International Regimes

The objectivity of studying social and political sciences has always been questioned on the ground that personal values may interfere. In the same vein, it is a challenge to understand and explain international relations, owing to different world views and approaches. This is mainly because there are many ways of studying international relations. First of all, it requires an interdisciplinary and multilevel analysis to explain international phenomena, which may embody conflict, cooperation or both. IR field began to be recognized as a separate discipline during the period between two world wars and since then debates have continued on “what to study” and “how to study”. These questions paved the way to many ontological and epistemological discussions. The realist-idealist debate of the 1950s and the methodological debate of the 1960s are just two examples that have evolved in the discipline. A realist description of International relations is based on competition among states as major actors to pursue their interests, whereas a liberal description concentrates more on harmonious relations of pluralist actors. Theories have also grown out of the need to seek regularities and reflect the quest for a grand theory to explain all observed phenomena, which has truly been an overarching and ambitious attempt. Theories of IR borrow assumptions of each other so to say, and provide feedback for their reconstruction, through the critiques they make against each other. In this book, you will make an introduction to realism, liberalism and economic structuralism as major traditions in the field, their historical evolution and some theories they have given birth to. Chapter 1 is about contending issues and classification of major theories in the field. Chapter 2 discusses the realist theory of IR and its evolution. Chapter 3 provides a close look to liberal tradition and its reflections in IR. Chapter 4 introduces economic structuralism via the Marxist theory and Chapter 5 familiarizes the readers with International Political Economy. Chapter 6 briefly informs the readers on types of international regime theories reflecting different traditions in IR. Chapter 7, the normative theory on the other hand deals with “what should be” in IR instead of “what is” observed. Lastly, in Chapter 8, the English School of IR which argues to be a via media between realism and liberalism is elaborated. Though cases in IR and different issue-areas demand different theoretical perspectives and methods of inquiry; researchers agree on the need to utilize theoretical frameworks as road maps to explain and foresee the future of events. The theoretical approaches and their basic assumptions may sound unfamiliar and abstract at the beginning, However, they will prove to be the alphabet to conceptualize and interpret international phenomena. As editors of this book, we hope you enjoy reading the book and it guides you in observing international arena and motivates for analytical thinking on international relations. We are grateful to our esteemed authors for their collaboration in preparing this course textbook for the International Relations Program.
Editors Prof.Dr. Tayyar ARI Assoc.Prof.Dr. Elif TOPRAK

The thesis aims to theoretically and empirically investigate international regimes’ effects on fragile states with a particular focus on Least Developed Countries (LDCs). It argues that trade-related development assistance within the Enhanced Integrated Framework (EIF) and the Aid for Trade Initiative constitutes and international regime capable of influencing trade development policies in fragile states. Accordingly, it presents two supporting hypothesis suggesting that cooperation and compliance are encouraged by 1) the attractiveness, credibility, and contingency of the regime, and 2) by offering financial and technical incentives.

The study uses three levels of analysis: theoretical, empirical, and discussion. . The first, addresses fragility issues, current international trade challenges for the analysed set of countries, and provides evidence of the regime existence and its characteristics. The second explores the features of trade policies and Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs), to then conduct a survey over the selected national development policies of Congo D.R., Ethiopia, and Tanzania. It identifies to what extend trade policy elements have been integrated into these documents. The third level, presents the research findings concluding that depending on the problem structure and the incentives offered the level of acceptance and compliance of the regime will vary. Finally, the thesis suggests that further research should be extended from policy compliance to policy outcomes. Policy design and better aligned and harmonized donor processes are necessary but they do not indicate that the ultimate regime objective of improving trade capacity and reducing poverty is accomplished. Thus, ideas for further research are presented.

This chapter advocates that rules relevant to the protection of people at sea may be found in any field of international law and that it is only through the integration of different rules that better protection of people at sea can be ensured. Drawing upon the systemic nature of international law, the chapter first presents the analytical framework within which to examine the relationships between different rules, analysing the conceptual potential of thinking in terms of regimes and in terms of the system. This framework is then applied to ‘people at sea’. Sub-regimes that provide a substantial contribution—the law of the sea, international human rights law, and technical regimes (including international labour law and maritime law)—are isolated, identifying the core characteristics of each. Eventually, the chapter considers the contribution of the various regimes collectively, within a systemic understanding of international law.

Mit der Europäischen Grenz- und Küstenwachagentur Frontex hat die Europäische Union erstmalig eine uniformierte und bewaffnete Polizeieinheit geschaffen. Bernd Kasparek legt eine detaillierte Analyse der Entstehung und Entwicklung der Agentur vor. Durch eine Genealogie der europäischen Grenze und eine ethnographische Rekonstruktion der Krise Schengens untersucht er das lange Projekt der Europäisierung des Grenzschutzes. Im Zentrum steht die Analyse sich wandelnder Rationalitäten, die sich in politischen und technischen Programmatiken niederschlagen. Dabei wird deutlich, dass das Regieren der Grenze und der Migration gleichzeitig die Frage nach dem Regieren Europas bedeutet

https://borderregime.eu

یکی از واقعیت‌های قرن حاضر، وجود رژیم‌ها و سازمان‌های مختلف جهت همکاری کشورها در حوزه‌های موضوعی متفاوت است. این امر به‌ویژه بعد از جنگ سرد رشدی چشمگیر داشته است، به‌صورتی که تعداد رژیم‌های شکل‌گرفته بسیار متعدد و فراوان بوده و جهان را به‌صورت شبکه‌ای از تاروپودهای ارتباطی به هم متصل کرده است. چین از جمله کشورهای نوظهور است و به‌واسطۀ پتانسیل خود در طول دو تا سه دهۀ اخیر، جایگاه دوم اقتصادی جهان را از آن خود کرده است. پرسش اصلی مقالۀ حاضر این است که چرا چین دست به رژیم‌سازی در شرق آسیا زده است؟ مقالۀ حاضر با بهره‌گیری از روش تبیینی، سودمحوری و کسب منافع بیشتر را انگیزۀ اصلی چین در ایجاد رژیم‌های منطقه‌ای می‌داند و بر این استدلال استوار است که چین با قدرت‌یابی اقتصادی، در پی ایجاد رژیم‌هایی جهت تثبیت جایگاه خود است. در همین زمینه چین، آسه‌آن به‌علاوۀ سه، منطقۀ آزاد تجاری چین- آسه‌آن، بانک سرمایه‌گذاری زیرساختی آسیایی و ابتکار کمربند و راه را ایجاد کرده یا از تشکیل آنها حمایت می‌کند. رویکرد موردنظر در پژوهش حاضر رژیم‌های سودمحور بین‌المللی و روش گردآوری مطالب نیز کتابخانه‌ای و اسنادی است.

This article examines the minute and fascinating relationship
between the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) and the
international governing body for association football, FIFA. This
paper will attempt to examine how effective the CAS has been. It
will tease out whether subsequent complicate within FIFA occurs
and why the judicial principles of the CAS provide a sobering
voice within FIFA. Additionally, in examining the close
relationship the CAS has with FIFA, it will become clear why
FIFA is capable of extracting unanimous adherence to CAS
findings. In essence, it creates an international regime in which
compliance is a tacit criterion of participation. Examining FIFA
through the lens of international political theory authorizes a
fascinating perspective on the CAS and its relationship. It is the
organization’s structure and operation as an international
regulator that contributes to CAS award adherence. To facilitate
this journey, one must first understand the role FIFA plays in
international sport, and the type of relationships it has with
subsidiary members.

Mobility studies emerged from a postmodern moment in which global ‘flows’ of capital, people and objects were increasingly noted and celebrated. Within this new scholarship, categories of migrancy are all seen through the same analytical lens. This article and Regimes of Mobility: Imaginaries and Relationalities of Power, the special issue of JEMS it introduces, build on, as well as critique, past and present studies of mobility. In so doing, this issue challenges conceptual orientations built on binaries of difference that have impeded analyses of the interrelationship between mobility and stasis. These include methodological nationalism, which counterpoises concepts of internal and international movement and native and foreigner, and consequently normalises stasis. Instead, the issue offers a regimes of mobility framework that addresses the relationships between mobility and immobility, localisation and transnational connection, experiences and imaginaries of migration, and rootedness and cosmopolitan openness. The introduction highlights how, within this framework and its emphasis on social fields of differential power, the contributors to this collection ethnographically explore the disparities, inequalities, racialised representations and national mythscapes that facilitate and legitimate differential mobility and fixity. Although the authors examine nation-state building processes, their analysis is not confined by national boundaries.

Global plastic production is continuously increasing and reached 322 million tonnes in 2015, generating revenues for plastic manufacturers of about US$ 750 billion. However, adequate waste collection systems are lacking in many countries. As a consequence, discarded plastic often ends up in the environment, where it can cause health and other problems. Every year between 4.8 and 12.7 million tonnes of plastic end up in the ocean. There, it endangers sea life, breaks down into ever smaller pieces and can wind up in the food chain with unknown consequences. These plastic pieces spread across the globe, creating a transnational problem with high costs for economically important sectors such as tourism and fishing. Although public awareness of the problem has grown in recent years, international efforts to limit plastic pollution have so far failed to successfully address the problem. Most approaches have concentrated on the oceans, although the majority of plastic waste does not originate there, whereas a legally binding international treaty that deals with hazardous waste on land, the Basel Convention, is hardly applicable to plastic waste.

To fill this gap and to address the transnational problem of plastic pollution, we propose to commence negotiations on a global plastics convention. Such a convention should be built on five pillars. First, a clear and binding goal is needed to eliminate plastic waste discharge into the ocean as a top-down mechanism. Second, each country should propose, in a bottom-up manner, an action plan containing specific measures based on a toolbox. Third, implementation of these action plans should be fostered by a supporting structure and other capacity development measures, including a financing mechanism. Fourth, the success of this framework will need to be assessed through a stringent follow-up and review mechanism. Fifth, the involvement of non-governmental stakeholders from civil society, business, and academia is vital both for launching negotiations on such a convention and for making it an effective instrument for curbing plastic pollution.

A coalition of stakeholders could take up the call and begin campaigning for a global plastics convention, negotiations on which could be launched by the UN Environment Assembly or the UN General Assembly. In addition, existing frameworks could be strengthened to further prevent marine dumping and other sources of plastic pollution at sea. Although the international community currently tends to prefer voluntary measures to legally binding treaties, the plastic pollution problem is global, costly, and will keep growing. This represents a strong case for overcoming the treaty fatigue in global politics and writing a new chapter in international environmental governance.

International regime theories (IRT) indicate that cooperation is possible in an environment in which there is no higher authority to enforce the nations to cooperate. It is well known that model of prisoner’s dilemma explains why the states escape from cooperation. Therefore, while realist approach based on prisoner’s dilemma emphasizes that possible risks and uncertainties might cause to escape/refrain from cooperation, free rider approach also argues that the existence of some countries trying to employ the collective action without paying any cost might restrict the cooperation of states. However, Perritt (1998) claims that regime theories introduce a new approach indicating the possibility of cooperation even in these circumstances.

Think tank experts and their opinions have acquired a very influential position in China's public diplomacy. While the presence and roles of think tanks is rarely questioned within developed democracies, their position in emerging powers and the developing world is debatable. This article argues that the landscape of the think tank sector in China—indeed the biggest developing country and the most powerful emerging economy—has changed over the course of the last decade. By providing a detailed account of the evolution of this sector in China, the intent is to enlarge think tank studies beyond liberal contexts and to overcome limitations about the study of Chinese think tanks. As demonstrate by the expanding role of think tank networks in the Belt and Road Initiative they have been able to secure a special niche with regard to foreign policy and diplomacy, notwithstanding China's authoritarian political environment.

Globalizing economic institutions such as transnational corporations and forums of economic governance are a central part of the world today. The World Trade Organization, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the World Economic Forum, for example, are crucial institutions mediating, administering, or providing forums for discussing economic processes of globalization. They bear the brunt of the critique of the anti-corporate globalization movement discussed in a later volume in the present series: Globalizing Movements and Global Civil Society. However, they are only the most prominent face of the changing institutions and regimes of global economics. The present volume documents the practices of these globalizing institutions, but more importantly it broadens out the discussion to cover questions of power and institutionalization. The volume examines the patterns of change across the globe from the end of the nineteenth century to the present. It includes material which debates the place of these economic institutions and regimes, but the emphasis is on understanding the modalities of economic regulation and institutionalization, and how they relate to state sovereignty, market law, and economic power. Whereas the previous volume in the ‘Central Currents in Globalization’ series focused on the way in which processes of globalization are extended by capitalism as a mode of production and exchange, the present volume focuses on the dominant mode of organization, including the instituting of patterns of power. The volume takes a special interest in the state as part of the globalization process. Expressed in a different way, this volume focuses on global economic integration, regulation and governance, while a complementary volume later in the ‘Central Currents in Globalization’ series, Global Legal and Political Governance, takes up the theme of political governance, including examining the new multilateral political regimes.

Resumo: Esta comunicação busca acrescentar argumentos ao debate já instaurado sobre a contribuição crítica à noção de universalidade e indivisibilidade dos direitos humanos. Procura também dar notícia acerca da dificuldade de descrever juridicamente normas consuetudinárias indígenas, estágio incontornável para o exame da possível colisão entre o regime dos povos indígenas e o regime dos direitos humanos. Palavras-Chave: direitos humanos, normas indígenas costumeiras, colisões de regimes.

Frente a las posibilidades de un eventual acuerdo de paz en un país que ha vivido una violencia armada continua y sistemática durante más de cincuenta años, cabe la posibilidad de preguntarse cuál es el impacto de ese conflicto frente a los compromisos que el Estado ha adquirido en materia de protección de derechos humanos y si ese acuerdo de paz puede tener consecuencias positivas para el respeto de los derechos humanos fundamentales. El presente trabajo busca comprender el marcado papel protagónico que ha tenido el ascenso de los derechos humanos en las relaciones internacionales y que ha llevado a compromisos por parte de los estados para su cumplimiento y respeto, por lo que se examina cuál es la situación de los Derechos Humanos en un Estado como el colombiano que ha buscado comprometerse con una serie de acuerdos internacionales. En el trabajo se sustenta que si bien hay una búsqueda institucional por responder a las demandas de los regímenes de derechos humanos a nivel internacional, no hay un pleno cumplimiento de los objetivos trazados en esos tratados, lo que imposibilita un fin definitivo a las causas que generan la violencia armada. Haciendo un análisis de las políticas y estadísticas sobre indicadores de rendimiento en materia de derechos humanos, se ve la necesidad de incorporar un mayor compromiso y una política pública integral de protección y promoción de los derechos humanos en el caso colombiano para lograr cumplir los compromisos internacionales que el Estado colombiano ha adquirido y erradicar de raíz los problemas que generan un alto impacto humanitario de la violencia armada en Colombia.

What follows is an exploratory piece making connections between different usages of hegemony and seeking answers to the following questions:
First, how is hegemony used in the literature?
Second, how is Gramscian hegemony reflected in the historical development of hegemony at the transnational level?
Third, noting there is no transnational state that has a monopoly of political violence/coercion, how would one characterize the networks of influence and the ensemble of institutions that perform the functions of the state at the transnational level?
Fourth, what functions does the hegemon (individual state or historic bloc) perform that deems it worthy of prestige?
Fifth, what are salient examples of hegemonic failures?
Sixth, looking specifically at the US, what periods do we see?
Seventh, has the current administration and its more recent predecessors squandered American Hegemony?
In addition, I offer a tentative framework for categorizing all of this in form of a chart or 4 x 3 table.
On one axis are the 3 dimensions of the state – relative power vis-a-vis other states (called 'height'), organizational capacity (called 'depth' referring to institutional density more than secret cabals) and the extent and strength of domestic support (called 'breadth').
On the axis are the 4 aspects of hegemony: the politico-military, the poltico-economic and the poltico-cultural, plus the wild card of technology.
Here are the approaches I use to provide approximate answers to these related questions:
First, expanding on William I Robinson (2005), who identifies 4 overlapping conceptions of hegemony, I add the original Greek conception and include both Hegemonic Stability Theory and Gramscian IPE frameworks. This results in 6 or maybe 7 ways in which the term is used, depending on how you count and categorize.
Second, focusing on Gramsci's insight that the division between 'Civil Society' and 'State' is merely analytical, not organic and that is a methodological misstep to take this as a concrete aspect of reality, I begin to work towards a unified concept of hegemony. The ultimate aim: the GUT of Hegemony.
Third, using Gramsci's idea of an extended state or integral state and applying the concept at the Transnational level.
Fourth, drawing on Gramsci's definition of hegemony as“spontaneous” consent that is“historically” caused by the prestige (and consequent confidence) which the dominant group
Brian Ford; bpford1@gmail.com /
NYSPSA 2019 – “Comparing Theories of Hegemony from the Greeks to Gramsci and Beyond: Towards a Grand Unified Theory”
/ Page 4 of 95
enjoys because of its position and function in the world of production, I extend to security and other concerns which can also lead to a spontaneous consent. This thus leads back to unifying the concept of hegemony.
Fifth, describing hegemonic failures from Athens during the Peloponnesian Wars to Europe in the early 1900s to the United States since the 1980s, I make a lot of half-bake suggestions that I hope will improve with a little bit more time in the oven.
Sixth, suggesting 5 periods of American Hegemony: Reluctant Hegemon – 1915 to 1932; Retreat – 1930 to 1941; Leader of the Free World – 1939 to 1991; Leader of Free Markets– 1980 to 2008; The Essential and Overextended Country – 2001 to present, I argue that American hegemony is certainly diminished, but its end is hardly a foregone conclusion.
Seventh, providing a simple answer – the current administration is not squandering but disavowing American Hegemony. As for previous administrations, they all have ways in which they have squandered this role and I explore this, hoping to glean lessons from the future, but focusing on what the British called the Great Game
Finally, providing a framework to help pull this all together in the form of a 3 by 4 box, one axis devoted to a metaphor – the three dimensions of the state. Its 'height' ua the dimension by which we compare it to other states. Its 'depth' is its ability to build up its organizational apparatus. Its 'breadth' is the degree to which it has support among. The other axis is broken up by the functional areas of the state – politico-strategic, politico-economic, politico-educational and, lastly, its interactions with technology.
Wish me luck.

Mobility studies emerged from a postmodern moment in which global ‘flows’ of capital, people and objects were increasingly noted and celebrated. Within this new scholarship, categories of migrancy are all seen through the same analytical lens. This book builds on, as well as critiques, past and present studies of mobility. In so doing, it challenges conceptual orientations built on binaries of difference that have impeded analyses of the interrelationship between mobility and stasis. These include methodological nationalism, which counterpoises concepts of internal and international movement and native and foreigner, and consequently normalises stasis. Instead, the book proposes a ‘regimes of mobility’ framework that addresses the relationships between mobility and immobility, localisation and transnational connection, experiences and imaginaries of migration, and rootedness and cosmopolitan openness. Within this framework and its emphasis on social fields of differential power, the various contributors to this collection ethnographically explore the disparities, inequalities, racialised representations and national mythscapes that facilitate and legitimate differential mobility and fixity. Although they examine nation-state building processes, the anthropological analysis is not confined by national boundaries.

ABSTRACT
This was my second shot at this subject.  Unfortunately, Because of passport problems I could not go to Montreal to present.  A shame.

“Towards a Grand Unified Theory of Hegemony” forms the middle and largely theoretical section of The Squandering of American Hegemony. It is an exploratory piece making connections between different usages of hegemony and seeking answers to the following questions:
First, how is hegemony used in the literature? 
Second, how is Gramscian hegemony reflected in the historical development of hegemony at the transnational level?
Third, noting there is no transnational state that has a monopoly of political violence/coercion, how would one characterize the networks of influence and the ensemble of institutions that perform the functions of the state at the transnational level?
Fourth, what functions does the hegemon (individual state or historic bloc) perform that deems it worthy of prestige?
Fifth, what are salient examples of hegemonic failures?
Sixth, looking specifically at the US, what periods do we see? 
Seventh, has the current administration and its more recent predecessors squandered American Hegemony? 
In addition, I offer a tentative framework for categorizing all of this in form of a chart or 4 x 3 table.
On one axis are the 3 dimensions of the state – relative power vis-a-vis other states (called 'height'), organizational capacity (called 'depth' referring to institutional density more than secret cabals) and the extent and strength of domestic support (called 'breadth'). 
On the axis are the 4 aspects of hegemony:  the politico-military, the poltico-economic and the poltico-cultural, plus the wildcard of technology.

Here are the approaches I use to provide approximate answers to these related questions:
First, expanding on William I Robinson (2005), who identifies 4 overlapping conceptions of hegemony, I add the original Greek conception and include both Hegemonic Stability Theory and Gramscian IPE frameworks.  This results in 6 or maybe 7 ways in which the term is used, depending on how you count and categorize.
Second, focusing on Gramsci's insight that the division between 'Civil Society' and 'State' is merely analytical, not organic and that is a methodological misstep to take this as a concrete aspect of reality, I begin to work towards a unified concept of hegemony. The ultimate aim:  the GUT of Hegemony.
Third, using Gramsci's idea of an extended state or integral state and applying the concept at the Transnational level.
Fourth, drawing on Gramsci's definition of hegemony as“spontaneous” consent that is“historically” caused by the prestige (and consequent confidence) which the dominant group enjoys because of its position and function in the world of production, I extend to security and other concerns which can also lead to a spontaneous consent. This thus leads back to unifying the concept of hegemony.
Fifth, describing hegemonic failures from Athens during the Peloponnesian Wars to Europe in the early 1900s to the United States since the 1980s, I make a lot of  half-bake suggestions that I hope will improve with a little bit more time in the oven.
Sixth, suggesting 5 periods of American Hegemony: Reluctant Hegemon – 1915 to 1932; Retreat – 1930 to 1941; Leader of the Free World – 1939 to 1991; Leader of Free Markets– 1980 to 2008; The Essential and Overextended Country – 2001 to present, I argue that American hegemony is certainly diminished, but its end is hardly a foregone conclusion. 
Seventh, providing a simple answer – the current administration is not squandering but disavowing American Hegemony.  As for previous administrations, they all have ways in which they have squandered this role and I explore this, hoping to glean lessons from the future, but focusing on what the British called the Great Game
Finally, providing a framework to help pull this all together in the form of a 3 by 4 box, one axis devoted to a metaphor – the three dimensions of the state.  Its 'height' ua the dimension by which we compare it to other states. Its 'depth' is its ability to build up its organizational apparatus.  Its 'breadth' is the degree to which it has support among.  The other axis is broken up by the functional areas of the state – politico-strategic, politico-economic, politico-educational and, lastly, its interactions with technology.

Wish me luck.

Sudah lama negara-negara di Asia Tenggara merasakan pengalaman buruk dari asap lintas batas yang disebabkan oleh pembakaran hutan sebagai cara yang cepat dan murah untuk membuka lahan baru. Kebakaran hutan ini diperparah dengan banyaknya industri perkebunan kelapa sawit yang dikembangkan di area lahan gambut yang pada musim kemarau dan El Nĩno menjadi salah mudah terbakar. Selama bertahun-tahun, sejak 1970an, fenomena ini selalu menjadi pembahasan di dalam organisasi regional Asia Tenggara, yaitu ASEAN, tetapi baru dekade 1990, ketika masalah asap semakin parah, disebabkan oleh kebakaran hutan besar di beberapa titik di Sumatra dan Kalimantan, ASEAN bergerak untuk memulai negosiasi dalam rangka membentuk sebuah perjanjian kerja sama dalam memonitor dan menangani masalah asap lintas batas, perjanjian itu dikenal dengan ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution (AATHP) yang baru mulai diinstitusionalisasikan pada tahun 2002, ketika semua negara menyetujui perjanjian tersebut dan menandatanganinya. Meskipun beberapa negara dengan cepat meratifikasi AATHP, namun Indonesia baru meratifikasinya 12 tahun sesudahnya, yaitu ketika Singapura menekan Indonesia atas kebakaran hebat yang terjadi lagi di tahun 2014. Ratifikasi yang dilakukan oleh Indonesia menandai lengkapnya negara-negara anggota ASEAN yang masuk dalam kerangka kerja sama AATHP. Sampai sekarang, meskipun banyak kekurangan, AATHP menjadi satu-satunya rezim lingkungan yang paling bekerja di ASEAN hingga sekarang ini, juga termasuk yang paling disepakati oleh seluruh negara di tingkat regional, bahkan di dunia. Tulisan ini hendak menganalisis kesuksesan dari pembentukan rezim AATHP di Asia Tenggara melalui penjelasan institutional bargaining dari Oran Young. Berbeda dari penjelasan yang berkonsentrasi pada hegemon (penjelasan realis) maupun pada pilihan rasional (penjelasan utilitarian), institutional bargaining menjadi penjelasan alternatif yang relevan untuk menjelaskan mengapa AATHP dapat menjadi sebuah rezim yang mampu disepakati dengan suara bulat (unanimous), secara konsensual dan masih mendapatkan kepatuhan dari para anggotanya.

Numerous international institutions now seek to address the problems of misappropriation and disappearance of traditional knowledge. The relevant legal frameworks were developed at different times and motivated by diverse policy goals. As new frameworks continue to emerge, an important question arises as to how the unity of international efforts to protect traditional knowledge can be maintained. This paper scrutinizes the fragmentation of international law in this field, how it came about, and what its implications are for traditional knowledge protection. It argues that much of the confusion surrounding traditional knowledge protection today is attributable to the fragmentation of international law in this area. To reverse the adverse effects of fragmentation, all institutions involved must be conscious of, and collectively work towards, a common goal, however loosely defined that goal might be. National governments must also ensure that their negotiating positions are consistent across all relevant fora.

Este artigo tem por objetivo analisar, no contexto da mudança ambiental global, a biopolítica e seus reflexos no direito ambiental internacional, a partir da sucessão de medidas tomadas por atores transnacionais para o estabelecimento e a implementação de um acordo global definindo normas de proteção, estudo e uso sustentável da diversidade biológica (ou biodiversidade) existente na Terra.

We have arrived in an age of mega-hacks in which high-impact, high-attention cyber-incidents are becoming the new normal. The increase in strategically consequential, targeted cyber-incidents is met with intensified efforts to reduce the risk of cyber-conflict through norms-building, mainly geared towards creating deterrent effects at the state level. While these new developments have an overall stabilizing effect on cyber-international relations, the narrow focus on destructive cyberattacks and on state-to-state relations is creating unintended, security-reducing side-effects

This is a summary of a master thesis and its six chapters, 151 pages and 213 pieces of literature. This article examines the regulatory framework for managing psychosocial risks in the European Union, focusing on the implementation challenges of the Participatory Intervention from an Organizational Perspective (PIOP) model. Through a case study of a higher education institution in Austria, the study highlights the complexities of aligning organizational practices with European directives, such as the EU Framework Directive 89/391/EEC on Safety and Health at Work. The findings emphasize the importance of regulatory compliance and active stakeholder participation in overcoming the challenges inherent in psychosocial risk management. It is argued an analysis such as this can be used as a proxy to design and implement any kind of change in organisations, thus be a tool for managing change.

This dissertation takes-off from the empirical observation about the gross anomaly between the burden of HIV/AIDS epidemic and the amount of resources directed to tackle the problem both globally, and in India. Globally, HIV/AIDS with a 5 percent disease burden as measured by disability adjusted life-years consumed more than 25 percent of all health aid in 2007; and in India, with 0.3 percent prevalence rate, consumed about 18 percent of total health allocations in 2010. This dissertation explores the question, why the Indian state behaved in this particular way to contain the HIV/AIDS epidemic, whereas endemic diseases like diarrhea, dengue, infant and maternal deaths causing more mortality, and a collapsing health system received little or no attention of the state? Using social constructivist theories of the study of international relations, I argue that the Indian state’s behavior was shaped by a process of “norm socialization,” in which the state’s interest, preference, and behavior were reshaped by internalizing the principled ideas, and norms of powerful HIV/AIDS regimes. I argue that the interests and preferences of the Indian state were reconstituted from three directions: “from above,” “from within,” and “from below.” This dissertation identifies important actors at various levels and maps out the processes through which the Indian state’s preferences and behaviors were reconstituted to reflect the norms of the AIDS-regimes at the domestic level.

At the second level, this dissertation explores how norm socialization has affected two most important communities vulnerable to HIV/AIDS epidemic –– sex workers and gay men. In the first case, I examine collectivization of hitherto marginalized groups of prostitutes and their legal and political struggle of redefining prostitution as “sex work,” or “any other work,” and the overall implication of such a radical proposal on the Indian society in general. In the second case, I examine India’s queer rights mobilization and the struggle for civil and  political rights of sexually minority groups towards decriminalizing a 150-year-old statute on same-sex sexual relations. In conclusion I note that the international HIV/AIDS regimes and their norms were highly effective in reconstituting India’s national health priorities, and reshaping India’s domestic polity/ policy leaving some paradoxical effects on public health and creating contestation between state and civil society groups.

‘The tragedy of the commons’ and ‘the common heritage of mankind’ are concepts that dominate the legal discourse on governing  global commons, including spaces beyond national jurisdictions, essential resources and concerns such as biodiversity conservation and climate change. This article offers a critical account of their origins. It associates each with a prominent speech act of the late 1960s: Garrett Hardin introduced the former to a group of scientists in 1968, while Arvid Pardo articulated the latter to the First Committee of the UN General Assembly in 1967. The article shows that Hardin’s and Pardo’s interventions responded to pressing issues of the time: decolonization, developed/developing state relations and pressures of population and resource security. Channelling this period’s fascination with integrative knowledge, these feats were an impressive, if error-laden, synthesis of economic, legal and scientific data and theories. At the same time, they had parochial, illiberal and even imperial dimensions, playing upon, and exacerbating, the mistrust that then typified international relations. These are all legacies we must contend with today in our legal engagements with global commons.

This paper focuses on the analysis of the multilateral regime of climate change from the perspective of the regimental complex. It examines the role of the BASIC countries in the signing of the new climate agreement in Paris and its relationship with traditional powers like the United States and the European Union. The role of the BASIC countries has been crucial to close a new deal, and in exchange for that power, the group has accepted two conditions: a bottom-up agreement and nationally determined contributions as a vehicle for climate action. Similarly, the diffusion of power in the international system means that although the triangle formed by the BASIC-EU-US has been critical to achieving a new climate agreement, other actors also played an important role in the negotiation process of COP 21.

The Antarctic Treaty System (STA) consolidation is established upon the legitimacy of its attributes, even when they are not considered democratic. Thus, based on the debates about the democratic viability in international organisations, and the role of external epistemic actors in legitimising global governance institutions, this work analyses the trajectory of the STA and its democratic deficit problematic, highlighting criticisms to its internal hierarchy and external exclusivism. It concludes
that the demand for expertise in decision making and the legitimacy supplied by scientific organisations are the main reasons for STA legitimated consolidation.

This article argues mercantilism was not only a name for a diverse set of practices and reasoning as some historians and economists often portray it, but also a set of social and physical technologies. My objective is to reconsider the role of the mercantilist system as a main cause of British Empire rise to and maintenance as a world hegemony. In part one, I show how British stake for hegemony was since its beginning based on its capacity to organize and secure a large scale system of international commerce. This mercantilist system associated Britain's industrial development to service sector and military interests, like finance and transportation. In part two, I try to demonstrate how railway building was perfectly fit for answering industrial and service sector British interests. However, its spread also meant new opportunities for heavy industries to emerge. Countries like United States and Germany would take railways as a starting point to organize national economies in larger scales of production, distribution and management than it used to be possible in a world where maritime transportation was the sole technology for cost-efficient large-scale distribution. In part three, these new scales of organization coupled with military innovations are shown to have allowed for the expansion of modern imperialism by the end of the century. Meanwhile, however, British complex mercantilist system of international commerce never lost its hegemonic status. I conclude by arguing British Empire relative decline as world hegemony was rather a consequence of the changing nature of where and how economic competition and political rivalries took place, a shift from maritime to land-based large scale economies, than a consequence of the relative decline in its industrial primacy, as some historians argue.

Meski sedikit skeptis dalam kritiknya, penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan dalam Hubungan Internasional, berbeda dari penelitian lain, telah berhasil bertahan menjadikan dirinya sebagai bidang yang sangat penting dalam ilmu Hubungan Internasional.

More than three decades after the concept of international regimes was introduced, the study of why and how states may choose to cooperate, particularly around security, remains contested. While the field has evolved considerably over that time, there remain significant puzzles in the literature concerning the emergence of different types of security regimes. We aim to address these issues by developing the concept of a tacit security regime (TSR) literature. We define a TSR as an interest-based, limited, and informal mechanism of cooperation between states for the purpose of deconflicting their respective interests over a specific security issue. We illustrate the usefulness of our concept in the two contemporary cases of Russian-Israeli and Russian-Turkish security cooperation over the Syrian crisis (2015-2018).

The paper outlines modern trends in the formation of the regional nuclear non-proliferation regime in the Asia-Pacific region, focusing on its challenges as well as recent accomplishments. International regimes theory (seen from different angles in major schools of thought in International Relations) forms the methodological basis of the research.