Political Geography

Úvod do studia politiky Miroslav Novák et al. Tato učebnice je určena zejména vysokoškolským studentům sociálních a humanitních věd bakalářského a magisterského stupně. Jde o práci kolektivní a svým pojetím i rozsahem v českém prostředí ojedinělou. Je rozdělena do čtyř částí. V první části je politika vykládána očima nejrůznějších disciplín-od politologie přes filosofii, psychologii, antropologii, právo, geografii a ekonomii až po his-torii. Obsahem druhé části jsou úvody do vybraných subdisciplín politické vědy, jako je komparativní politologie, teorie mezinárod-ních vztahů a správní věda. Ve třetí části jsou zpracovány úvody do kvantitativních a kvalitativních metod v politické vědě, včetně tzv. kvalitativní srovnávací analýzy. Čtvrtá část pak pojednává o někte-rých velkých tématech politiky, jako jsou stranické a volební systémy, národy a nacionalismus nebo demokracie a nedemokratické režimy. Učebnice tvoří vnitřně propojený celek, i když se názory, pojetí nebo hodnocení autorů jednotlivých kapitol od sebe mohou poněkud lišit.-Kdy vznikla politická věda?-Jaké další disciplíny se zabývají politikou?-Jaký je vztah mezi politickou vědou a politickou sociologií?-Proč se v češtině více ujal výraz "politologie" než "politická věda"?-Co je politika? Jaký je vztah mezi politikou a mocí?-Je řadový občan v politice kompetentní?-Jak nám analýza stranického systému pomáhá pochopit mo-derní politické režimy?-Co je předmětem komparativní politologie? Jaké metody pou-žívá?-V čem spočívá rozdíl mezi komparativní politologií a teorií mezi-národních vztahů?-Čím se vyznačuje dobrá veřejná správa? Rozsáhlý autorský tým pod vedením Miroslava Nováka tvoří čeští odborníci nejrůznějších generací z mnoha akademických pracovišť. vydání druhé, rozšířené a doplněné o 2 nové kapitoly.  Doporučená cena 749 Kč

There are more types of borders today than ever before in history. Borders of all kinds define every aspect of social life in the twenty-first century. From the biometric data that divides the smallest aspects of our bodies to the aerial drones that patrol the immense expanse of our domestic and international airspace, we are defined by borders. They can no longer simply be understood as the geographical divisions between nation-states. Today, their form and function has become too complex, too hybrid. What we need now is a theory of the border that can make sense of this hybridity across multiple domains of social life.

Rather than viewing borders as the result or outcome of pre-established social entities like states, Thomas Nail reinterprets social history from the perspective of the continual and constitutive movement of the borders that organize and divide society in the first place. Societies and states are the products of bordering, Nail argues, not the other way around. Applying his original movement-oriented theoretical framework "kinopolitics" to several major historical border regimes (fences, walls, cells, and checkpoints), Theory of the Border pioneers a new methodology of "critical limology," that provides fresh tools for the analysis of contemporary border politics.

Political geography traditionally focused on state, but there has been a broadening of what counts as ‘doing politics’ that includes the work of social movements. Much of this work though uses analytical categories other than social movement, and these are reviewed and included here. Geographers have brought space into thinking about social movements, analyzing how various spatialities shape and are shaped by movements, the spatialities of solidarity, and the geographies of emotion used and generated by movements. Many do this work as academic-activists and collaborate with movements. Across different methods, approaches, and languages, geographers have contributed to building the power of movements to make a better world.

Este libro plantea una síntesis de uno de los temas metodológicos que más desarrollo ha conocido en la Arqueología de los últimos treinta años. Desde que en la década de los 1960 la disciplina arqueológica superase definitivamente el esquema que mantenía al artefacto como objetivo epistemológico principal y a la excavación como único vehículo capaz de alcanzarlo, las teorías, métodos y técnicas de reconocimiento y análisis territorial se han expandido de una forma acelerada. Ello ha creado un ámbito de estudio y práctica profesional de la Arqueología, del cual, a pesar de su pujanza y de la diversidad y complejidad de procedimientos técnicos y nociones teóricas que aparecen implicadas, todavía no se había realizado una verdadera síntesis en lengua española. Este manual ofrece a los jóvenes estudiantes y practicantes de la Arqueología actual un tratamiento riguroso, pero accesible, de los principios aplicados tanto en la detección y caracterización de sitios arqueológicos en el territorio actual (prospección de superficie, prospección geofísica, empleo de imágenes captadas por plataformas aéreas y espaciales, cartografía arqueológica), como en la interpretación de las pautas de aprovechamiento, organización y percepción del territorio que se dieron entre las sociedades del Pasado.

This paper sheds light on the role of evolutionary ideas in
the making of Turkish nationalism during the Kemalist era
(1923–1938). By so doing, it aims to challenge some of the
dominant historiographical viewpoints as to the nature of
Turkish nationalism. One is related to the Kemalist elites'
predisposition towards the so-called “scientism” seen as
one of the bases for nationalism. We intend to turn upside–
down the relation between the Kemalists' use of science
and Turkish nationalism. Second, we problematize the “culturalist”
origins of Turkish nationalism arguing that the
seemingly “culturalist” reflections of the time were, indeed,
materialist formulations based on the science of the times.
We discuss in this respect the Kemalist elites' use of evolutionary
ideas. By synthesizing the ways in which these elites
employed evolutionary ideas in the fields of history, language,
geography, anthropology, biology, eugenics, and
pedagogy, we aim to understand the specific nature of
Turkish nationalism before 1945. This secular nationalism
conceived culture as having materialist bases and differed
fundamentally from the culturalist varieties of Turkish
nationalism coloured by Islam in the post-1945 era. Furthermore,
the paper empirically enriches the complex and
entangled story of evolutionary ideas in the early Turkish
Republic.

This special issue on political geographies of citizenship originates from the Norwegian Research Network in Political Geography (based at the University of Oslo), which includes geographers working within a broad array of research topics, approaches and contexts. Thematically, it reflects the increased interests in spatiality in citizenship studies and the parallel attention paid to citizenship within political geography. The present special issue explores the notion of citizenship as a potential convergence point for geographical research in migration, development, democratization, social movement and labour studies concerned with questions about power, agency and spatiality in state–society relations. Our proposition is that citizenship may provide an integral framework for common concerns among human geographers regarding cultural, juridical, social and political inclusion – in other words, cultural identity and recognition, legal status and protection, social rights and redistribution, and political participation and representation. This general agenda is discussed in more detail in Stokke’s  article in this special issue. We thus limit this guest editorial to a brief review of the core arguments and how they are addressed in the thematic articles in this issue.

The paper focuses on Billig's (Billig, M. (1995). Banal nationalism. London: Sage) notion of banal nationalism. While Billig's work is to be commended for demonstrating the way in which nationalism is an endemic political ideology in all states – and not merely an extreme or hot political ideology that is based upon “blood and belonging” (Ignatieff, M. (1993). Blood and belonging: Journeys into the new nationalism. London: BBC Books) – we suggest that his work tends, perhaps unwittingly, to reinforce an unwarranted separation of the banal and hot processes that reproduce nationalism. Some empirical work has implicitly and explicitly begun to question the distinction between banal and hotter forms of nationalism. We argue that one way in which such an agenda can be furthered is through a promotion of the idea of everyday nationalism, which combines banal and hot elements in more complex and contingent ways. We elaborate on the benefits of adopting such an approach through an ...

Статья посвящена изучению представлений испанских колонистов конца XVI в. о политической организации майя-юкатеков позднего постклассического периода. Автор, рассматривая “Историко-географические сообщения из Юкатана”, уделяет внимание восприятию европейцами двух ее аспектов: 1) территориально-административного устройства и 2) политической иерархии. В статье выявлены, где это возможно, закономерности в соотнесении майяских понятий и терминов с испанскими. Обращается внимание на исчезновение или сохранение в обиходе доиспанской политической терминологии. Рассматривается изменение значений терминов в условиях колониального общества.
T he article examines the notions of late sixteenth-century European colonists about the political organization of the Maya in the pre-Hispanic period. The author draws on Relaciones histórico-geográficas de la gobernación de Yucatán, an important source for the study of the issue, to explore the ways in which the Europeans viewed both the territorial and administrative organization and the political hierarchies among the Maya. He discusses the regularities and inconsistencies that may be observed in the use of Maya and Spanish terms. A significant aspect to consider is the disappearance or preservation of elements from the pre-Hispanic political terminologies. The author traces the changes in the meaning of such elements in the context of the colonial society.

Simon Springer (Department of Geography, University of Victoria, Canada) contributes this short essay about his visit to Moscow and Domitrov. He organized a session titled “For Kropotkin” with Anthony Ince for the IGU Moscow Regional Conference and made a trip to the Kropotkin museum in Dmitrov.

... Permissions & Reprints. Disproportionality and bias in US Presidential Elections: How geography helped Bush defeat Gore but couldn't help Kerry beat Bush star, open. ... Analysis of the bias at those two elections shows that Bush was favoured at the first but not at the second. ...

In the last decades, the relationship between food and nature has experienced two intertwined processes: the de-naturalization of agri-food industry, that apparently has ‘freed’ food from natural processes and the ri-naturalization, linked to the quality turn, that recently transformed agrifood systems and food consumption. This article focuses on the relationships between food and nature, basing on the analysis of the processes that are recently taking place in Valposchiavo (Switzerland), where local agri-food chains sustainability is the core of local development and territorial marketing strategies. The analysis uses the theoretical and methodological framework of food political ecology,
which helps to unveil and critically analyse the complexity and the political dimension of such processes.

A thorough analysis of capital punishment from a political-geographical perspective is lacking in the discipline of geography. This is despite the fact that capital punishment overlaps with numerous geographic approaches, concepts, and areas of study. This study serves as a call to geographers to begin considering capital punishment's wide interaction and interrelation with developed areas of knowledge in the discipline. Specifically, political geographers stand to contribute in novel ways to wider discussions about capital punishment by analyzing executions relative to contemporary work in geography on violent, legal, and carceral spaces. I first introduce the need for geography's engagement with this pressing issue. Then, I clarify several terms needed to understand this violent practice. A third section highlights several pathways of development in the critical geographies of capital punishment. It is organized around four broad themes-critically mapping capital punishment, bodies in motion, politics of access, and executing the "other"-connecting capital punishment to developing concepts, literatures, and sub-disciplines in geography. The final two sections outline an epistemological approach to the geographies of capital punishment and how legal and carceral geographies might contribute.

Discutimos as articulações federativas verticais e horizontais em contextos metropolitanos, partindo da problemática do "lugar" da metrópole frente ao sistema federativo brasileiro. Se, por um lado, municípios que integram regiões metropolitanas se articulam verticalmente com governos estaduais e Federal; por outro lado, estes mesmos municípios se desarticulam horizontalmente. O resultado seria a fragmentação e desintegração da metrópole. Advogamos a necessidade de uma solidariedade institucional a partir das dinâmicas internas à metrópole, ao tempo em que propomos repensar outra configuração federativa para enfrentamento dos problemas metropolitanos.

In this article I make three inter-related arguments.  First, I argue that contemporary critical political theory should re-assert the city as a privileged site of political action.  Second, I suggest that in the process of such a re-assertion, the dominant “open” conception of the city, characteristic of much critical urban studies, should be reworked in order to be properly “political”; that is, framed within an agonistic, Left-Schmittian model of politics.  Finally, I claim that one way to “politicize” the city in this manner is to think of it as a site of “common property” (as expressed in the work of Nicholas Blomley).

Post-apartheid South Africa has brought about internationally acclaimed legislation that promotes social equity and environmental sustainability. This paper presents findings of research conducted in the Municipality of Stellenbosch on the effectiveness of the participatory planning model, the Integrated Development Plan (IDP). While post-apartheid accomplishments are noteworthy, power dynamics and fiscal insecurity continue to shape outcomes. Innovative coalitions have emerged, instilling hope that true participation is possible after trust between all stakeholders mends historical tensions.

... The tyranny of the majority: Fundamental fairness in representative democracy. Post a Comment. CONTRIBUTORS: ... SUBJECT(S): Proportional representation; Representative government and representation; Afro-Americans; Minorities; Voting; Suffrage; United States. ...

Abstract: This work has to do with spatial interactions and twin cities at the border between Brazil and Argentina. The focus is on the twin cities of São Borja-Santo Tomé and Itaqui-Alvear that are located in the historical territory of the Jesuit Missions. Due to the geographical position, the cities near the border have special qualities since they are in contact with two different systems. The interactions between the pairs of cities suffer influence from different flows. At the moment, the border’s function is changing. The older function of defense is turning into a newer one of communication place where products pass daily. In this sense, the formation of a regional commercial block (MERCOSUL) had a major role. The subject in question has turned into a matter of the federal government which, through the Ministry of National Integration, attempts to promote a planned integration between Brazil and its neighbors through the twin cities.
Keywords: Spatial interactions; border; twin cities.

A number of people have claimed that the ongoing financial crisis has revealed the problems with neoliberal thought and neoliberal policies in the 'Atlantic Heartland'. However, if we look at the history of the 'Heartland' economies then it becomes evident that they were never neoliberal in the first place - that is, the economic policies and discourses in these countries did not follow neoliberal prescriptions. /We Have Never Been Neoliberal/ explores this divergence between neoliberal theory and 'neoliberal' practice by focusing on the underlying contradictions in monetarism, private monopolies, and financialization. The book finishes by proposing a 'manifesto for a doomed youth' in which it argues that younger generations should refuse to pay interest on anything in order to avoid the trap of debt-driven living.