Demographer/Social Scientist

... Part of the success can be attributed to the tremendous screen presence of the truly charismaticMadhuri Dixit and the string of songs that turned out to be chartbusters. ... During the wedding and its attendant revelries, Pooja's sister Nisha (Madhuri Dixit) and Prem fall in love. ...

Suddenly 'women' are everywhere. Development experts name 'gender bias as the cause of poverty in the third world'; population planners declare their commitment to the empowerment of Indian women; economists speak of the feminisation of the Indian labour force. Over 1991-92, for instance, upper-caste women thronged the streets in the anti-Mandal protests; the BJP identified women and dalits as the principal targets of their next election campaign; women shot into prominence as leaders in the Ramjanmabhoomi movement. The People's War Group of the CPI-ML found themselves drawn increasingly into popular women's campaigns against sexual and domestic violence, dowry and the sale of arrack. Film after film features the new woman as active, critical, angry-she also figures prominently in Doordarshan programmes. In overwhelming numbers, women have joined the literacy campaigns in Pondicherry and parts of Andhra Pradesh. And now we have the anti-arrack movement that threatens to destabilise the entire economy of the state.

Few are the Bulgarian social scientists revealed the peculiarities of our historical development in such a way as to be perceived as a norm and a starting point for further generalizations. And on the fingers can be counted those among them who dared to outline also the specificity that characterizes us as a people. One of the most prominent personalities is this respect is professor Petar Mutafchiev (1883-1943). It was his patriotism and his mental superiority par excellence that caused virulent attacks against him in the years of imposition of the communist regime.

The process of decolonisation that emerged in the world after the Second World War had profound effects on the existing political arrangements. A number of new states emerged from this process of decolonisation in which the new administrative and political structures sought to ...

... Stated briefly, our argument in the present paper will be that the symbols of the Agamaic Hindu religion, which was propagated through the temples and the aggressive bhakti movement, were used for legitimising the particular socio-political formation which was taking shape in ...

Constitutionally speaking India has been referred to as a federation with strong centralizing tendencies, a quasi-federation, or a federal set up with a unitary bias by various scholars. However, movements for regional autonomy and power sharing have been a recurring theme in the history of the Indian state. This paper seeks to go beyond formal understandings of power sharing, federalism etc. and understand the structural and social roots of such a recurring theme in India's body polity. I briefly argue that in all class divided countries, such movements can be better understood in relation with the forms and logic of capital in the respective country. We also argue that the logics of capital have detrimental consequences for the life chances of individual citizens which is often channelized in the form of identity politics leading to regional movements along ethnic and linguistic lines. In the concluding section I argue that such movements can be contained and democratically managed if there is considerable amount of social pluralism in such movements demanding regional autonomy based on various forms of social identity. Section 1 Debates about the nature of Indian federalism have been a prominent trend on the academic field of political science for quite some time now. However, if the centralizing trends of the Indian state is studied from a different perspective, it can be understood that such a logic of centralization is inherent in the very nature of capitalist development that has been followed by the Indian ruling class.1 Scholars have argued that the Indian ruling class had initially practiced a strategy of planned economic management in order to prepare the Indian bourgeoisie for global competition. However, The Indian bourgeoisie was unable to do such a structural transformation 1

Susie Tharu and Tejaswini Niranjana put forward a major hurdle for theorising gender as such, by arguing that the primary subject of feminist inquiry, i.e., woman, is not a homogeneous category, due to its substantive linkage with caste, class and community factors. They narrate four streams of movements led by women towards a better society, to highlight the differences of Indian women. As Tharu and Niranjana provide no clues for how this challenge may be faced, we encounter here a pessimistic approach towards theorising Indian feminism that Dalit feminists must themselves overcome.

O3 what ways and how modern science and technology could be harnessed to c-4i address issues that are specific to the Indian situation. ,L) There were significant debates on the question of linkages between science IB and technology, on one hand, and, Indian society, on the ...

... The present day Srivaisnavas are divided into sects. They are the Vatakalai and the Tenkalai. The Vatakalais represent the Sanskritic tradition. Kancipuram in Tamilnadu is their institutional centre and Vedanta Desika (AD 1268-1369) their spiritual preceptor. ...

... towards society's lzwer end) iildeed towards its lowest end: a study of the actual labour processes in the field and the workshop, at the ... along with the share of elements, instead of giving it the overarching importance it had attained in the hi-story writing of medieval India fol so ...

... 60 Page 7. Communist Party During Imperialist War Notes 1. For details of activities of the communists during 1934-37 and British attitudes toward them, see, Habib Manzer, 'British Measures against Indian ... SS Mirajkar, EMS Namboodripad, and Sajjad Zaheer. ...

Behind the present Babri masjid-Rama janmabhumi controversy lie issues of faith, power and politics. Each individual has a right to his or her belief and faith. But when beliefs claim the legitimacy of history, then the historian has to attempt a demarcation between the limits ...

... Then how can these be "massive demonstrations of popular support" aroused by Tamman Dora and Bhima Reddi in 1879-80 ? Yet Arnold goes to the extent of comparing 1879-80 rebellion with Raju's rebellion of 1922-24 and generalizes that "Rama Raju did not inspire such ...

... Cooperation Movement and "congratulated his peasants for remaining uninfluenced by the agitators". Complaints appeared in the Oriya newspapers like Samaj, Utkala Dipika and Seba that the Raja of Kanika obstructed the Non-Cooperation Movement. ...

... is viewed as a charming, beautiful body admired and applauded for her flawless beauty, as indeed our national beauty icons Sushmita Sen and ... Culture is, as Rajeshwari Sunder Rajan argues in her recent work, 'the product of the beliefs and conceptual models of society ... ...

FROM THE time the Indian National Congress entered the phase of mass politics and mass struggles till the coming of independence one crucial question which bothered the British was, what would be the attitude of Congress towards the agrarian issues-particularly the ...