Regional Security Complex Theory

Devido à crescente complexificação das relações internacionais no pós-Guerra Fria, novas interpretações teóricas foram construídas na área da defesa e da segurança para tornar essa nova realidade inteligível. A transição da bipolaridade, que proporcionava relativa estabilidade ao cenário internacional , para um novo padrão de distribuição de poder, provocou a revisão de conceitos e de teorias nas Relações Internacionais. A partir dessa transição, no âmbito da defesa e da segurança internacional, o debate acerca da revisão do conceito de segurança e da abrangência dos estudos nessa área favoreceu o surgimento de novas teorias e o desenvolvimento de outras até então marginalizadas. A corrente tradicionalista (Traditional Security Studies - TSS), que dominara a agenda desde a Segunda Guerra Mundial, revelou-se cada vez mais inábil para explicar a nova realidade. Dessa forma, dentre as teorias que buscam preencher a lacuna conceitual surgida, duas outras escolas, a abrangente (Escola de Copenhague) e a escola crítica (Critical Security Studies – CSS), passaram a ter maior proeminência.

Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver’s description of the regional security complex in the Middle East (ME) emphasized the role of the region's states as key actors shaping its structure. The last decade has brought important developments in the ME at the level of the state (civil war in Syria), region (exacerbating Shi'ia-Sunni conflict) and global system (interventions of world powers in Syria, potential American intervention in Iran). New tendencies also included the growing significance of sub-state and transnational actors (the emergence of the so-called Islamic State, build-up of the military potential of Hezbollah and Kurdish organizations). The paper consists of two parts. The first one presents a description of the MERSC’s structure (power relations and patterns of amity and enmity) transformations over the last 15 years. It is an attempt to verify the hypothesis that the processes and events in recent years have brought significant and relatively stable new features to the structure. The second part focuses on the involvement of non-state actors and outside great powers in the region. Firstly, their role in shaping the aforementioned transformations of the MERC’s structure is assessed. Secondly, Buzan and Wæver’s claim that MERC’s structure is determined mainly by the state actors from within the region is revisited.

The Gulf Cooperation Council is an active organization in the Arabian Peninsula also in the Persian Gulf which seeks cooperation with the member states. The two examples of Bahrain and Yemen are evaluated in the framework which was suggested by Barry Buzan and Ole Waever, " Regional Security Complex Theory ". In this theory, the regional complexes are seen in the lens of securitization which can be an explanation in order to understand what happens in the Persian Gulf, what is the GCC's and Iran's motivations in these cases and what was the importance of these cases as the GCC states intervened both of these two examples which are to be evaluated. The article first explains the framework that will be dealt with and explain the GCC's aims to achieve. Then the examples of Bahrain and Yemen would be explained in order to understand the theory and also the developments that happen in Persian Gulf.

Ուսումնական ձեռնարկը ներառում է միջազգային տարածաշրջանագիտության՝ որպես միջազգային տարածաշրջանների միջգիտակարգային ուսումնասիրության ոլորտի հասկացութային համակարգին, մեթոդական մոտեցումներին և մեթոդներին վերաբերող թեմաներ, որոնց ուսումնասիրությամբ կհամալրվեն ուսանողների՝ նշված ոլորտին առնչվող տեսական ու մեթոդական գիտելիքները:
Ձեռնարկը կարող է իր համեստ նպաստն ունենալ միջազգային տարածաշրջանների ձևավորման ու կառուցվածքայնացման, այդ տարածաշրջաններում և դրանց միջև փոխազդեցությունների գործընթացների, ինչպես նաև պետությունների արտաքին քաղաքականության վրա ազդող տարածաշրջանային
գործոնների ուսումնասիրության գործընթացում։
Ձեռնարկը նախատեսված է միջազգային հարաբերությունների և պետությունների արտաքին քաղաքականության խնդիրներով մասնագիտացող ուսանողների համար։

This thesis aims to determine the impact of the trilateral cooperation between Turkey, Georgia, and Azerbaijan in the regional security of the Wider Black Sea region, an area comprising the countries across the Black and the Caspian Seas. The research will also explain through a theoretical lens how the transport, energy, and military cooperation in the framework of this trilateral platform started the development of an independent regional security complex from major powers interested to assert their influence in the area. The analysis will provide statistical data to demonstrate the degree of intraregional interaction, which is not only limited to the three examined countries. There will be taken into consideration the outcomes for internal and external partners involved and its future development. Afterward, the analysis will be devoted to defining the role of the AGT trilateral cooperation in the broader dimension of global governance and interactions with the regional institutions, in particular, the EU, the Black Sea Economic Cooperation, and NATO.

​Taking into account the power changes at the global level and their impact on the regional level (particularly the Eastern Mediterranean), it is here argued, in line with a small but growing body of literature, that the Eastern Mediterranean should be seen as a distinct geopolitical space. The report begins with an analysis of the transition of the international system to multipolarity, one of the outcomes of which is the regionalization of the international system and the growing importance of the regional level of analysis. It ultimately examines whether the Eastern Mediterranean as a distinct region (or sub-region) has been experiencing processes of regionalism with regard to different areas of cooperation. It further argues that the synergies currently under development in the Eastern Mediterranean could be seen as the first step towards a regionalist project (or "proto-regionalism"), highlighting, however, that the realization of such a project faces multiple limitations and is highly conditional on a number of factors that need to be addressed first. A more gradual, well-thought-out and comprehensive approach should be followed-one that would also address important regional challenges-if the involved actors want to invest in a stable and sustainable regionalist project.

Este capítulo introductorio del libro Seguridad internacional y ordenamientos regionales: del Complejo Regional a la Comunidad de Seguridad, se presenta como un recuento de las consecuencias analíticas de la utilización de los conceptos de Complejo Regional de Seguridad y Comunidad de Seguridad. También este capítulo muestra cómo se podrían juntar estos conceptos para desarrollar un análisis nuevo.

This Al-Sabah paper is an edited volume that consists, apart from my introduction, of three excellent student essays written for the module Politics of the Middle East's Oil Monarchies. I taught this module at Durham University from October 2018 until June 2019. The three essays cover a wide range of subjects, including regional integration in the Gulf region (Lucy Forster), the foreign policies of the UAE and Saudi Arabia after the Arab Spring (Rosie Trainor) and Economic Diversification among the Gulf states (Stanislav Kudryashov).

The following paper deals with the relations between Georgia and the North-East Caucasus after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The study analyzes Georgia's specific interests towards the North-East Caucasus and the policy towards the region under the three governments from 1991 to 2012.
The research questions are as following: What is the share of Georgian foreign policy towards the North-East Caucasus and what was providing conditions of strengthening or weakening of the North-Eastern Caucasus line in Georgia's foreign policy?
The paper reviews the content of the documents reflecting the relations between Georgia and the North-East Caucasus based on a. in-depth content analysis method; b. in-depth interviews with leaders and politicians responsible for national security policy; c. publicly available media content and d. normative acts and documentations. The discourse-analysis method is used in order to analyze official positions towards the Georgian interests in relation to the North Caucasus as well as for interpreting the official documents. Within the framework of this research in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted with politicians, who were participating in framing and planning Georgia’s national security policy and policy towards the North Caucasus
from 1991 to 2012.
As a result of the study it was revealed that attempts to increase the political and cultural weight of Georgia in the North-East Caucasus were serving a number of regional interests, including the emergence of additional political leveraging on official Moscow and the neutralizing the support of North Caucasian peoples towards separatist regions.

This thesis aims to analyze the research question, “How has the regional security been affected in South Asia in post 9/11 period?” by testing the hypothesis that “Has the U.S. led global war on terror improved the regional security or has it turned South Asia into a more vulnerable region?” In order to answer our research question and test the hypothesis, I will try to address this question by drawing on a theoretical framework referred as Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) that is widely used, especially in the Regional Security literature. The central idea in RSCT is that, since most threats travel more easily over short distances than over long ones, security interdependence is normally patterned into regionally based clusters: security complexes. The topic requires to be studied because founders of the theory had used RSCT on South Asia on Post Cold War context, but there has been no update study of this theory on post 9/11 periods. Also I incorporated empirical evidences to test the results of hypothesis. I will employ a historically informed process tracing method, where I will collect information based on primary sources as the Conflict Barometer developed by The Heidelberg Institute for International Conflict Research (HIIK), declarations, interviews published on newspapers and various secondary data. Thus, this thesis will contribute to enrich the literature of International Relations on South Asian security studies at a time when the focus on South Asian security is not enough compared to its central position at current global security concerns.

The main goal of the article is to present the core opportunities as well as problems of the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) by Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver and the security communities theory referring to Karl Deutsch’s assumptions and developed by Emanuel Adler and Michael N. Barnett. The research question the paper tries to answer is – whether the position between realism and social constructivism of these two theories does enrich them or does it make them even more problematic by maintaining the dichotomy between objective and ideational factors. The structure of the article is as follows. First, after a brief introduction to the new “region defining” according to the social constructivism, the main assumptions and limitations of the RSCT will be presented. Secondly, the paper draws the attention to the security communities theory also focusing on its main assumptions and problems stemming from its “between position”. The conclusion shows the problems that scholars may experience with the two theories and that are a result of their situation between realism and social constructivism. Consequently, neither the concept of security communities nor RSCT can be examples of theoretic syntheses or propositions of conducting research in the spirit of analytic eclecticism, but they are rather examples of integrative pluralism.

В статье исследуется региональная политическая система на
постсоветском пространстве с точки зрения Теории региональных
комплексов безопасности. Эта теория на сегодня предлагает наиболее
целостное понимание безопасности постсоветского региона, вместе с тем,
ее применение сопровождается рядом проблемных моментов, оценка
которых входит в спектр затрагиваемых в данной работе вопросов.

By the autumn of 2013, the Middle Eastern regional security complex (RSC) had taken on a new configuration, which was substantially different from—and much more explosive than—the one that existed prior to the large-scale popular uprisings that broke out across the Arab world in the winter of 2010-11. Foreign policies adopted between 2000 and 2010 by the Ba‘thi regime in Damascus, the leaderships of Hizbullah and HAMAS, and the Israeli government to parry overlapping internal and external threats created an unprecedented patchwork of strategic rivalries and alignments. Large-scale popular unrest in Iraq and Egypt in early 2011, along with the outbreak of full-scale civil war in Syria later that same year, generated an even more intricate web of interstate security dynamics. The reconfigured RSC that emerged out of the “Winter of Arab Discontent” is only beginning to be explicated, and can best be addressed by tracing the connection between domestic political conflicts and shifts in external belligerence and alignment across the region.

This paper argues that the future political stability of Nineveh depends on a two-level normalisation. A potential agreement between competing local actors, such as Baghdad and Erbil, is not the only necessary condition to stabilise the area. It also requires that Turkey and Iran decide to desecuritise Nineveh to the extent that it ceases to play the role of a buffer zone in the Middle East regional security complex. This argument is underpinned by the close examination of Turkey's and Iran's involvement together with their respective local allies in Nineveh in the post-2014 period. Developments referring to the cases of Bashiqa, Shingal, Tal Afar, as well as activities in favour or against Mosul leaders' post-Islamic State (IS) vision illustrate that Nineveh's securitisation has transcended Iraq's borders. All in all, Turkey and Iran are vying for greater influence in Nineveh, or at least attempting to ensure that it will not become a satellite area of a competing power. Partly through their direct diplomatic and military engagement, but most importantly through their military and economic support to their local allies, the two regional powers pursue their security and diplomatic goals. At the same time, their involvement in the area has compounded the friction between local actors. Accordingly, the paper argues that in order to avoid greater polarisation in Nineveh and prepare the ground for constructive negotiations in the post-IS environment, Turkey and Iran should work on institutionalising their relationship beyond trade. Working together on issues of security between them, but also specifically in Nineveh, would improve trust and confidence in their relationship and help overcome the catch-22.

Despite holding similar positions in the international system by virtue of location, size, history, comparable political systems and ideologies, and involvement in inter and intra-state military conflicts, the alignment and alliance policies of the three South Caucasus states have significantly diverged since gaining independence. Trying to uncover the reasons for this divergence, the report employs Copenhagen School’s materially/ideationally hybrid Regional Security Complex theory (RSCT), which draws on both realist and non-realist approaches. Along with realist power calculations, RSCT brings in a regionalist perspective, as well as looking at state incoherence (weaknesses), long-standing intra-regional enmities and amities, and foreign penetration. Most importantly, it introduces a securitization approach, which provides more inclusive and comprehensive framework for defining how a state perceives major threats and forges alliances to counter them.

Thus, the study seeks to shed light on the evolution of the alliance and alignment choices of the South Caucasus states since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The research also attempts to analyze the strategic rationales behind these very divergent alliance choices. Given that most alliance theories underline threats as the key driver of alliance formation, the research examines the divergence in threat perceptions by the South Caucasus states in order to discern why, despite their similar ‘departure points’ after the collapse of the USSR, they have since employed such different alliance and alignment strategies. The research assesses the South Caucasus as a distinct regional security complex, examining how the South Caucasus states perceive their major security threats, and whether and how divergence in threat perceptions has shaped their different

Summary of doctoral thesis.

The objective of the thesis “Securitization in Defining Regional Security Complexes: The Case of the Baltic States (2004 – 2013)” is to examine the role of securitization processes in defining regional security complexes and their role in determining the place of the Baltic States among regional security complexes. The following hypotheses are verified: 1) factors intrinsic to traditional security apart from securitization and de-securitization processes cannot determine regional security complexes; 2) the Baltic States form a sub-region of regional security complex; 3) membership in the EU and NATO has not altered the place of the Baltic States within regional security complexes and they still belong to a regional security complex centered on Russia; 4) the intensity of securitization processes is the determining factor when identifying the place of the Baltic States amongst regional security complexes.
The regional security complex theory and its elements are critically examined – especially with regard to securitization theory and its place in the regional security complex theory. The Baltic States are analyzed as a sub-region of regional security complex, by examining its defining factors, interaction with neighbors, and the role of great powers. Also the main inter-state securitization processes in the Baltic States are analyzed, namely – securitization of Russia. Finally, securitization processes of the Baltic States in Russia are analyzed.
It is proposed to adjust the afore-mentioned theories in order to ensure their better empirical application – especially with regard to definitions of elements determining regional security complexes and interaction among them, and structure of securitization processes and their role in determining regional security complexes. It is concluded that the first, the second, and the fourth hypotheses are proven, the third is only partly proven. The Baltic States make up a sub-region of the “EU/NATO Europe – Russia” regional security complex. Further alterations of borders of this complex related to the Baltic States can only be expected with significant de-securitization. Currently, mutual non-securitization is almost impossible. But a decrease of intensity of securitization and at least a partial de-securitization is possible. However, prospects of de-securitization depend primary on Russia.

Kwame Nkrumah’s Pan-African dream of establishing African High Command meant to protect the newly created post-colonial African states in 1961 did not borne fruit because most of African states opposed and rejected it due to the perceived threat it posed on their sovereignty. However, the failure of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) dealing with the prolonged conflicts in the continent, the horrific Rwandan genocide incident of 1994, and the belief that without peace, development and prosperity could not take root in Africa provided reasons for the shift from the OAU to the African Union (AU) in 2001 and revived Nkrumah’s idea of African wide security force, which eventually brought to existence the African Standby Force (ASF) in 2002. Since then the ASF has achieved some successes in responding timely to conflicts in Africa despite the fact that its efforts were largely concealed by various challenges that it faced. Research works that have so far been done in the subject lack inclusiveness in terms of what constitute these challenges. In line with such gap, the analysis of the data obtained from the literature, confirms that the challenges that the ASF grappled with range from political, financial, material to technical.
   
Keywords: African Standby Force, Organization of African Unity, African Union, Challenge, Success

Doğu Akdeniz bölgesi jeopolitik konumu ve kronik sorunları ile yüzyıllardır küresel ve bölgesel güç mücadelelerine ev sahipliği yapmıştır. 2000’li yılların başında Doğu Akdeniz açıklarında keşfedilen doğal gaz rezervleri bölge devletlerinin enerji arz politikaları bağlamında paylaşım ve hak rekabetine yol açarak, bölge içerisinde yeni siyasi ve askeri gerilimlerin yaşanmasına neden olmuştur. Bu çalışma son dönemde Doğu Akdeniz üzerinde artan enerji politiğinin taraf ülkeler arasındaki ilişkilere etkilerini ve bölge güvenliğine tesisini incelemektedir. Öncelikle Doğu Akdeniz’in güncel enerji jeopolitiğini ve bölge devletlerinin enerji profilini değerlendiren çalışma, enerji kaynakları paylaşımının oluşturduğu rekabetin devletlerin ulusal güvenlik hedeflerine ve bölgesel güvenlik yapısına etkilerini de irdeleyecektir. Enerji kaynaklarının devletlerin enerji politikaları doğrultusunda bölgenin güvenlik yapısını nasıl etkilediğini analiz eden bu araştırma bölgenin birden fazla yerel ve küresel aktörün etkisi altında olmasından dolayı Doğu Akdeniz jeopolitiğini üç boyutlu bir güvenlik yapısı içerisinde ele alacaktır.

ASEAN Defense Industry Collaboration (ADIC) dibentuk untuk menciptakan lingkungan keamanan dan pertahanan yang lebih komprehensif dan konsolidatif di Asia Tenggara. Keberadaan ADIC diekspektasikan memberikan keuntungan ekonomi sekaligus keuntungan strategis bagi negara ASEAN. Sebagai bentuk kegiatan diplomasi pertahanan, implementasi ADIC dipengaruhi oleh dinamika keamanan di Asia Tenggara. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis peran ADIC sebagai media diplomasi negara ASEAN dan menganalisis kendala yang dihadapi oleh negara ASEAN dalam implementasi ADIC.  Data yang digunakan adalah data primer berupa wawancara dan data sekunder berupa laporan dan data yang telah diolah pada penelitian yang terkait. Data yang diperoleh selanjutnya dianalisis dengan metode kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan ADIC menjadi katalis dari pembentukan usaha pembentukan confidence building measure, sebagai wadah untuk penyamaan persepsi atas urgensitas kemandirian industri pertahanan regional, mengurangi potensi terjadinya dilema keamanan atas tindakan peningkatan kapasitas militer, dan sekaligus ADIC berkontribusi pada perimbangan kekuatan ASEAN sebagai organisasi regional (institutional balancing). Adapun yang menjadi kendala dalam implementasi ADIC adalah belum terbentuknya kepercayaan (confidence) yang kuat antar negara anggota ASEAN, disparitas perkembangan industri pertahanan antar negara anggota, dan kebiasaan dalam mengimpor alat pertahanan.

Against this background, the purpose of this collective volume is to examine in depth the new geopolitics of the Eastern Mediterranean with particular focus on the various aspects of the emergent trilateral partnerships of Greece-Cyprus-Israel and Greece-Cyprus-Egypt. We are particularly interested in the individual and collective drivers and motivations that brought these countries together, as well as the strengths, weaknesses and prospects of the partnerships.
Moreover, the volume aims to shed light on how regional and global powers shape the geopolitics of the Eastern Mediterranean, and how they view the trilateral partnerships. At the same time, the prospects and pre-conditions of their success will also be examined in light of
their common interests, areas of cooperation and third party inclusion or reaction.

Para citar:

CASTILLO CASTAÑEDA, Alberto (2012):  “La (des) estructura y objetivos de la seguridad regional: una aproximación al posible complejo de seguridad suramericano”. En Requena, Miguel (Ed.) Seguridad y conflictos: una perspectiva multidisciplinar. IUGM-UNED. Madrid. Pág- 185-214.

In this paper I analyze the impact of the Eurasian Union on the Central Asian republics, with a focus on remittances trends. To this end I review at first the literature regarding the effects of the Customs Union on its members. Then, I assess the current state of the economies most likely to be affected by membership in the Eurasian Union, i.e. Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, whose specificity is their dependency on remittances. Secondly, I present a plausible scenario in regard to the influence of the formalization of this regional organization on the emerging Central Asian regional security subcomplex. I argue that the EEU is a hindrance towards the five Central Asian Republics' evolving towards a regional security complex. Not only has it already distorted trade in the region, but it can also turn some presently frozen conflicts into security hotspots. I hold that the only way to spur development in the region is, internally, to diversify the economy, and, externally, to bring the five republics closer. I try to show that the Central Asian Republics should simultaneously pursue a switch from a balance of threat to regional integration and sustainable national development. Nonetheless, the EEU will have at best mixed effects when it comes to these necessities. Alternatively, China and the New Silk Road initiative that it endorses might contribute to de-securitizing some of the existing issues. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, its former republics had an opportunity to become once again integrated in the world economy. However, the legacy of the USSR precluded this to a certain extent [1] and, instead of openness and liberalization, there was isolation and perpetuation of corrupt ruling classes. What should have been a departure from the Soviet system was only a simulacrum in key aspects. Furthermore, ethnic tensions erupted, culminating with a Civil War in 1 I thank an anonymous reviewer for pointing out to me that we cannot explain the current state of affairs solely by referring to the inheritance of the Soviet Union. Nonetheless, as I will show in my discussion on security issues in the region, this inheritance has been highly influential for the subsequent development of the countries in the region and this is why I mentioned it here (with the caveat that it is not the only factor to be considered).

Para citar:
CASTILLO CASTAÑEDA, Alberto (2012): “Suramérica: entre la seguridad hemisférica y la seguridad regional”. En Cairo Carou, Heriberto; Cabezas González, Almudena; Mallo Gutiérrez, Tomás; Campo García, Esther del; Carpio Martín, José. XV Encuentro de Latinoamericanistas Españoles. Trama editorial; CEEIB, Madrid, Pág.1295-1309.

El siguiente artículo abordará de manera descriptiva el tema de la seguridad en el presente rompecabezas hemisférico. En primer lugar, se hará una breve descripción de la arquitectura de seguridad hemisférica donde se resaltarán las principales características, instrumentos y órganos constitutivos que a día de hoy determinan sus potencialidades y limitaciones como órgano multilateral. En segundo lugar, se hará un análisis de la actual posición latinoamericana en términos de seguridad dentro del hemisferio y se incluirá en el análisis los diferentes procesos integracionistas llevados a cabo en los últimos años en la región, especialmente centrándose en la Unión de Naciones Suramericanas (UNASUR) y en la institucionalización de la seguridad a través del Consejo de Defensa Suramericano (CDS). Partiendo de la base teórica de la escuela de Copenhague, se analizará la consolidación de un complejo de seguridad regional autónomo e independiente de aquel hemisférico y se propondrán posibles estrategias basadas en postulados teóricos para la consolidación y cooperación de los principales actores en los órganos multilaterales. El documento a través de esta composición argumentativa pretende abordar la seguridad de una región en construcción.

Many optimists believed that the “Arab Spring” was a ripe moment for regional radiant Turkey with its pro-active stance that could trigger “demonstrative e ect” and transform the con ict-ridden Middle Eastern (in) security complex into a pluralistic security community. However, those expectations on Turkey’s capabilities to transform the region have fallen short as Middle East re-entered into turmoil. In this light, the article aims to conduct an academic inquiry into the reasons that curtailed Turkey of priming the pump for a regional security community in the region. It argues that international system (structural), sub-systemic (regional), and  nally that of agential factors (Turkey’s own domestic embodiment) hindered Turkey’s e orts to transform the Middle East into security community. It concludes that three main hindrances (that of systemic, sub-systemic and domestic) which altogether, but particularly the latter, render Turkey to fall short in restoring peace and stability back to the Middle East at the time of Arab uprisings.

It is hardly possible to correctly and fully assess the functioning and development of a regional security system without presenting a complete account of the entire range of ties and relations among the actors involved and the degree of influence of all the powers concerned. Based on a case study of the post-Soviet space, the author studies the involvement of powers in regional security systems; his analysis of the key parameters of this involvement makes it possible for him to identify and describe two types of involvement: full and partial.

The article is an attempt to assess the
extent to which the key structural specifics and political environment of the Regional Security System (RSS) in the post-Soviet space are responsible for its development and transitivity.
The author concludes that the scrutinized political space is structurally highly unstable. It is a negatively asymmetric RSS, which stipulates for the possibility of its transit to more stable structural conditions. At the same time, its development and transformation are greatly affected by its active political environment composed of the most influential powers in the contemporary world.

The theory of regional security complex is one of the main theories of the regional approach of the international security system. The international organizations, the different strategies and concepts use many different definitions for the Sahel region. However, the ongoing changes of the global and the regional security and on the complexity of the crisis of the Sahel region bring up the question whether the Sahel region is a unit based on the regional security complex theory or not? Can it be treated as a regional security complex? Which countries are part of the Sahel? In this article I will give my answer to that question.

A regionális biztonsági komplexum elmélete az egyik legfontosabb tétel a nemzetközi biztonság regionális megközelítésében. A Száhel-övezet területének meghatározásában jelenleg jelentős eltérések mutatkoznak a nemzetközi szervezetek különböző stratégiáiban és koncepcióiban. A globális és regionális biztonság folyamatos változása mellett ugyanakkor fel kell tenni a kérdést, vajon értelmezhető-e regionális egységként a Száhel-övezet a regionális biztonsági komplexumok elmélete alapján? Alkothat-e önálló biztonsági komplexumot? Ha igen, mely országok tartoznak ehhez az egységhez? Jelen tanulmányban ezekre a kérdésekre adok választ.

The theory of regional security complex is one of the main theories of the regional approach  of  the  international  security  system.  The  international  organisations,  the different strategies and concepts use many different definitions for the Sahel region. However, the ongoing changes of the global and the regional security and the complexity of the crisis of the Sahel region bring up the question whether the Sahel  region  is  a  unit  based  on  the  Regional  Security  Complex  Theory  or  not?  Which countries are part of the Sahel? Can it be treated as a region? In this article I will give my answer to that question.

This book explains cooperative and confrontational regional orders in the post-Cold War era. Applying a push-and-pull framework to the evolution of regional orders, the book's theoretical section compares regional dynamics and studies the transformation and authority of governing arrangements among key regional actors who manage security and institutional cooperation. This presents a novel approach to comparing non-Western regional orders, and helps forge a better integration between International Relations disciplinary approaches and area studies. The empirical section analyzes Central Eurasia and South America within the period 1989-2017, using case studies and interviews with decision-makers, practitioners and experts. The volume demonstrates that soft engagement strategies from extra-regional great powers and internationalist domestic coalitions framed in a stable democratic polity are forces for peaceful interaction , while hard engagement strategies from great external powers plus nationalist coalitions within democratic backsliding in key regional powers present negative outlooks for regional cooperation. This book will be of much interest to students of regional security, comparative politics, area studies and International Relations.

Balance of Power and Power Transition are amongst the central concepts on which international and regional structures are based upon. These structures are hierarchical in nature, the established balance of which assures a modicum of stability and peace. Within this hierarchical order reside nations with varying power and influencing capabilities, broadly classified as satisfied and dissatisfied nations. While satisfied nations are content with the existing balance and support it, some dissatisfied nations seek a power transition to a higher hierarchical level. This power transition poses a challenge to the balance of power in the existing international or regional order. Along with the concepts of Balance of Power and Power Transition, Regional Security Complex Theory enables an understanding of the security order and an evaluation of the relative balance of power. These three concepts have also impacted the maritime domain, the results of which are evident in the security architectures of the maritime regions around the world. Further, Balance of Power and Power Transition are continuously evolving due to the developing capabilities and capacities of nations. Therefore, it follows that nations will seek to either maintain the desired balance or to challenge and alter the balance in their favour, and will accordingly exploit the maritime medium. One method of exploitation is pursuance of Freedom of Navigation as a maritime right. This paper will analyse the concepts of Regional Security Complex Theory, Balance of Power, Power Transition, and Freedom of Navigation while correlating them with the conduct of USA, China and Pakistan within India’s Areas of Maritime Interest, specifically the Indian Ocean and Western Pacific Regions.

The article examines the regional security system in the post-Soviet
space. Applying the Theory of Regional Security Complexes (TRSC) the
author assesses development of the post-Soviet space as a security region
and its present political structure. He introduces the concept of the Post-
Soviet Security Macrocomplex, the basic political structure of which is
composed of one power (Russia) and 11 states in its three subcomplexes
(Belarus, Moldova, Ukraine; Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia; Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan). In his opinion, the security
dynamics in the post-Soviet region largely is conditioned by its structural
specifics, and its geopolitically unique location.

В статье на примере политики РФ в условиях текущего украинского кризиса анализируются особенности секьюритизации и регионального поведения держав. Применяя понятийный аппарат Копенгагенской школы исследований безопасности, в частности концепцию секьюритизации и теорию региональных комплексов безопасности, автор выявляет особенности этого процесса в державах, а также его связь с их региональной идентичностью и политикой безопасности. С этой целью определена и структура работы, выделены разделы, в которых рассматриваются ключевые аспекты проблемы: понятие секьюритизации, её связь с формированием интересов, политики безопасности государств и их взаимоотношениями на уровне глобальной и региональных систем, соответствующие подходы различных теоретических направлений; понятие державы, их основные особенности и отличия от обычных государств; вопросы принадлежности государства к региону, специфика региональных связей державы и их осмысления с позиции интересов безопасности; региональная система безопасности на постсоветском пространстве, место и роль России, детерминанты её интересов и политики в регионе, основные проблемы и динамика российско-украинских отношений; украинский кризис и особенности его секьюритизации в РФ, функции политической элиты и общества; региональная активность России и других вовлечённых держав, основные отличия; секьюритизация в условиях различных политических режимов. По мнению автора, процесс секьюритизации в державах сопровождается осмыслением с точки зрения национальной безопасности особых, трансграничных силовых возможностей, потребностей, а также великодержавных ценностей, что отражается в их, порой чрезвычайной, активности за пределами своей официальной территории, что и объясняет использование в их политической практике таких понятий, как «зона жизненно важных интересов», «регионы привилегированных интересов» и др. Говоря о таких зонах, целесообразно использовать понятие «секьюритизированный регион», ибо в отличие от стандартного механизма секьюритизации, ориентированного преимущественно на конкретные, краткосрочные явления (военная агрессия, теракты, природные катаклизмы), в случае с державами этот процесс может характеризоваться устойчивым восприятием определённых внешних пространств с позиции ключевых интересов безопасности и сопровождаться чрезвычайным реагированием на происходящие здесь политические кризисы и вовлечение других держав.

Les relations Israël-l’Azerbaïdjan représentent un modèle atypique pour la plupart des pays musulmans de l'Eurasie.
Depuis sa création en 1948 l’État d’Israël a été la cible de violentes critiques partout dans le monde même en Europe où des manifestations pro-Gaza se sont parfois transformées en émeutes antisémites. L’Etat d’Israël fait face à des États voisins hostiles. Pour cela il n’a pas d’autre choix que d’assurer la sécurité de ses concitoyens contre les attaques de roquettes et, de défendre ses intérêts nationaux devant les attaques diplomatiques devant les tribunaux des organisations internationales. (ONU, La Cour pénale internationale)

          Les relations solides de la coopération entre l'Israël (l’État hébreu) et l’Azerbaïdjan (l’État laïc de la majorité musulman chiite) représentent un modèle idéal pour la plupart des pays du Monde, et un modèle atypique pour le monde arabo-musulman.

      Aujourd’hui aucun pays, ni en Asie, ni en Europe n’a des liens aussi étroits et aussi chaleureux avec Israël que l’Azerbaïdjan. Cette situation surprend beaucoup de gens parce que l’Azerbaïdjan est un pays ayant une majorité musulmane chitte et, parce que Bakou n’a pas encore établi de façon officielle une mission diplomatique en Israël.