Arctic and Antarctic politics, science policy, geopolitics of the polar regions, international relations

Modern ethnic processes in different groups of Enets occur, depending on the specific ethno-demographic situation. In the northern (tundra) group of weak processes of cross-breeding with Caucasians, but actively mixing with the Nenets. The southern group is dominated by Russian, and in the northern Nenets. In the northern group, Mixed Enets-Nenets Nenets population gradually fixed identity. certain "ethnic balance" observed in the south. Natural population growth more noticeable in the southern group, as there are more Caucasoid Métis, who are more likely than the Nenets, Enets people define themselves as Enets. For example, we are seeing the results of Enets passive adaptation of the ethnic group. Enets, long time to adapt to changes in the cultural and natural environment, have come under the influence of numerous and more capable of adapting Nenets ethnos. As a result, Enets lost many members of their own ethnic culture. In the future, we can predict the complete dissolution of the tundra Enets groups among neighboring peoples and the preservation of a formal identity among Enets Forest Enets group.

The Northern Sea Route (NSR) for the Russian Federation is a strategically important maritime communication with the status of a historically established national transport artery. Despite its applicability to the Arctic, and therefore to the waters of the NSR, the norms and provisions of the modern international maritime law, and, first of all, the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea 1982 (UNCLOS), Russia declares the important role of the national legislation on the regulation of navigation on the NSR. Such a situation is conditioned by the existing historical practice, the tacit consent of most states, as well as the special environmental vulnerability of the Arctic region and the desire to prevent the marine environment pollution due to the navigation. Among the main opponents of this approach is the USA, which traditionally disputes the unified permitting regime for navigation along the NSR as an example of Russia's extremely broad interpretation of the norms and provisions of UNCLOS. The first part of the paper will show how those legal approaches used by Russia to introduce the national level of the NSR regulation, i.e., the concept of internal historical waters and the method of straight base-lines, do not contradict UNCLOS, as they go beyond its limits and are based mostly on customary norms of international law (the so-called international custom) rather than treaties. The U.S. disagreement with such an assertion is discredited by the fact that Washington is not a full party to UNCLOS, and thus cannot fully enjoy all the prerogatives it has introduced.

Para analisar a emergência do Ártico como espaço geopolítico, busca-se compreender a importância da região em duas dimensões diferentes. Em primeiro plano, entender a importância desse espaço a partir da abertura de novas rotas de navegação que permitam o aproveitamento econômico da região, constituindo novas linhas de comunicação marítimas e impondo aos estados da região obstáculos logísticos, bem como a abertura de um novo leque de preocupações com a defesa e garantia de navegação da região. Paralelamente a isso, o Polo Norte também apresenta reservas de recursos energéticos, tais como petróleo e gás natural, que o inserem na dinâmica da geopolítica, aliada à busca dos estados pela segurança energética. Com o intuito de evidenciar essas conexões, o presente trabalho discorrerá sobre o papel do Ártico dentro das teorias geopolíticas que lidam com esses dois grandes temas e atravessam a discussão a respeito da crescente importância estratégica do High North e, a partir disso, fazer um estudo de caso. O caso analisado jogará luz aos projetos de exploração de petróleo e gás, bem como de defesa da região, desenvolvidos pela Federação Russa como parte de sua estratégia para o Ártico. Dessa forma, será possível ver como a Rússia, tanto na exploração dos recursos energéticos como no uso das rotas de navegação ao norte, busca não apenas auferir vantagens econômicas, mas vias de projetar poder na região através da mesma.

This chapter considers opportunities for Arctic states to manage and conserve biodiversity beyond national jurisdiction in the High Arctic and reviews the positions of China and the EU in relation to such potential frameworks.

As the Arctic Ocean coastal states have adopted in 2014 significant steps towards the management of High Arctic marine living resources, the role of third states with regards to these development needs to be considered. Indeed, the international legal regime applicable to the High Seas provides very limited prerogatives for coastal states to restrain the rights of third states for the sake of marine conservation.

The chapter first introduces the global legal regime applicable to biodiversity beyond national jurisdiction as well as relevant ongoing processes meant to further define this regulatory framework. The initiatives undertaken by the Arctic states to protect the Arctic marine environment are then reviewed. The chapter concludes by considering the positions on this issue of two major non-Arctic actors having expressed strong interest in the region: China and the European Union.

This study highlights that China and EU are likely to have different positions on the conservation of marine biodiversity in the High Arctic. The Arctic states will thus need to accommodate the diverging perspectives of non-Arctic states if they decide to establish a regional arrangement to conserve high seas living resources in the Arctic.

Планируемое уменьшение ледового покрова в Арктике ведет к изменению геополитического статуса этого морского региона: он становится более открытым для осуществления различных видов морехозяйственной деятельности. Приход в Арктику всех заинтересованных игроков несет с собой существенный рост рисков и угроз, прежде всего невоенного характера. Особую важ-ность приобретает проблема обеспечения экологической безопасности – защиты и сохранения морской среды и ее биоразнообразия. Противодействие этим видам угроз требует как индивиду-альных усилий стран арктической пятерки, так и принятия коллективных мер. Ключевые слова: Арктика, Арктический совет, арктические проливы, Северный морской путь, Конвенция ООН по морскому праву, морская безопасность, " мягкая " безопасность, экологическая безопасность, морской терроризм, пиратство.

This article considers the legal and policy issues surrounding the establishment of continental shelves beyond 200 nautical miles (nm) from sub-Antarctic islands. Under the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) a coastal state may establish a continental shelf that extends seawards beyond 200 nm where the continental shelf continues, normally to a total distance of no more than 350 nm. To establish such an extended
continental shelf (ECS) a coastal state must file a submission of delineation data with the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf (CLCS), a technical body established by UNCLOS.

The rights of coastal states present particular difficulties in the Antarctic Treaty area (ATA), due to the general non-recognition of the seven territorial claims and the provisions of article IV of the Antarctic Treaty. Accordingly, Antarctic claimant states are generally adopting a restrained approach to the issue of ECS as appertaining to claimed territories in Antarctica in their submissions to the CLCS. These states appear to recognise that they cannot secure the normal prerogatives of a coastal state from territorial sea baselines within the ATA, at least for the duration of the present Antarctic Treaty system (ATS). A different approach is being taken with respect of sub-Antarctic islands lying
north of the ATA. Sovereignty over sub-Antarctic territory north of the ATA is, with the exception of South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands, not contested. Accordingly, rights in relation to any continental shelf attaching to sub-Antarctic islands may be realised, apparently without challenging the Antarctic modus vivendi.

However, the ECS of several sub-Antarctic islands penetrate the ATA. In 2008, the CLCS largely endorsed the 2004 Australian submission that included data on ECS from Australia’s sub-Antarctic islands of Macquarie Island and the Heard and McDonald group. The ECS from both groups penetrates south of 60!S into the ATA, in the case of Heard and McDonald covering a huge area. Although the wider dispute regarding sovereignty between the United Kingdom and Argentina adds complexity to the case, the South Sandwich Islands are sufficiently close to the ATA that their continental shelf also penetrates the area. In the event that the CLCS were ever able to make a recommendation
on a submission of data relating to the South Sandwich Islands (something that could only occur with the consent of Argentina and the United Kingdom) the result would be a situation similar to that pertaining to the Australian sub-Antarctic islands.

The consequence of these developments is that rights to seabed areas within the ATA have been assigned to individual states. On the face of it, this appears to be in conflict with the norm of collective responsibility that was established by the Antarctic Treaty 50 years ago precisely to constrain sovereignty issues in the region. What is suggested by this practice is a difference in the attitude of Antarctic Treaty Consultative Parties (ATCPs) to rights generated from territory within the ATA and rights generated from external territory. Nonetheless, there may be significant implications flowing from the latter for resource issues within the ATA. Minerals exploitation on sub-Antarctic extended continental
shelf within the ATA is precluded in the near-term because of cost, the formal prohibition under article 7 of the 1991 Protocol on Environmental Protection to the Antarctic Treaty, and the fact that all sub-Antarctic coastal states are ATCPs. However the situation in regard to other resource activities is less clear. Bioprospecting could proceed subject to coastal state approval pursuant to the provisions of UNCLOS relating to marine scientific research, and there is no mandatory regulation under the ATS. The possibility that a coastal state may seek to realise rights on the ECS in
relation to genetic resources may complicate collective ATS approaches and pose wider geopolitical challenges. In the
longer term, the fact that some Antarctic states are presently seeking to secure rights that are essentially about ensuring
their preclusive access to resources may have significant implications for strategic interests in the greater Antarctic region.

В настоящее время тема освоения Арктики представляет собой систему вопросов как национального, так и международного уровня. Для Российской Федерации, обладающей уникальным ресурсным потенциалом, деятельность, осуществляемая в Арктическом регионе, имеет особое экономическое и геополитическое значение. Развитие транспортных коммуникаций является одним из приоритетных направлений государственной политики РФ в Арктике. При этом усиление роли Северного морского пути как международного транспортного коридора открывает перед РФ внушительные возможности для развития внешнеэкономических связей. В то же время особенности Арктического региона предполагают наличие некоторых рисков, для выявления которых необходимо оценить современное состояние, перспективы и проблемы для Северного морского пути.

"Science, Geopolitics and Culture in the Polar Region" is the second of five volumes in the series "The Nordic Experience" – the outcome of an interdisciplinary, multi-year research project at the Centre for Baltic and East European Studies at Stockholm’s Södertörn University.

The Geographic South Pole is a place of paradox. It is a point around which the Earth, quite literally, pivots; yet it has a habit of falling off the edge of our maps. An invisible spot on a high, featureless ice plateau, the Pole has no obvious material value, but is nonetheless a much sought-after location. The endpoint of exploration's most famous 'race' between teams led by Robert F. Scott and Roald Amundsen, the Pole has more recently become a favoured destination of 'extreme' tourists. Like the whole of Antarctica, '90 South' does not belong to any nation, but six national claims meet there, and for nearly sixty years the US has occupied the site with a series of scientific stations. The Pole is a deeply political place.

In South Pole Elizabeth Leane explores the important challenges that this strange place poses to humanity. What is its lure? How and why should people live there? How can creative artists respond to its apparent blankness? What can it teach us about our planet and ourselves? Along the way, she considers the absurdities and banalities of human engagement with the Pole.

Ranging from the ancient Greeks to the present, and featuring spectacular images of the South Pole, this book offers a fascinating history of the symbolic 'heart' of the Antarctic.

The 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) is considered as the universal legal regulator towards maritime spaces and resources. However, many states are directly and indirectly violating its basic Articles and political practice of. This situation gives background for the main question of this book: has the UNCLOS become a genuine «Constitution» of the Seas; would the regime, generated by it, remain unchanged in the new international conditions?

This paper explores the relationship between tourism and the challenges of governance in the Arctic region. Recently, both political and academic interest in the Arctic has been on the rise as a result of the increasing geopolitical importance of the region. Changes of the climatic conditions and melting of the Arctic ice caps have resulted in increased access to the “world´s last wilderness”. The increased access and interest are contributing to a growing number of tourists visiting the North. As yearly arrivals continue to rise, a number of problematic issues need to be addressed. This paper reviews the main instruments relevant to the discussion of tourism currently employed in the governance of the Arctic, and critically evaluates the insufficiencies of the current legal framework for Arctic governance and regulation of tourism in the Arctic. It concludes that although tourism in the Arctic has a number of advantages, particularly for the indigenous populations, the current legal and regulatory framework in the region lacks the scope and authority to minimize the potential (and increasing) environmental, economic, and social risks associated with increased tourism and other human activity in the region.

The 1991 Protocol on Environmental Protection to the Antarctic Treaty (Madrid Protocol), the latest instrument of the Antarctic Treaty system (ATS), establishes environmental standards to manage 10% of the planet. Under the Madrid Protocol, all activities subject to advance notice reporting obligations under the 1959 Antarctic Treaty are required to undergo prior Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA). The highest level EIA—termed a Comprehensive Environmental Evaluation (CEE)—requires international scrutiny. This is the only form of EIA where such scrutiny occurs and the only context under the Madrid Protocol or any other part of the ATS where the proposed actions of State
Parties, or operators subject to their jurisdiction, are subject to formal international review. Whilst this review does not provide a veto, it has been viewed as an important development in the Antarctic multilateral regime. To date, there have been 19 CEEs. This article reviews the Antarctic CEE process and evaluates its application in practice against the environmental obligations established in the Protocol. Whilst most CEEs are substantial documents and processes, which have raised the standard of environmental care in the area, there are significant generic limitations. Not one CEE appears to have led to substantial modification of the activity as first elaborated by the proponent, let alone a decision not to proceed with the activity, despite this being a mandatory consideration. There are indications that the imperatives in the CEE process are often administrative and diplomatic rather than environmental and that notwithstanding the international scrutiny of draft CEEs, state action may not be significantly changed. Suggestions are made on improvements
to the CEE process. The Madrid Protocol is a framework convention, designed so that its technical annexes, including that addressing EIA, may be periodically updated. Twelve years after its entry into force, and almost 20 years after its adoption, such
updating may now be usefulTwelve years after its entry into force, and almost 20 years after its adoption, such updating may now be useful.

На современном этапе Арктика представляет собой регион геополитического значения, открывающий обширные возможности по освоению углеводородных ресурсов и развитию транзитных путей. Для Российской Федерации, обладающей огромным ресурсным потенциалом арктических территорий, эффективное
освоение данного региона является приоритетной стратегической задачей на долгосрочную перспективу.
Однако в силу природно-климатических особенностей активизация промышленной деятельности ставит
Арктический регион в рамки повышенной экологической уязвимости. Обеспечение экологической безопасности является безусловным при планировании любых проектов по освоению и развитию региона как государством, так и компаниями. При формировании системы экологической безопасности ключевое значение
имеет учет особых экологических рисков. Влияние данных рисков необходимо оценивать на всех стадиях
проекта. Система экологической безопасности должна представлять собой комплексную стратегию по анализу и оценке рисков в процессе освоения и развития Арктического региона, а также меры по их управлению и минимизации.

The applications presented about the sovereignty over Antarctica by the United Kingdom on the International Court of Justice against Chile and Argentina in 1955 are analyzed. The documents delivered during the process are also revised. The defendants' States were not prepared to accept the Court jurisdiction; therefore, both causes were definitely retired from the list without resolving the dispute. Nevertheless, it seems relevant to consider these cases to know the grounds on which the implicated States and especially the United Kingdom, support their Antarctic sovereignty. It is also valuable to understand that in the end, the Chilean and Argentinian attitude helped on the process that will finish a few years later with the signature of the Antarctic Treaty.

Antarctica has been considered one of the most intriguing regions of the planet for research due to its inhospitable environment (which has contributed to its geographic isolation); and also due to its cooperative political framework, established to assure stability in a region of contested territorial sovereignty. The Antarctic Treaty System (ATS) has been considered successful in guaranteeing international cooperation among its members since its signing (in 1959), and its increasing institutionalization is based on the strong compliance that the international community has always shown to the normative rules regarding countries’ activities in the continent. Despite critics about the exclusive and hierarchized character of ATS, this international cooperative framework can also be observed in loco, by the practices and activities developed by Antarctic scientific stations involving scientists and military personnel from different national programs present in the region. Thus, this proposal aims to discuss the international cooperation in Antarctica, in the international institutionalized level as well as in the stations’ local level, which intends to avoid potential disputes that could compromise international compliance to the Antarctic Treaty.

In this compendium of articles, Sergey Sukhankin provides a comprehensive overview of Russia’s policies in the Arctic region since 2014. Adopting a multidisciplinary approach, the author engages with a
diverse array of thematic areas include security, economics and trade, the environment, and natural resources. Given Russia’s declared strategic intent to re-orient towards Eurasia and its deteriorating ties with the West, which roles do Russian leaders assign to the Arctic? Will the Arctic remain a “territory of peace and dialogue,” or is it fated to become another geopolitical region marked by disagreement and confrontation?

Arctic security is a main security challenge – a global one, not only a regional one – not only for the Arctic countries, but for the whole international community, first of all the European. With Russia and China expanding their role in the area, and the difficulty of finding an undisputed governance on maritime routes and economic exploitation of resources, there is the risk of militarization of the Arctic. After briefly summarizing current and future challenges in the Arctic, this paper analyzes the limits due to a deficit of suitable instruments to maintain security in the region, especially in relation to the role of international intergovernmental organizations, and suggests some remedies to overcome these deficiencies.

Abstract.
La historia del esquí en la Antártida va más allá de la actividad netamente deportiva y está ligada a distintas actividades e intereses según el período histórico en que se desarrolle.  Si dividimos la historia antártica en etapas, nos encontramos con una línea temporal que arranca con las primeras expediciones de descubrimiento y exploración, vinculadas con el  último movimiento expansionista (búsqueda de lugares inexplorados) y el auge de la ciencia y el comercio (libre comercio, mercantilismo). Es la edad heróica de la Antártida, el reconocimiento de la terra incognita, la carrera por ser el primero en avistar el territorio, el primero en poner un pie, el primero en llegar al Polo Sur geográfico y magnético (1909).
Tras la conquista del Polo Sur, se cierra la etapa heróica y comienza la etapa científica – investigativa (1929), ligada a las expediciones auspiciadas por los gobiernos y el interés económico. Durante esta etapa se da el 1° año polar, como símbolo del interés científico, a la vez que se desarrollan las Guerras Mundiales, lo que le otorga a la Antártida un interés geoestratégico  nuevo y políticas nacionales, moderadas por el Tratado Antártico.

Este livro é um contributo para a expansão dos estudos de informações e de segurança na Universidade, realizado na perspectiva da História do Presente e sobretudo através da aplicação da técnica da open sources intelligence (osint), reunindo uma selecção de cerca de 230 artigos publicados semanalmente entre 2004 e 2007, de modo ininterrupto, em dois meios de comunicação social de grande tiragem: num jornal económico diário e numa revista semanal de actualidades. No jornal tratava-se de uma coluna intitulada "Informações Estratégicas" e na revista de uma página intitulada "Fronteiras", a qual, para além do artigo, continha também uma secção designada "Secretas" com três notícias breves sobre serviços de informações estrangeiros ou com estes relacionadas.

This book is the result of a 3 years’ research on the expedition of the airship ITALIA to the North Pole in 1928, its tragic crash on the way back to the support ship in Norway, and the much discussed operations for the rescue of survivors – including Commander Umberto Nobile –in which the famed polar explorer Roald Amundsen lost his life.
Some movies and many books were produced on the subject, including the one recently reviewed by the Smithsonian Institute (“Mussolini’s Arctic Airship” by Eva Holland, on Smithsonian Magazine, August 18, 2017).
This newer book by Claudio Sicolo now completely rewrites the history of the events.
Many never-before-published sources and testimonies were used, including documentation retrieved in the archives of the Italian Navy and Air Force, Court proceedings, and thousands others.
Differently from Amundsen’s successful and first polar “fly-over” of 1926 with the airship NORGE, also piloted by Nobile, this mission intended to create a permanent base on the North Pole, connected in real-time through a vast futuristic radio communication network to the entire planet.
In the typical “series of converging factors” which caused the incident, the Author’s investigation identifies the essential role of technological problems (particularly those related to the new instrument of Short Wave Radio) which make finally irrelevant the political implications, the endless discussions and the negative opinions reported by the international press.
The resulting picture is extremely interesting: it shows that all participating actors and institutions acted correctly, and confirms that an airship was the only possible choice to carry heavy loads to the Pole. However, the limits of an extremely innovative communication project, the interests of the media and the sudden bad weather, doomed the expedition on its way back.
It becomes now clear that ITALIA’s voyage has been the last of the great Arctic explorations of the past, previously conducted with dubious instrumental support with sleds and dogs, and the first truly modern exploration.
This book, as a reviewer said (Gregory Alegi, “Aeronautica” magazine, n.11, Nov 2017) is a “must read” for anyone wishing to expand their knowledge on the subject.

Acceleration of the global climate change caused a fastened process of polar ice cap melting. This made the Arctic Sea or the Arctic Ocean as a new potential geopolitical hot-spot for great power competition. Despite being geopolitically hot-spot, Arctic is still a cold-spot for conducting naval operations even the rise of temperatures. This requires a new military task-force in-between a Blue Water Navy and Green Water Navy but with entirely different features and capabilities. This article will briefly introduce the concept of the White Water Navy and what motivates great powers to achieve one of them. It will also underline the current developments in creating a White Water Navy and on its problematic features.

İklim değişikliği sürecinin hızlanmasıyla buzullarda ki erimede yaşanan artışın da hızlanmasına yol açtı. Bu durum Arktik Denizi veya Arktik Okyanusunun süper güç yarışı için bir potansiyel sıcak nokta olma ihtimalini ortaya çıkardı. Jeopolitik olarak 'sıcak nokta' olmasına ve hava sıcaklıklarının yükselmesine rağmen Arktik bölgesi donanma operasyonları için hala bir soğuk nokta olmayı sürdürüyor. Bu durum Mavi Deniz Donanması ve Yeşil Deniz Donanmasının ortasında yer alan, ancak tamamen farklı özelliklere ve yeteneklere sahip, yeni bir deniz görev gücünün kurulmasını zorunlu kılıyor. Bu makale, Beyaz Deniz Donanması kavramını açıklarken, neden süper güçlerin buna sahip olmak istediğini de açıklamak istiyor. Makale aynı zamanda bir Beyaz Deniz Donanması kurma yolunda atılan adımları ve buna engel olabilecek nedenleri de aydınlatmak istiyor.

Canada and Russia are the geographical giants, spanning most of the circumpolar world. Accordingly, the Arctic is a natural area of focus for the two countries. Although the end of the Cold War seemed to portend a new era of deep cooperation between these two Arctic countries, lingering wariness about geopolitical motives and a mutual lack of knowledge about the other's slice of the circumpolar world are conspiring to pit Canada and the Russian Federation as Arctic adversaries. Are Russian and Canadian Arctic policies moving in confron-tational direction? Can efforts at circumpolar cooperation survive the current crisis in Russian-Western relations, or does an era of growing global competition point inherently to heightened conflict in the Arctic?

Gordon W. Smith, PhD, dedicated much of his life to researching Canada’s sovereignty in the Arctic. His 1952 dissertation from Columbia University on “The Historical and Legal Background of Canada’s Arctic Claims” remains a foundational work on the topic, as does his 1966 chapter “Sovereignty in the North: The Canadian Aspect of an International Problem,” in R. St. J. Macdonald’s The Arctic Frontier. This work is the first volume in a project to edit and publish Smith’s unpublished opus – a manuscript on “A Historical and Legal Study of Sovereignty in the Canadian North and Related Law of the Sea Problems.” Written over three decades, this work may well be the most comprehensive study on the nature and importance of the Canadian North in existence. Volume 1: Terrestrial Sovereignty provides the most comprehensive documentation yet available on the post-Confederation history of Canadian sovereignty in the north. As Arctic sovereignty and security issues return to the forefront of public debate, this invaluable resource provides the foundation upon which we may expand our understanding of Canada’s claims from the original transfers of the northern territories in 1870 and 1880 through to the late twentieth century.

This poem by Rupert Medd includes some thoughts written on a postcard  from Caroline Alexander, author of "The Endurance - Shackleton's Legendary Antarctic Expedition".

The Pierced Veneer " In memories we were rich. We had pierced the veneer of outside things. We had 'suffered, starved and triumphed, grovelled down yet grasped at glory, grown bigger in the bigness of the whole.' We had seen God in His splendours, heard the text that Nature renders. We had reached the naked soul of man."

                                              Sir Ernest Shackleton, entry in his book, 'South'.

For centuries, the Arctic has been depicted as a giant desert of ice, an unproductive terra nullius deprived of any strategic value. However, as geopolitical and geophysical change is bringing this neglected region into the spotlight and many powers' foreign policy agendas, such misconception could not be any far from reality. On the one hand, indeed, increased levels of pollution and global warming, together with the vast and constant rise of primary energy demand worldwide (+36% between 2008 and 2035), put Arctic environments at even higher risk of deterioration than previously forecasted. On the other hand, at the same time, some of the "Arctic 5" policymakers started conceiving the eventuality of an ice-free Arctic by the "northern summer" of 2050 as a profitable opportunity to develop energy resources and exploit waterways previously trapped under ice. Such is Russia's case, the country owning the most considerable Arctic coastal extension and the most of expected hydrocarbon and mineral resources, estimated to amount to 8% of the world's hydrocarbon reserves and 17% of undiscovered world oil and natural gas. As a result, Russian political discourse started portraying the Russian Arctic Zone (RAZ) as the new gold mine of its resource-based economy, if not as an El Dorado for attracting investments, developing infrastructural networks, and transforming Siberia into a logistic and commercial hub through the Northern Sea Route. Henceforth, the purpose of this thesis is to explore the "scramble for the Arctic" from Moscow's perspective, to assess the role of regional energy security in the formulation of Russia's Arctic policies, and to critically forecast the challenges, perspectives, and approaches of the Russian Federation relating to the regional framework. The main conclusion is that Moscow, differently than in other contexts (i.e., Ukraine, Southern Caucasus), is oriented towards a less assertive and more cooperative approach in order to attract foreign investments and partnerships to develop national interest in the Arctic.

Большую часть России составляют северные регионы, которые в стратегических планах становятся приоритетной зоной экономического освоения. В связи с этим очевидна необходимость системной оценки человеческого потенциала Российского Севера, а также разработки мер по управлению его развитием.
Формирование рыночной экономики, перераспределение прав собственности, трансформация форм и методов хозяйствования, преобразующие социально-экономические отношения, привели к резкому усилению региональных и внутрирегиональных диспропорций, как, в экономическом развитии, так и условиях жизни. Институциональная структура социальной политики существенно усложнилась в свете рыночных отношений, изменений собственности. Ее полноправными субъектами, инвесторами в развитие человеческого потенциала, наравне с домохозяйствами и государством, стали корпорации, ведущие деятельность на Севере, а также местные сообщества, общественные объединения. Федеральное, региональное и муниципальное управление развитием человеческого потенциала существенно расширилось в объеме используемых инструментов.
Целью диссертационного исследования является научное обоснование совершенствования управления развитием человеческого потенциала Российского Севера в свете стратегических ориентиров социально-экономической политики Российской Федерации.