunanburh". Renamed paper to Icelandic battlefield name. Fixed some typos. Standardised on Vínheiðar for the battle's name.

Rev 7d: Changed all but one references to Olaf to Constantine, switched to ITC Berkeley Book font, fixed a few ambiguities.

Rev 7e: Changed the order of the paragraphs in north-south section, and fixed some typos. 

Rev 7f: Fixed an error regarding ON:'vin' , and fixed a couple of ambiguities

Rev 7g: Fixed a silly copy & paste error and switched the order of some paragraphs.

In this paper I argue that the Battle of Brunanburh (937) took place on the old Roman Road between Brough-on-Humber (Petuaria/Civitas Parisiorum) and South Cave in the East Riding of Yorkshire.

This updated to version 5 has been triggered by the need to take "Wendune" out of the argument. Hitherto I had followed the herd, accepting that this was another name for Brunanburh, but this is not the case (for details see also v2 of my paper on The Battle of White Hill 927 on this site).

Whereas the original paper dismissed other proposals mainly by disregarding them, this revision includes an examination of the claims of as many rival sites as I can identify, showing why they are to be discounted.

The basis of the positive argument for Brough lies in (a) understanding the military objectives (b) the evidence of the Annals and (c) the relevance of Beverley Minster. It is demonstrated that the place-name evidence is consistent with this site. It is suggested that the huge proportion of church dedications in the area to "All Saints" can be seen as further circumstantial evidence.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=99VrFHzu71E

Wirral's Viking heritage and the debate over the Battle of Brun(n)anburh Before 1066, the most famous battle in English history is the Battle of Brunanburh fought in AD 937 between the English king Aethelstan and the combined forces of king Olaf Guthfrithsson of Dublin, king Constantine of Alba and king Owain of Strathclyde. The battle was a victory for Aethelstan, helping to secure the future of the kingdom of England, and a great poem was composed to commemorate the event. Numerous theories have been put forward for the location of the conflict which includes Bromborough on the Wirral.

In this text is researched the relation between the Brunanburh poem that appears in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles under the year 937 and Völuspá the Icelandic poem of the Prophecy. The Brunanburh poem describes the Battle of Brunanburh between an English army and their allies and a combined army of Scots, Vikings and Britons. The poem celebrates the English victory. The poem is known for traditional elements and its authenticity. Völuspá  is the first and best known poem of the Poetic Edda. The poem tells the story of the creation of a society and its coming end. The poem is preserved whole in the Codex Regius and Hauksbók manuscripts while parts of it are quoted in the Prose Edda. The first mention of the poem is in the year 960 but the poem is assumed to be an older and is most likely older poem than the Brunanburh poem and most likely it is from the years between 880 to 890  when people are moving to Iceland searching for freedom from Royalty and Christianity.

The Old English poem 'The Battle of Brunanburh' celebrates a battle won by English forces in the 930s fighting against an invading army of Vikings and Irish/Scots at a place that is almost surely to be identified as modern Bromborough, at the base of the Wirral. In addition to making a studious display of conventional Old English poetic diction, the poem includes a number of words or phrases suggestive of skaldic influence. While enumerating these, I discuss the poem as an expression of a hybrid type of court poetry that English poets cultivated in a tenth-century Anglo-Scandinavian context.

This article reconsiders the emotional tone of The Battle of Brunanburh, which has been seen alternatively as a piece of cold, hard triumphalism or as conveying a subtle sympathy towards the defeated enemies, especially Constantine. I begin by surveying all possible explicit references to emotion in the poem, identifying a key sequence at lines 37-52 which depicts a counterfactual scene of Constantine and Anlaf boasting and exulting over the victory they did not achieve. This scene of emotional
performance raises questions about how the poem itself works as an emotional performance. I suggest it functions quite differently depending on whether we see it as a praise-poem for Athelstan delivered at his court in the aftermath of the battle or - which is perhaps more probable - as composed some years later for inclusion in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. In the latter case, the poem conveys undercurrents of anxiety over victory and the ability to hold on to territory and glory. Considering how texts work
as emotional performances offers a way, fraught with uncertainty yet I believe worthwhile, to approach not simply the emotion concepts but the emotional experiences of the past.

In this revision of the original paper, the proposition placing the site of the Battle of Brunanburgh at Brough-on-Humber is strengthened by the connection with Beverley Minster and by consideration of placenames. An invitation is issued to archaeologists to complete the task.

. In un dibattito dedicato alle culture della guerra era quasi d’obbligo un intervento sulla rappresentazione della guerra nel mondo germanico, aggettivo che verrà però usato per indicare unicamente la fase più antica e, almeno inizialmente, comune, della compagine culturale germanica.

1. Nella ricerca di opere che offrissero delle rappresentazioni della guerra, l’indagine è stata ulteriormente limitata all’Inghilterra dell’Alto Medioevo. La letteratura anglosassone, sia quella composta in volgare che quella, altrettanto vasta, scritta in latino, offre una serie di testimonianze di guerre di vasto raggio, di battaglie e di scontri minuti, così come dell’esistenza di una classe di guerrieri o meglio di una classe i cui membri svolgevano questo ruolo nella società germanica. Le persone cui era demandata l’attività militare facevano parte della classe aristocratica e rappresentavano i diretti continuatori del comitatus, un’istituzione di cui parlava già Tacito nei capitoli XIII e XIV della Germania. L’aggregazione di una banda di guerrieri (comites) intorno ad un capo (princeps) nasce da una libera scelta: i seguaci stipulano con il capo una sorta di patto, per cui questi protegge e mantiene il comes guerriero, dispensandogli doni di varia natura; da parte sua il comes combatte per accrescere la fama e, sul piano concreto, la potenza e la ricchezza del suo capo. Va anche sottolineato - perché questi caratteri ritorneranno puntualmente nei testi che verranno presi in esame più avanti - la natura della relazione fortemente gerarchica tra i membri del comitatus e l’indipendenza di questo organismo dai legami di sangue, a vantaggio invece di un rapporto intertribale, per cui un capo aggregava intorno a se guerrieri di etnie diverse e che provenivano anche da paesi lontani.
Nonostante il lasso di tempo che intercorre tra l’opera di Tacito, nella quale un’istituzione, non strettamente germanica, come quella del comitatus si presenta all’inizio della sua evoluzione e le prime notizie storiche sui germani dislocati nelle loro sedi, alla fine delle Völkerwanderungen, è possibile seguire lo sviluppo di tale organismo militare nell’età delle migrazioni (quando costituisce la base del tipo di sovranità che in tale periodo si afferma) e quindi nell’organizzazione sociale della classe aristocratica guerriera (di cui rappresenta l’elemento centrale) dei nuovi regni barbarici. Il comitatus svolge un ruolo fondamentale nell’affermazione di un potere politico individuale e autoritario: il capo del comitatus, che in genere viene da una famiglia nobile e illustre, riesce ad affermare il prestigio personale mediante azioni di guerra.
Wormald  ha dimostrato come la società anglosassone, nei secoli VI - VIII, offra prove dell’esistenza di una classe di guerrieri, molto prima che tale categoria trovi una sua legittimazione nella società feudale del continente. La figura del guerriero ha un rilievo e un ruolo nella società anglosassone.  Esempi in questo senso ci vengono forniti da opere di carattere storico come la Historia ecclesiastica gentis anglorum di Beda dove si narra come Re Oswine di Deira (642/4  -  651), grazie alla sua munificenza, attirasse al suo servizio nobili da ogni parte del paese (HE III, cap. XIV) o da agiografie come la Vita di Wilfrid di Eddi Stefano, dove si dice delle scorrerie di un nobile in esilio che capitanava una banda armata (‘nobiles quidam exules cum exercitu’ cap. LXVII).

Imitative translation recreating the style and metre of the original in Modern English whilst being accurate, readable and performable aloud, of The Battle of Brunanburh, with introduction and minimal textual endnotes (page not shown here) for lay readership, published in No.193 (Spring 2020) of Wiðowinde, the journal of the Anglo-Saxon organization Ða Engliscan Gesiðas.

In this text we want to give attention to the names related to Vine in the reference to the Battle of Brunanburh. There are references in Egil’s saga to Vínheith and Vínu. Symeon of Durham refers to the name Weondune. There is an interesting place on the Roman Road in the centre of County Durham that bears the name Vinovia, later known as Binchester. The field in Hunwick is a likely to have been the most prominent site in this are as it closely fits to the description given to the Yggdrasil Ash in the Old Icelandic poems like Völuspá and Grímnismál in the Snorra Edda. The depiction given to the Ash and the meaning of it in these poems bear likeness of how Jesus is depicted in the Gospel of St John as a Vine and the people as it branches.

The Battle of Brunanburh, 937AD, was said at the time to be the bloodiest battle ever. Athelstan, King of England, led a force of mainly West Saxons and Mercians against a coalition of Irish Vikings, Scots and Strathclyde Welsh. It was a battle for the very existence of England and yet its location has been lost in the mists of time. Many potential locations have been proposed. This paper evaluates four of the leading contenders-Bromborough in the Wirral, Burnswark in Dumfries and Galloway, Lanchester in County Durham, Burghwallis in South Yorkshire-using contemporary and 12thC sources. It concludes that the most likely of these to be the site of the battle is Burghwallis.

La battaglia combattuta a Brunanburh – una località non più identificabile dell’Inghilterra settentrionale – alla fine dell’estate o all’inizio dell’autunno del 937, segnò la vittoria di re Athelstan e suo fratello Edmondo contro una temibile confederazione di nemici, i danesi di Dublino, capeggiati da Olaf Guthfrithson, gli scozzesi con a capo Costantino e altri gruppi minori. La battaglia, celebrata con un manierato panegirico nella Cronaca, è rimasta uno degli episodi più famosi della storia anglosassone e, per secoli, il combattimento tra Athelstan e Olaf è stato riproposto, in veste sempre nuova e diversa, in latino, in francese e in inglese