Electoral Management

Статья представляет результаты исследования децентрализации системы публичного управления в сфере выборов. Работа восполняет пробел в систематизации эмпирического опыта применения децентрализованной модели электорального менеджмента в разных странах мира и предлагает ее теоретическую интерпретацию. Децентрализация управления в сфере выборов впервые рассмотрена не только в вертикальном, но и в горизонтальном измерении.  Государственная электоральная политика – это единственная отрасль публичного управления, которая обладает собственной «внутриотраслевой» системой сдержек и противовесов. В результате применения кросс-кейс анализа и принципов традиционного институционализма определены основные формы и критерии децентрализации управления выборами. Впервые сформулированы отличительные признаки централизованной и децентрализованной моделей электорального менеджмента. Раскрыты административно-управленческие и политические эффекты децентрализации, среди которых наиболее значительным является противодействие злоупотреблениям властью при проведении выборов. Статья направлена на преодоление негативного отношения к децентрализованной модели электорального менеджмента, преобладающего в современной литературе. Предложено рассматривать децентрализацию электорального менеджмента как  один из институциональных факторов, способствующих обеспечению демократических и честных выборов. Рассмотрены перспективы преобразования принципа децентрализации системы управления выборами в один из новых избирательных стандартов.

This thesis conducts a cross-national analysis of perceived electoral fairness across 80 countries in Africa, Asia, Europe, and the Americas.  The main research question is focused on uncovering the determinants of perceived electoral fairness.  The thesis analyses two broad groups of variables, with the chapter structures following from this distinction.  The first set of variables arises from a meta-analysis of previous studies to ascertain the strongest determinants of electoral fairness.  This entails testing as many individual and national level variables as possible across as many countries as possible to reveal any global trends or regional differences.  The second set of variables arise from two theoretical models of electoral management body (EMB) design, both of which focus on evaluating the merits of EMB independence or autonomy from the ruling government.  Once again, the approach is to examine as many electoral management design variables as possible across as many regions as possible.  Results unexpectedly indicate frequent negative associations between EMB independence and perceived electoral fairness.  The thesis considers different possibilities for these unexpected negative results, with the most probable cause being the many independent EMBs in authoritarian democracies included in this study.  The thesis uses multivariate ordered probit and multilevel mixed-effects regression models to conduct analyses at the national, regional, and global levels.  Public survey data comes from the AfroBarometer, ArabBarometer, AmericasBarometer, AsianBarometer, and Comparative Study of Electoral Systems.  National level indicators come from the Quality of Government, Administration and Cost of Elections (ACE) Electoral Knowledge Network, and International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA).

Abstract: Most elections in Kenya since first multi-party elections in 1992 have experienced management problems. The gravest occurrence emanating from electoral management which generated the disputed presidential elections in December 2007. The management dynamics have had much impact in many fronts for internal security architecture and also by extension to the country’s common borders. Such effects include; internal displacement/ refugees, economic losses, security stalemates between neighbouring states, and possible proliferation of arms which make security infrastructure complex thereafter. The 2007 electoral management degenerated the once peaceful country into a near pariah state. To describe the dynamics, the study; examined elections and African conflicts, assessed Kenya’s 2007 electoral management and East Africa Regional (EAR) security, and finally, highlighted elections’ management challenges EAR. Using a case study design and mixed approach method, the paper in its findings confirm by generalizations that dynamisms of electoral management indeed has effects to a country’s security infrastructure (both internal and external) which in a geographical proximity requires interdependence.
Keywords: Election’s Management/ Electoral Management/ Kenya’s Elections/ 2007 Election/ Election’s Dynamics/ Election’s Security/ Electoral Systems/ East Africa/ Regional Security

Abstract: Most elections in Kenya since first multi-party elections in 1992 have experienced management problems. The gravest occurrence emanating from electoral management which generated the disputed presidential elections in December 2007. The management dynamics have had much impact in many fronts for internal security architecture and also by extension to the country’s common borders. Such effects include; internal displacement/ refugees, economic losses, security stalemates between neighbouring states, and possible proliferation of arms which make security infrastructure complex thereafter. The 2007 electoral management degenerated the once peaceful country into a near pariah state. To describe the dynamics, the study; examined elections and African conflicts, assessed Kenya’s 2007 electoral management and East Africa Regional (EAR) security, and finally, highlighted elections’ management challenges EAR. Using a case study design and mixed approach method, the paper in its findings confirm by generalizations that dynamisms of electoral management indeed has effects to a country’s security infrastructure (both internal and external) which in a geographical proximity requires interdependence.
Keywords: Election’s Management/ Electoral Management/ Kenya’s Elections/ 2007 Election/ Election’s Dynamics/ Election’s Security/ Electoral Systems/ East Africa/ Regional Security.

Kenya‟s electoral management has undergone major metamorphosis over time. With initial management majorly controlled by government to the current independent electoral body, the dynamics of electoral management have indeed changed reflectively. The history of elections in Kenya has been full of challenges. The political power games sought to control all political processes almost immediately after independence. This reflects suggestion by Cassandra R. Veney and Paul Tiyambe Zeleza (2013) and Paul Tiyambe Zeleza (2009) that Kenya emerged out of colonialism in 1963, after a prolonged liberation struggle, with a political economy marked by the existence of an authoritarian state, uneven regional development, deep social cleavages, and an intolerant political culture sustained by deep historical memories of grievance and injustice. Nationalist ideology both masked and reinforced the inherited political deformities of the colonial state in so far as it mobilized the colonized for freedom...

This book offers the first comparative monograph on the management of elections.

The book defines electoral management as a new, inter-disciplinary area and advances a realist sociological approach to study it. A series of new, original frameworks are introduced, including the PROSeS framework, which can be used by academics and practitioners around the world to evaluate electoral management quality. A networked governance approach is also introduced to understand the full range of collaborative actors involved in delivering elections, including civil society and the international community. Finally, the book evaluates some of the policy instruments used to improve the integrity of elections, including voter registration reform, training and the funding of elections. Extensive mixed methods are used throughout including thematic analysis of interviews, (auto-)ethnography, comparative historical analysis and, cross-national and national surveys of electoral officials.

This text will be of key interest to scholars, students and practitioners interested and involved in electoral integrity and elections, and more broadly to comparative politics, public administration, international relations and democracy studies.

These two chapters are available on an open access basis.
The full text is available here: https://www.routledge.com/Comparative-Electoral-Management-Performance-Networks-and-Instruments/James/p/book/9781138682412

Fair elections are fundamental to democratic legitimacy and an independent model of electoral management is often advocated to prevent rigged elections (Lehoucq 2002; Mozaffar 2002; Pastor 1999b; Wall et al. 2006).  Yet empirical research by Birch (2008) and Rosas (2010) has counterintuitively demonstrated that the relationship between Electoral Management Body (EMB) independence and public confidence in elections is negative or muted.  I argue that the conventional independent model is insufficiently specified and therefore unsuitable for evaluating the merits of EMB autonomy.  This paper tests a framework developed by Van Aaken (2009) which separates EMB independence into institutional, personnel, financial and functional autonomy.  Findings indicate that not all types of autonomy are important for perceptions of clean elections.  Functional autonomy appears to be especially important, with personnel autonomy also important under some conditions.  Conversely, institutional autonomy is negatively related with public perceptions of clean elections.  A random effects model is used to account for individual level responses embedded within national level clusters.  Data comes from Latinobarometer surveys, ACE Electoral Project, Intentional IDEA, and EMB websites.

Целью статьи является уточнение вопроса о специфике, времени возникновения и этапах развития института избирательных комиссий как наиболее распространенной разновидности органов электорального менеджмента.
На основании использования опубликованных в последние годы исторических источников, установлено, что, вопреки устоявшимся представлениям, первые центральные избирательные комиссии появились не в середине XX в., а более чем на полвека раньше – в последней четверти XIX в. (в Колумбии и Перу).

Building better elections is a central task for the study of democracy and democratisation. Despite this, there have been no cross-national studies on the staff who manage and implement elections: electoral management body (EMB) workforces. This article provides the first macroscopic worldwide picture of workforce characteristics, human resource management practices and employee outcomes, and analyses the effects they have on electoral integrity, based on original international surveys of electoral management bodies (EMBs) ( n = 51) and electoral officials ( n = 2029). Drawing from the human resource management literature, a framework is developed to explain how these factors might interact with EMB performance. Analysis demonstrates them to be highly related. Adding data on human resource management practices and employee outcomes improves explanatory models designed to predict the performance of EMBs. Chiefly, EMBs that enable greater opportunities for employees to be involved in ...

В статье впервые представлено исследование особой разновидности избирательных органов, совмещающих функции электоральной администрации и высшей судебной инстанции при рассмотрении избирательных споров. На основе кросс-кейс анализа изучен опыт функционирования электоральных трибуналов в 17 странах мира. Выявлены отличия электоральных трибуналов от избирательных комиссий и электоральных судов. Феномен электорального трибунала охарактеризован как исторически первая и наиболее радикальная форма реализации идеи автономности электорального менеджмента. По объему и концентрации полномочий электоральные трибуналы являются наиболее сильными избирательными органами. Формально обладая в некоторых странах статусом четвертой ветви власти, электоральный трибунал фактически нарушает принцип разделения властей в системе публичного управления выборами. Отсутствие возможности обжаловать действия высшего избирательного органа выступает источником внутриполитического напряжения и мешает электоральному трибуналу получить признание со стороны международных организаций.

Building better elections is a central task for the study of democracy and democratisation. Despite this, there have been no cross-national studies on the staff who manage and implement elections: electoral management body (EMB) workforces. This article provides the first macroscopic worldwide picture of workforce characteristics, human resource management practices and employee outcomes, and analyses the effects they have on electoral integrity, based on original international surveys of electoral management bodies (EMBs) (n = 51) and electoral officials (n = 2029). Drawing from the human resource management literature, a framework is developed to explain how these factors might interact with EMB performance. Analysis demonstrates them to be highly related. Adding data on human resource management practices and employee outcomes improves explanatory models designed to predict the performance of EMBs. Chiefly, EMBs that enable greater opportunities for employees to be involved in decision-making processes perform better. Recruitment practices, job satisfaction and levels of stress are also important.