Coflict Resolution

This paper investigates whether violent female participation (VFP) as insurgents impacts their respective civil conflicts. Impact is measured through civil war duration and intensity. A quantitative approach discovers a strong positive relationship between violent female participation and civil war duration and impact. Case studies further look at the impact of female combatants in the Sri Lankan and Second Chechen civil wars. The paper finds that VFP is strongly correlated to duration and intensity, however the presence of ideology and female-orientated doctrine determines whether women are used strategically. Rebel group ideology potentially enables women to further impact civil conflict as more than simply additional manpower.

The research on the Patterns of Conflict Resolutions and Inter-group Relations in the Republic of South Sudan studied the causes and nature of Inter-group Conflicts/Relations, looking at the inevitability wherever groups share a geographical space or wherever people interact and this interactions either lead to conflict or integration. The research studied the interface between Conflict Resolution and Interg-roup Relations in the Political History of the Republic of South Sudan, the ethnic dimensions of the current violent conflict in South Sudan are not embedded in ethnic hatred but in failure to manage ethnic diversities and struggle for power. The data for the research were collected through the use of secondary instrument of data collection and was analyzed through qualitative content analysis which reviewed literature related to the research. Local Justice and Conflict Resolution is an integral part of South Sudan, considering the significant roles of the chiefs in providing local justice as well as in Conflict Resolution in South Sudan knowing full well how grassroots Conflict Resolution mechanism are multi-layed and frequently involve regional and national Government institutions as well as external factors such as UN agencies, international donors and international Governmental Organizations (IGO’s) that support peace initiatives. One of the major findings of the research is that harmonizing the traditional structures and mechanism with the modern concept of statehood in other to achieve a compatible justice system remain a major concern of the South Sudan Authority, because of the legitimacy of the justice system which must be clear to the local population so that the process of state building does not disrupt the communal sense of identity which can in-turn trigger conflict. Succession is not the best option for Countries faced with intergroup conflict, South Sudan justify the risk of succession which should be a benchmark of precaution for other countries most especially the Movement for Biafra Republic in Nigeria by the South-South and South-East Nigeria; the Movement for Azawat Republic in Northern Mali and the current group conflict between Seleka and Anti-Balaka in Central Africa which are experiencing civil unrest due to ethnic/identity or religious differences because since independence, governance structure in South Sudan remain in a state of flux. The research recommend urgent need for the People to learn how to accommodate one another despites their differences, promotion of sustained dialogue between local governance institutions and local community leaders, including traditional leaders and Community Based Organization to provide an opportunity for the elimination of some inefficient structure of the past and to adopt modern institutions and mechanism of conflict resolutions, improvement of budgetary transparency and disclosure of public information will enhance accountability in public administration, enhancing the capacity of oversight institutions would go a long way in improving the management of public resources based conflicts and the need to provide sector focused Organizations, practice and techniques of peace-building and to improve their effectiveness in conflict management activities.

For some states, breaking out of sustained and repetitive conflict is not as simple as falling into it. They are either trapped in a consistent conflict, or ravaged with on-and-off strife for an entire generation to suffer through the traumas of such wars and believe that violence is the only way to survive. This is especially the case for most civil wars fought in the last few decades. The critical question to ask here is, why such conflicts are so long and so weary that states are not able to break out of them.

Öz Soğuk Savaşın sona ermesiyle uluslararası arenada artan barışçıl ve iyimser havanın etkisiyle demokrasi ile yönetilen ülkelerin birbirleriyle savaşmayacağı tezini yani Ebedi Barışı yeniden gündeme getirdi. Liberal barış teorisi Kant'ın " Ebedi Barış " adlı eserinde vurguladığı cumhuriyet rejimine (demokrasiye) sahip devletlerin halkın rızasıyla hareket edecekleri ve bundan dolayı " savaş " ın zorunlu bir ihtiyaç olmadığı sürece araç olarak kullanılmayacağı fikrine dayanır. Bu makalenin amacı liberal barış teorisinden hareketle, liberal barış modellerini inceleyerek, liberal barışın çatışmanın dönüşümü üzerindeki etkisini ortaya koymaktır. Ayrıca bu makale, liberal barış modellerini ele alarak barış inşası kavramının liberal barış modellerinin bir ürünü olup olmadığını sorgulamaktadır. Bunun yanında bu çalışmada barış inşası kavramının liberal barış modelleri içerisinde gelişimi ele alınmakta ve " çatışma sonrası yapılanma " kavramının barış inşası kavramı yerine ikame bir kavram olup olmadığı tartışılmaktadır. Abstract With the end of the Cold War, the thesis of perpetual peace that claiming democracies do not fight each other, reshaped the agenda as a result of a peaceful and optimistic understanding international relations. The Liberal Peace Theory is based on the idea which was emphasized in the work of Kant " Eternal Peace " that the states having a republic regime (i.e. democracy) will move with the consent of people and hence the war cannot be used as a tool as long as it is not necessity. The purpose of this article is to reveal the effect of liberal peace on the transformation of conflict by examining the models of liberal peace through liberal peace theories. In addition, this article questions whether the concept of " peace building " is a product of the liberal peace models. Furthermore, this study examines the development of the concept of " peace building " in the liberal peace models, and discusses whether the concept of " post-conflict building " is a substitutional concept for the term of " peace-building ". GİRİŞ Etnik sorunlar, günümüz dünyasında yaşanan çatışma türlerinden birisidir. Etnik sorunların çoğu " ulus inşası " ve ulus devlet paradigması ile yakından ilgilidir. Liberal barış inşası, demokrasinin gerekli fonksiyonlarını yerine getirmesi ve serbest piyasa ekonomisinin işler hale gelmesiyle sorunların çözüleceği iddiasında bulunmaktadır. Savaşların sebebi konusunda neo realist perspektif, sistemin rolünü daha ön plana koyarken, liberaller ise savaşın sebepleri hususunda devlet düzeyi, başka bir ifade ile devletin içyapısı yani rejim üzerine odaklanmaktadır. Öyle ki demokratik rejimlerin birbiri ile savaşmayacağını iddia etmektedir. Realistler ise, devletlere yönelik tehditler dolayısıyla savaşların kaçınılmaz olduğunda ısrar etmekte fakat iç savaşların sebeplerini açıklama konusunda yetersiz kalmaktadır. Bu bağlamda liberal barış teorisi, sadece savaşları sonlandıracak bir araç değil ayrıca iç savaşları da önleyecek bir mekanizma önermektedir. Bu makalenin amacı, liberal barış teorisinden  Dr., Öğr. Üyesi, Bitlis Eren Üniversitesi Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü, ycinar86@hotmail.com.

ÖZ Çatışma, devletler arası ilişkilerde sıklıkla yaşanılan bir durumdur. Çatışmanın iyi yönetilmesi taraflara kazançlar sağlayabilir. Bu bağlamda Çin Halk Cumhuriyeti Asya kıtasının en önemli güçleri arasındadır. Nitekim Çin'in çatışma yönetim stratejisi Çin dış politikası parametreleri ile çoğu zaman örtüşmektedir. Bu çalışma Soğuk Savaş sonrasında 1990-2000 yılları arasında Kuzey Kore ile geliştirmiş olduğu dış politika stratejisini çatışma yönetimi stratejisi bağlamında değerlendirmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Çin'in bölge devletleri ile geliştirmiş olduğu çatışma yönetimi stratejisi Çin'i bölgede güçlendirmiştir. Bu çalışma Çin'in çatışma yönetim stratejisinin gelişimini ele almaktadır.

How people perceive outgroup prosocial behaviors is an important but under-researched aspect of intergroup relations. In three experiments conducted in two cultural contexts (Italy and Kosovo) and with two different populations (adolescents and adults; N = 586), we asked participants to imagine being offered help by an outgroup versus ingroup member. Participants attributed fewer prosocial motives to and were less willing to accept help from the outgroup (vs. ingroup) member. This was particularly true for highly prejudiced participants and when the outgroup was described negatively. Participants' perceptions of the outgroup helper's prosocial motives and expected quality of the interaction with the helper mediated the effect of helper's group membership on willingness to accept the help (Experiment 3). We discuss the theoretical and practical implications of these findings for intergroup relations.