Arctic geopolitics

Current international mitigation efforts are failing to solve the increasingly alarming issue of global warming. With a history of an inability to enforce International law, world leaders must figure out a new method to work together to combat climate change. There is no longer a true global leader in combating climate change, so is the possible solution dominating the arctic through geopolitical influence, or a country such as Greenland with an indigenous population becoming independent and taking control of a large chunk of the arctic? There are ethics, economic consequences, political factors, and environmental risks at play that will determine this. After evaluating those in the context of geoengineering in the arctic, a solution will be proposed about the best path possible for the Arctic moving forward with geoengineering to protect the environment.

The Northern Sea Route (NSR) for the Russian Federation is a strategically important maritime communication with the status of a historically established national transport artery. Despite its applicability to the Arctic, and therefore to the waters of the NSR, the norms and provisions of the modern international maritime law, and, first of all, the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea 1982 (UNCLOS), Russia declares the important role of the national legislation on the regulation of navigation on the NSR. Such a situation is conditioned by the existing historical practice, the tacit consent of most states, as well as the special environmental vulnerability of the Arctic region and the desire to prevent the marine environment pollution due to the navigation. Among the main opponents of this approach is the USA, which traditionally disputes the unified permitting regime for navigation along the NSR as an example of Russia's extremely broad interpretation of the norms and provisions of UNCLOS. The first part of the paper will show how those legal approaches used by Russia to introduce the national level of the NSR regulation, i.e., the concept of internal historical waters and the method of straight base-lines, do not contradict UNCLOS, as they go beyond its limits and are based mostly on customary norms of international law (the so-called international custom) rather than treaties. The U.S. disagreement with such an assertion is discredited by the fact that Washington is not a full party to UNCLOS, and thus cannot fully enjoy all the prerogatives it has introduced.

The attention to the Arctic is fuelled by the prospect of economic development, emerging shipping routes, and changing geopolitics. Since 1996 the Arctic Council, an intergovernmental forum for Arctic cooperation, has served to foster environmental protection and sustainable development in the region. The Arctic Council is composed of the eight Arctic states with territory north of the Arctic Circle and six Permanent Participants representing Arctic Indigenous People. Since its inception, the Arctic Council has admitted 13 non-Arctic Observer states. However, in 2021 three new candidates (Ireland, Czech Republic, and Estonia) were not successful with their applications despite proven records of Arctic research and influence in the region. This article will elaborate on the dynamics of Observer states admittance to the Arctic Council. Signalling theory is applied in this paper as a theoretical lens. More precisely, this paper will concentrate on fuzzy signalling, because such signals do not fall into binary classification and require a lot of contextual geopolitical information for interpretation. The data consists of research articles, publicly available statements, and media articles. The findings demonstrate that the admittance of Observer states to the Arctic Council can be viewed as fuzzy signalling. This paper will argue that fuzzy signalling is intrinsic to a multi-actor governance forum like the Arctic Council, where decisions are made on a consensus basis.

Планируемое уменьшение ледового покрова в Арктике ведет к изменению геополитического статуса этого морского региона: он становится более открытым для осуществления различных видов морехозяйственной деятельности. Приход в Арктику всех заинтересованных игроков несет с собой существенный рост рисков и угроз, прежде всего невоенного характера. Особую важ-ность приобретает проблема обеспечения экологической безопасности – защиты и сохранения морской среды и ее биоразнообразия. Противодействие этим видам угроз требует как индивиду-альных усилий стран арктической пятерки, так и принятия коллективных мер. Ключевые слова: Арктика, Арктический совет, арктические проливы, Северный морской путь, Конвенция ООН по морскому праву, морская безопасность, " мягкая " безопасность, экологическая безопасность, морской терроризм, пиратство.

This chapter examines the following question: How did Canada’s chairmanship impact the Arctic Council and its contemporary role in regional governance? It argues that Canada helped further the Council’s turn toward addressing explicitly economic issues (in addition to environmental problems), but did so with the consensus of other member states. Canada supported several economic projects in the Council, but the majority of its projects encouraged sustainable development and environmental protection, such as championing international co-operation on the creation of an agreement to address black carbon pollution. The Harper government helped strengthen the Arctic Council and backed a policy that will help improve the position of Indigenous peoples in the institution. At least in this case, Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s government supported multilateralism, challenging notions that its foreign policy was isolationist in nature.

The­ work ­is­ devoted ­to­ the ­analysis­ of ­the­ current ­state ­of ­multilateral­interactions ­in ­the ­Arctic ­region ­in ­the ­context ­of ­growing ­interest ­and­inclusion ­of ­“external” ­actors­—­states­ of ­the ­Asia‑Pacific ­region ­— ­in­ the­projects ­of ­the ­development ­of ­the ­Arctic. ­It­ discusses ­the ­formation ­of­Arctic­s trategies ­in­ Japan,­ the­ PRC and ­the ­Republic ­o ­Korea,­ examines­the ­most ­important ­causes ­and ­factors ­that ­determine ­the ­cooperative­and ­conflic t­dynamics­ of ­the ­relationship ­of ­various­ players in ­the­ Arctic.

The pandemic of 2020-21 could be the first “painful contraction” of a birth which, if we can recognize it as such, has all the markings of an economic and spiritual renaissance.  Economic emergencies are shaking the stability of governments worldwide, while isolationism and old-time tribal mentalities are resurfacing at the same time as a melting Arctic opens up vast areas for resource extraction.  Maximizing the newfound wealth for world equilibrium should be of critical priority. If we don’t take action to avert the latest round of resource wars, we could face “limited nuclear” fallout alongside global warming.

Kick-starting a major technology growth-spurt, a newly-created Bank of Gaia is proposed to broker all future polar resource extraction. The goal is to avoid  the next international resource while creating collateral against which large-scale population resettlement projects could begin . 

Self-sufficient but isolated new colonies with low ecological impacts (somewhat based on Soleri's 'arcologies'), would be he basis of the immediate need for a next generation of  sustainable manufacturing technologies, of factories that can efficiently build anything for local use only. Funded by the sale of its non-renewable resources, the Bank of Gaia would be "buying back ownership of human claims to property," redistributing this "newfound" wealth to governments worldwide for new infrastructural development needs of the new colonies built in the earth's hinterlands.

A new era could be defined and funded by Gaia. It would pay the impending costs of adjusting to her destabilized crust (the impacts of global warming) but banked against the long-term future of her deeper resources that we no longer own but must pay for..  Non-renewables would no longer be "free for the cost of extraction." Through a counter-intuitive collusion of J.M. Keynes with the Quesnay, the earth will become a direct source of financial support, eventually underwriting and upending the private banks. Utopian experiments can be carried out while resettling imperiled populations. Teilhard de-Chardin's vision of 'Civitas Dei' can again be a gleam in the eye of humanists whatever their faith.  Parallels to John Law’s bank, the Mississippi Bubble and 18th century colonization schemes are critically well-noted. Control of the Bank of Gaia? We might consider Buckminster Fuller's "World Game" in the hands of AI.

На современном этапе Арктика представляет собой регион геополитического значения, открывающий обширные возможности по освоению углеводородных ресурсов и развитию транзитных путей. Для Российской Федерации, обладающей огромным ресурсным потенциалом арктических территорий, эффективное
освоение данного региона является приоритетной стратегической задачей на долгосрочную перспективу.
Однако в силу природно-климатических особенностей активизация промышленной деятельности ставит
Арктический регион в рамки повышенной экологической уязвимости. Обеспечение экологической безопасности является безусловным при планировании любых проектов по освоению и развитию региона как государством, так и компаниями. При формировании системы экологической безопасности ключевое значение
имеет учет особых экологических рисков. Влияние данных рисков необходимо оценивать на всех стадиях
проекта. Система экологической безопасности должна представлять собой комплексную стратегию по анализу и оценке рисков в процессе освоения и развития Арктического региона, а также меры по их управлению и минимизации.

Russia is currently preparing for its second term serving as chair of the Arctic Council. The country will officially take on the roll in May of 2021 and lead the Council until 2023. Russia’s first Chairmanship was realized in 2004-2006. Following that period, significant global changes occurred, both when it came to climate issues and in relations between Russia and the West. Those, in turn, exerted influence on international cooperation in the Arctic. Though the Arctic Council does not deal with strategic issues, the existing political and strategic rivalry between two main Arctic powers, namely Russia and the United States, affects economic, environmental, and emergency cooperation in the region. In this respect, this research aims to analyze the challenges and opportunities that will be involved in Russia’s upcoming Chairmanship of the Arctic Council.

Arctic security is a main security challenge – a global one, not only a regional one – not only for the Arctic countries, but for the whole international community, first of all the European. With Russia and China expanding their role in the area, and the difficulty of finding an undisputed governance on maritime routes and economic exploitation of resources, there is the risk of militarization of the Arctic. After briefly summarizing current and future challenges in the Arctic, this paper analyzes the limits due to a deficit of suitable instruments to maintain security in the region, especially in relation to the role of international intergovernmental organizations, and suggests some remedies to overcome these deficiencies.

Fifty years ago, the American ice-breaking supertanker Manhattan tested the waters of Canada’s Northwest Passage. During its epic 1969 transit, Manhattan’s task was to determine the feasibility of shipping oil from newly-discovered fields of the North Slope of Alaska to North America’s Eastern Seaboard. In so doing, the massive vessel raised pivotal questions about safe navigation, sovereignty, and environmental protection, prompting new discussions about Arctic political and economic development.  Often told from the vantage point of the politicians and diplomats involved, the Manhattan’s story was also one of an integrated Canadian-American expedition dedicated to cooperative exploration and innovation. This volume publishes the reports of Lieutenant Commander Erling Stolee, the Royal Canadian Navy’s observer aboard Manhattan’s two Canadian Coast Guard icebreaker escorts – CCGS John A. Macdonald and Louis St. Laurent – which offer detailed, first-hand accounts of Canadian contributions to the test voyages.

Sanayi Devrimi’nin yaşanmasıyla birlikte fosil yakıtların kullanımında artış olmuş ve bu artış dünyanın ekosistemini olumsuz etkilemeye başlamıştır. Bu durum küresel ısınmaya neden olmuştur. Küresel ısınma 21. yüzyılda etkisini arttırarak devam ettirmektedir. Aynı zamanda teknoloji, bilim ve iletişim alanlarında yaşanan gelişmelerle küreselleşme ortaya çıkmıştır. Küreselleşme ve küresel ısınmayla birlikte ulaşılamayan coğrafyalara ulaşım mümkün hale gelmiştir. Bu bölgelerden biri de Arktika’dır.

              Bu çalışmanın temel amacı; Arktika Bölgesi’nin sınırlarını tanımlamak, tarihi ve yerel halkı hakkında bilgi vermek, bölgeyi Antarktika ile kıyaslamak, var olan enerji kaynaklarını belirlemek, bölgede etkili olan Arktika Konseyi’nin amaç ve faaliyetlerine açıklık getirmek, Arktik Bölgesi devletlerinin bölgedeki ulusal çıkarlarını ve politikalarını açıklamak ve bölgedeki güncel gelişmeler hakkında bilgi vermektir.

Ilisimatusarfik/University of Greenland has conducted a public opinion poll amongst the Greenlandic population on foreign- and security policy issues during November-December 2020. This has been done in cooperation with HS Analyse in Nuuk, Greenland and Konrad-AdenauerStiftung in Stockholm, Sweden

The tiny Hans Island, claimed by both Canada and Denmark, is the latest disputed land in Arctic. The aim of this article is to analyse whether this sovereignty question can be resolved by referring to the doctrine of occupation. The methods used are historical analysis and the dogmatics of international law. The historical examples and doctrinal views lead to the first level conclusion that in certain circumstances a land that belongs to no one can be occupied by a state merely by means of symbolic actions. Further considerations focus on the questions of whether Hans Island should be considered as possessing such certain qualities and if so, whether any of the contestants has ever performed any actions that can be interpreted as taking it into its possession. The conclusion points out that although it is very unlikely that analyzed solutions would be used to determine the fate of the Island, it is still crucial to realise that doctrines of international law, which may seems archaic, are to some extent still applicable and could be used in the Arctic disputes.

This book seeks to pose and explore a question that sheds light on the contested but largely cooperative nature of Arctic governance in the post-Cold War period: how does power matter – and how has it mattered – in shaping cross-border cooperation and diplomacy in the Arctic? Each chapter functions as a window through which power relations in the Arctic are explored. Issues include how representing the Arctic region matters for securing preferred outcomes, how circumpolar cooperation is marked by regional hierarchies and how Arctic governance has become a global social site in its own right, replete with disciplining norms for steering diplomatic behaviour. This book draws upon Russia’s role in the Arctic Council as an extended case study and examines how Arctic cross-border governance can be understood as a site of competition over the exercise of authority.

O movimento de globalização é transversal à história das sociedades humanas, muito embora esta designação possa ser considerada recente e importada do mundo da Economia por Théodore Levitt nos anos ’70 do século XX, e popularizado a partir da Gestão Estratégica e Empresarial no decénio de 1990 por Kenichi Ohmae. Embora as suas designações tenham variado com as conjunturas ao longo de séculos, e muitos factores tenham contribuído para a forma e conteúdo que hoje apresenta, o facto é que os efeitos da Globalização sempre se fizeram sentir de forma expansiva e profunda, em grau e dimensão ajustados a cada época e ou período. E o facto é que parece ser ele o responsável pelas transformações que têm ocorrido à escala global.
Usualmente considerado nas suas formas económica e social, aqui equacionamos este movimento (que é, ele próprio, o mainstream, a referência dominante à escala planetária) numa perspectiva sobretudo política mas, também, cultural – não deixando de equacionar a relevância dos seus efeitos sobre a geopolítica e a geoestratégia.
É neste contexto que se procura reflectir sobre as possíveis articulações entre o movimento de Globalização, a importância da Cultura e a Geopolítica/Geoestratégia na Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa no seio da Nova Ordem Global Contemporânea em “construção”, com vista a contribuir para uma desmistificação da CPLP, nomeadamente no que se refere: ao seu poder efectivo (por contraposição ao potencial); às razões que, na nossa perspectiva, obstam a que cumpra a sua missão; a apresentar aquela que poderia ser uma via alternativa ao marasmo em que tem estado mergulhada quando contabilizados os objectivos e metas definidas por contrapartida aos resultados efectivamente alcançados.

Canada and Russia are the geographical giants, spanning most of the circumpolar world. Accordingly, the Arctic is a natural area of focus for the two countries. Although the end of the Cold War seemed to portend a new era of deep cooperation between these two Arctic countries, lingering wariness about geopolitical motives and a mutual lack of knowledge about the other's slice of the circumpolar world are conspiring to pit Canada and the Russian Federation as Arctic adversaries. Are Russian and Canadian Arctic policies moving in confron-tational direction? Can efforts at circumpolar cooperation survive the current crisis in Russian-Western relations, or does an era of growing global competition point inherently to heightened conflict in the Arctic?

5. Ulusal Kutup Bilimleri Çalıştayı’na “Eleştirel Jeopolitik Kapsamında Arktik’in Dönüşümü ve Devletlerin Arktik’e Yönelik Politikalarının Değişimi” konulu sunumumla ben de katıldım.
Uluslararası aktörlerin iklime bağlı değişen bir coğrafyada söz sahibi olmak için politikalarını nasıl meşrulaştırmaya çalıştıklarına şahit oluyoruz ve en önemlisi bu ilerleyen ve canlı bir süreci ifade ediyor.
Türkiye olarak kutuplarda gerek bilimsel gerek güvenlik temellerinde varlık göstermemiz, buralarla alakalı uzun dönemli politikalar oluşturmamız geleceğimiz adına oldukça önemli.

I attended the 5th National Polar Sciences Workshop with my presentation on "The Transformation of the Arctic in the Context of Critical Geopolitics and the Changing of the Policies of States towards the Arctic".
We witness how international actors try to legitimize their policies in order to have a say in a climate-dependent geography, and most importantly, this represents a progressive and lively process.
As Turkey, it is very important for our future that we have a presence in the poles on both scientific and security grounds, and that we create long-term policies related to these areas.

Chapter 3 in The Networked North: Borders and Borderlands in the Canadian Arctic Region, Heather Nicol and P. Whitney Lackenbauer, eds. Waterloo, ONT: CFPF, St. Jerome’s University)/Victoria, BC: BIG/University of Victoria, 2017. Open access publication for academic use.

Gordon W. Smith, PhD, dedicated much of his life to researching Canada’s sovereignty in the Arctic. His 1952 dissertation from Columbia University on “The Historical and Legal Background of Canada’s Arctic Claims” remains a foundational work on the topic, as does his 1966 chapter “Sovereignty in the North: The Canadian Aspect of an International Problem,” in R. St. J. Macdonald’s The Arctic Frontier. This work is the first volume in a project to edit and publish Smith’s unpublished opus – a manuscript on “A Historical and Legal Study of Sovereignty in the Canadian North and Related Law of the Sea Problems.” Written over three decades, this work may well be the most comprehensive study on the nature and importance of the Canadian North in existence. Volume 1: Terrestrial Sovereignty provides the most comprehensive documentation yet available on the post-Confederation history of Canadian sovereignty in the north. As Arctic sovereignty and security issues return to the forefront of public debate, this invaluable resource provides the foundation upon which we may expand our understanding of Canada’s claims from the original transfers of the northern territories in 1870 and 1880 through to the late twentieth century.

The Arctic Ocean remains one of the last frontier regions on earth
to be explored and exploited. “However, due to [climate
change], technological advances, and declining stocks of global
resources, increasing interest and activity in the Arctic is underway.”1
This renewed interest in the Arctic has sparked a new vigor by the
littoral states,2 whose shores border our world’s smallest and most
northern ocean, and by the technologically able non-Arctic states, who
are anxious for access to vast resources beneath the ice-laden surface
of the region.3
The Arctic Ocean isn’t currently governed by any form of
comprehensive, multilateral, and legal framework recognized by the
Arctic nations because, historically, it was never expected to become a
navigable waterway or a site for large-scale, commercial development.4
Recent attempts by the United Nations to address this issue have come
away without ratification by all Arctic nations.5
Scott G. Borgerson (International Affairs Fellow at the Council on
Foreign Relations and a former Lieutenant Commander in the U.S.
Coast Guard) reports that the Arctic ice caps are melting fast because
of global warming, which is creating access to natural resources and
enabling shortcuts for ships. Additionally, the area does not have any
clear, governing rules, so the Arctic may become an area of armed
conflict. Thus, the United States must form a multilateral, diplomatic
solution.

“The ultimate problem involving the access and sovereignty rights
to the [Arctic Ocean’s seabed] is one of ‘command and control.’ ”7
Namely, who should control access to the vast untapped reserves of
energy and mineral resources the region potentially offers the world,
and similarly, who, if any, should control the important shipping access
to the region?

The EU Arctic Footprint and Policy Assessment report assesses the EU‘s current footprint on the Arctic environment and evaluates how it could change over time. The effectiveness of the EU‘s current environment-related policies is analysed, including how these policies relate to current and future footprint scenarios. Options for improving EU policy are presented.

The draft paper as at 24th April which is updated from the draft made for the oral presentation session (5th April 2017 does not contain any references and text errors needed corrections). The paper is still being worked on with more sections being added with some aspect areas clarified in more detail. Others are being reviewed. Due to the closure of the Parliament in the UK early for the snap elections, the text is still unfinished and will be resumed for the new Parliament session with no end date set yet. The document is best viewed by a download to Microsoft Word as web browsers tend to muddle the layout. Please note that the ice sheet mass balance changes occur mainly in nearby Iceland, Jan Mayen and the Mid-Atlantic Ridge rather than Greenland itself. (High viscous, low nucleation events pushing very cool, effusive, almost 'solid' lava incursions vertically up like the Mascarene volcanism of Mauritius are rare anomalies from a misaligned hotspot influencing further afield - and therefore far less likely.)

The Arctic is generally regarded as inaccessible and unproductive because of its geographical and
climatic characteristics. However, despite the perception caused by these geographical disadvantages,
the melting of the thick ice mass on its surface in recent years, aside from its geopolitical significance,
has led this region to come to the fore in international politics. The melting in the Arctic has not only
allowed natural resources that were previously not feasible for extraction to become accessible, but it
has also enabled alternative transport routes to be discovered. These resources, and the Arctic’s unique
position in the northernmost part of the world, have led to the need to look at the Arctic region from a
fresh perspective. Differing from the well-established perception that the Earth lies along an East-West
direction, air power theorists assert that looking at the Earth from the Arctic region would significantly
alter our perception of direction and distance by shortening distances considerably. Such a way of
looking brings the Arctic region to the forefront, moving the center of focus to this region in the
framework of air power, and making it the focus of the global struggle.

The Arctic slipped slightly from the attention of the International Community lately as an effect of crisis in Ukraine, European struggle with economic austerity, Ebola spread and also fighting radicals like Islamic State. Even global warming is not major topic of news. However, the Arctic race is ongoing involving powerful nations interested in that region considering future profits connected with resources, shipping routes and fishery there. Among them Russia is key player in many domains especially as it is treating Arctic very seriously and has already invested into grounding national position there. Current peaceful cooperation is very promising but growing military presence in Arctic, especially Russian build-up, is causing more and more concerns about the future.
The paper is discussing major reasons of the Arctic race, depicting briefly legal aspects e.g. UNCLOS, international organizations like the Arctic Council and also role of actors there. International disputes are also mentioned especially those related to the Russian Federation, being major player there. The main focus is on Russian interests, economy related competition and also military developments to support national interests. The Western sanctions are negatively influencing exploration of natural resources making Moscow nervous and the country must be treated very seriously to avoid creating new “Cold war” type icy relations and confrontation.

The book explores the interplay of visual culture, technology and indigenous activism in the North, and highlights the cultural, environmental and geopolitical significance of the Arctic and its indigenous people.

The book features essays by Michael Bravo, Nicola Triscott, Katarina Soukup, Lassi Heininen and David Turnbull, and is richly illustrated with colour and black and white images and photographs.

The article is devoted to the poorly studied problem of the origin of the name Yuraki, which the Russians, as well as the Enets and Nganasans, called the group of the Samoed-speaking population that wandered along the northern outskirts of Western Siberia in the 17th-first half of the 20th century. On the basis of published and unpublished archival materials, information from the works of Russian and foreign scientists, as well as dictionaries of the peoples of the North, we attempted to identify the ethnic composition of the Yuraks, the boundaries of their settlement, determine the chronological framework for the emergence and existence of this name and clarify its origin. The research has resulted in a number of reasonable conclusions and assumptions. The name Yuraki appeared in the 17th century, when the tax policy of the tsarist administration in the north of Western Siberia provoked active resistance of certain groups of the nomadic Samoyed population. Russians called the Yoraks / Yuraks nomadic in the deep tundra, who did not pay a permanent tax, tundra and forest Nenets and Enets, as well as a mixed Nenets-Enets group. This name comes from the Nenets word Yor meaning "depth". By the 19th century, the Nenets of the Yenisei province began to be called Yuraks, regardless of the tax system. In the Soviet household documents of the Dolgan-Nenets National District, this name appeared until the middle of the 20th century.

Despite the growing tension in Russia-West relations, the Arctic region continues to remain a zone of peace and cooperation. The level of interstate collaboration here is extremely high, unlike other maritime regions. The interaction is developing in scientific research, protection of the marine environment and biodiversity, regulation of fisheries, improvement of search and rescue efforts, control of oil spills, and regulation of navigation. However, interstate competition has not disappeared in the Arctic. The countries participating in the maritime activities in the region often have completely different priorities and are firmly defending their national interests. Under sanctions' pressure, the Russian Federation is forced to seek new partners and allies in the Arctic. This choice is extremely difficult since the coincidence of positions on one issue or another is often minimal. In order to defend its interests, Russia needs to achieve such a format of interaction with the Arctic and non-Arctic countries which would be extremely mutually beneficial and work for the good of our country, but not to its detriment.

In recent years, there has been considerable interest in the Arctic as a
source for resources, as a potential zone for commercial shipping, and as a
region that might experience conflict due to its strategic importance. With
regards to energy resources, some studies suggest that the region contains
upwards of 13 percent of global undiscovered oil, 30 percent of undiscovered
gas, and multiples more of gas hydrates. The decreasing amount and
duration of Arctic ice cover suggests that extraction of these resources will
be increasingly commercially viable. Arctic and non-arctic states wish to
benefit from the region's resources and the potential circum-polar navigation
possibilities. This has led to concerns about the environmental risks
of these operations as well as the fear that competition between states for
resources might result in conflict. Unresolved offshore boundaries
between the Arctic states exacerbate these fears. Yet, the risk of conflict
seems overstated considering the bilateral and multilateral steps undertaken
by the Arctic states to resolve contentious issues. This article will
examine the potential impact of Arctic energy resources on global security
as well as the regional environment and examine the actions of concerned
states to promote their interests in the region.

No contexto de uma Nova Ordem Global Contemporânea, profundamente
marcada por um movimento que simultaneamente se apresenta como estrutural na sua
génese e presença; transversal nos seus efeitos e conjuntural na sua acção, os diversos
acontecimentos que nas diferentes dimensões, esferas de acção e níveis de
complexidade se têm apresentado ao longo da história do passado e do presente da
Sociedade Humana, e reflectido de modo mais relevante na conjuntura política do
mundo em que vivemos são essenciais para a compreensão do quadro global em que
nos posicionamos.
Apesar de não ser, em si mesmo, um assunto “novo”, o Árctico é hoje um
assunto de interesse global. Ali existem grandes jazidas de petróleo e gás natural,
sobretudo dentro do domínio russo. Novas e mais curtas rotas de navegação nas águas
polares abrir-se-ão para o transporte marítimo entre a Ásia e a Europa/América do Norte
devido às alterações climáticas. As rápidas transformações colocam-nos diante de
muitos desafios e possibilidades na gestão dos assuntos de interesse global. Resta saber
qual a via que vai definir as regras do “jogo”.

This paper is an exploration of the substantive merit of Canada’s position on the Northwest Passage (NWP), that the waters of the Arctic Archipelago through which the NWP passes are its internal waters. In particular, is Canada justified in its claim and what legal premises support its position? And, furthermore in view of the conflicting claim of the United States of its right of innocent passage through an international strait what probable means of middle ground may be employed to amicably resolve this dispute between two of the worlds most neighborly nations.

If there is a place of common ground between the European Union and Russia, it is on the fields of energy, environment and migration. The Arctic binds together the EU with its two major energy suppliers, Norway and Russia. These three actors are also bound together by common efforts to protect the Arctic environment. Moreover, the recent migration crisis in Europe not only rattled the foundations of the Schengen treaty but also raised tensions between Norway and Russia especially at their borders. After two world wars, Europe has sought for stability. Moving forward from the difficult past, geopolitical issues were put to the side, but it was Ukraine that violently reintroduced geopolitics in European international relations. This paper seeks to analyse the common – and not so common – ground of these three major actors on contemporary Arctic issues. Energy exploitation and distribution, environmental protection and migration flows are the new geopolitical data of the “European” Arctic. With my research, I want to present the Arctic as an example of cooperation and mutual understanding rather than a boiling pot. I am going to argue that violence is not inherent to geopolitics but, as the name itself implies, geopolitics explain how politics and international relations are affected by both human and physical geographical factors. The last point that I will make is that geopolitical analysis is crucial for identifying important underlying issues that could lead to political, military or economic destabilisation if disregarded.