Rights of Indigenous Peoples

Federally-recognized tribes must adapt to many ecological challenges arising from climate change, from the effects of glacier retreat on the habitats of culturally significant species to how sea level rise forces human communities to relocate. The governmental and social institutions supporting tribes in adapting to climate change are often constrained by political obstructions, raising concerns about justice. Beyond typical uses of justice, which call attention to violations of formal rights or to considerations about the degree to which some populations may have caused anthropogenic climate change, a justice framework should guide how leaders, scientists and professionals of all heritages and who work with or for federally-recognized tribes understand what actions are morally essential for supporting tribes’ adaptation efforts. This paper motivates a shift to a forward-looking framework of justice. The framework situates justice within the systems of responsibilities that matter to tribes and many others, which range from webs of inter-species relationships to government-to-government partnerships. Justice is achieved when these systems of responsibilities operate in ways that support the continued flourishing of tribal communities.

For many years the Metis National Council and its affiliates have pursued a rights based agenda with the federal and provincial governments of Canada. This annotated bibliography has been developed to assist university students who wish to learn more about the struggle for Metis rights in Canada. This paper is now out dated and does not cover the Powley Case on Harvesting, the SCC decision on the MMF Land Claim or the more recent Daniels decision.

O tema desta tese de doutorado é o processo, e sua posterior consolidação como projeto, de educação escolar indígena na comunidade Tupinambá de Serra do Padeiro (Terra Indígena Tupinambá de Olivença, Bahia-Brasil). São examinadas as diferentes fases e transições da trajetória de luta Tupinambá pela implementação de um sistema educacional diferenciado, o que tem requerido reorganização constante a partir da perda do território indígena e o desejo de proporcionar uma educação formal às novas gerações como meio de reversão, positiva, da situação contemporânea. A tese quer também evidenciar a violação dos marcos legais referentes aos povos indígenas como uma dimensão de suma importância para o entendimento do referido projeto educativo. Nesse contexto, as relações interétnicas têm um efeito direto sobre o processo em questão. Ressalta-se a particularidade representada pelo projeto de educação formal da comunidade da Serra do Padeiro por ser orientado pelos encantados – principais entidades da sua cosmovisão – que atuam como “agentes educativos” e, complementarmente, por acolher o Outro, neste caso, estudantes não indígenas. Descreve-se, além dos discursos dos Tupinambá sobre as vantagens do Colégio Estadual Indígena Tupinambá de Serra do Padeiro - CEITSP para a região, como se desenvolve, no dia a dia, um ensino entendido como “duplamente diferenciado” – por ser indígena e por acolher não indígenas – e como os saberes “tradicionais” e “ocidentais” são escolhidos e sistematizados nesse âmbito. Finalmente, a tese procura mostrar que a Aldeia da Serra do Padeiro transmite seus ensinamentos no decorrer da luta pelos seus direitos, configurando assim um modelo educativo que poderia ser expandido para além de suas próprias fronteiras, através de adaptação a outros contextos sob novos parâmetros de relações interétnicas.

Indigenous Peoples have always been “data warriors”.1 Our ancient
traditions recorded and protected information and knowledge
through art, carving, song, chants and other practices.
Deliberate efforts to expunge these knowledge systems were
part and parcel of colonisation, along with state-imposed practices
of counting and classifying Indigenous populations. As a
result, Indigenous Peoples often encounter severe data deficits
when trying to access high-quality, culturally-relevant data to
pursue their goals but an abundance of data that reflects and
serves government interests regarding Indigenous Peoples
and their lands.
The concept of Indigenous Data Sovereignty is a relatively
recent one, with the first major publication on the topic only appearing
in 2016.2 Indigenous Data Sovereignty is defined as the
right of Indigenous Peoples to own, control, access and possess
data that derive from them, and which pertain to their members,
knowledge systems, customs or territories.3, 4, 5 Indigenous Data
Sovereignty is supported by Indigenous Peoples’ inherent rights
of self-determination and governance over their peoples, territories
and resources as affirmed in the United Nations Declaration
on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), as well as
in domestic treaties. Indigenous Data Sovereignty recognises
that data is a strategic resource and provides a framework for
the ethical use of data to advance collective Indigenous wellbeing
and self-determination.6, 7
In practice, Indigenous Data Sovereignty means that Indigenous
Peoples need to be the decision-makers around how
data about them are used. Given that most Indigenous data is
not in the possession of Indigenous Peoples, Indigenous data
governance is seen as a key lever for addressing Indigenous Data Sovereignty. Indigenous data governance harnesses Indigenous
Peoples’ values, rights and interests to guide decision-
making about how their data are collected, accessed,
stored and used.8 Enacting Indigenous data governance results
in Indigenous control of Indigenous data through both
internal Indigenous community data governance policies and
practices and external stewardship of Indigenous data via
mechanisms and frameworks that reflect Indigenous values.
The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the necessity of enhancing
Indigenous data governance as well as the pressing
need for increased data for governance and decision-making.

Los warao como desplazados urbanos en Venezuela y Brasil Os Warao como deslocados urbanos na Venezuela e no Brasil Resumen: Los warao son un grupo étnico que tiene como hábitat ancestral el Delta del Orinoco, ha acudido en el pasado a los centros poblados urbanos venezolanos en situaciones desesperadas. Actualmente se han unido a la diáspora que la crisis política y socioeconómica ha generado entre la población de Venezuela y muchos de sus integrantes están abandonando el país en busca de alimentos, asistencia sanitaria y seguridad. Entre 2012 y 2020 son ya varios miles los indígenas que se han desplazado hasta Brasil, formando precarios campamentos en diversas ciudades. Este nuevo fenómeno, cuyas consecuencias son aún difíciles de predecir, está siendo estudiado en el entorno académico brasileño y varias instituciones gubernamentales y no gubernamentales, nacionales e internacionales, se han abocado a la búsqueda de soluciones. Palabras clave: Brasil; desplazados; indígenas; migraciones; warao.
Resumo: O povo indígena Warao é um grupo étnico cujo habitat ancestral é o Delta do Orinoco. Alguns deles foram para centros urbanos venezuelanos em situações desesperadas no passado. Atualmente juntou-se à diáspora que a crise política e socioeconômica gerou entre a população da Venezuela e muitos de seus membros estão deixando o país em busca de comida, cuidados de saúde e segurança. Entre 2012 e 2020, já existem vários milhares de indígenas que se mudaram para o Brasil, formando acampamentos precários em várias cidades. Esse novo fenômeno, cujas consequências ainda são difíceis de prever, está sendo estudado no ambiente acadêmico brasileiro e várias instituições governamentais e não governamentais, nacionais e internacionais, estão atualmente procurando soluções.

Since the adoption of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by the UN General Assembly in September 2015, Indigenous Peoples have been engaging in national, regional and global processes related to the SDGs. The main objective is to promote the recognition, protection and realisation of Indigenous Peoples’ rights, wellbeing and dignity, and to enhance their contributions to sustainable development. The long-term perspective is to include their perspective and initiatives and thereby advance their self-determined sustainable development. This report is focused on key global developments relevant to Indigenous Peoples and the SDGs, including the High-Level Political Forum (HLPF), which is the global review process of the SDGs that is held every July at the UN Headquarters in New York. The Indigenous Peoples Major Group for Sustainable Development (IPMG) coordinates the engagement of Indigenous Peoples in the HLPF and related processes.

Santal Hool, a pioneering revolt against British in Indian sub-continent are today neglected. More than 50,000 Santals families were evicted and more than 30,000 santal revolt were killed during the war 1855-56. This revolt is so important even Karl Marx observed in his Notes on India History, “Outbreak of the Santhal, a half-savage tribe, in the Rajmahal Hills in Bengal; put down, after seven months’ guerrilla warfare, in February 1856.”  However, in present days the successors of this revolt Santals are neglected both in India, Nepal, Bangladesh and Bhutan. Their land right, forest rights are violated by the government as well as the perpetrators. Even they are not recognized as indigenous to their own country.

In this key-note, I have analyzing the present situations of indigenous peoples in Bangladesh based on Santal revolution 1855-56 and later give some recommendations to Bangladesh government for acknowledge. I have presented this keynote paper (Bengali) on a webinar of Jatiya Adivasi Parishad on 28 June 2020 from Bangladesh.

Santal farmers of Sahebganj Bagadgada-farm under Gobindganj Upazila in Gaibandha district issued a memorandum to Deputy Commissioner of Gaibandha district in Bangladesh on 21 April 2022 to cancel the Export Processing Zone (EPZ) establishment plan on 1842.30 acres of Santal land after the protest procession. Hundreds of Santals and local Bengali farmers participates the procession holding with their traditional weapons arrow and bow. The protest rally and Memorandum submission program was organized by Sahebganj Bangda Farm Bhumi Uddhar Sangram Committee (SBBUSC) and Jatiya Adivasi Parishad (JAP) Central Committee. They claim, Bangladesh Export Processing Zone Authority (BEPZA) has announced the establishment plan of EPZ without maintaining the proper and meaningful consultation with the indigenous Santal and Bengali farmers.

Dieser Beitrag befasst sich mit der Frage, was sind die besonderen
Probleme und die unterschiedlichen Interessen von den Mehrheitsvölkern
der Urvölker der Arktis? Zuerst wird aus einer völkerrechtlichen
Perspektive die Frage beleuchtet, wer sich als Urvolk oder
Indigen bezeichnen darf und welchen besonderen menschenrechtlichen
Schutz Mitglieder der indigenen Völker genießen. Danach
wird die Frage gestellt, welche gemeinsamen Probleme und Interessen
sie haben. Im nächsten Abschnitt wird dargestellt, welche
Wege sie gesucht haben, um die Probleme zu lösen. Im letzen Abschnitt
wird die Frage gestellt, welche Bedeutung die fortschreitende
Marginalisierung der Urvölker der Arktis für die Zukunft der
Urvölker und Mehrheitsvölker hat. Der Beitrag argumentiert,
dass die Machtlosigkeit vieler Urvölker zu einer Zerstörung vieler
Minderheitensprachen und -kulturen führt, aber auch Folgen für die
Umwelt hat.

Historically, Indigenous women have been the target of violence at an alarming rate compared to the non-Indigenous population. This work explores how Indigenous women have used the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) to call for the end of this abuse. The United States and Canada are two North American Federal governments with a strong presence of Indigenous Peoples. Even though Canada and the United States have signed UNDRIP, in North America as many as four in five Indigenous women experience violence in their lifetime. This work looks at how and why there is still such a significant rate of violence against Indigenous women in the U.S. and Canada. In addition, this article surveys the current extent of Indigenous women's participation in the policymaking process. It then explores what changes in law and policy should flow from Indigenous women's activism and in what ways Indigenous women can and should become more involved in the decision-making process. This work also aims to reflect on how the law and policies in the U.S., in Canada and at an international level could more efficiently address the issue. Indigenous women have historically been absent from the decision-making process and even when they are given a voice and their rights are emphasized , for instance with UNDRIP, countries are not complying with their responsibilities on the matter. Consequently, Indigenous women are de facto denied the possibility to participate in the debate, and their claims are left unheard. This article concludes that they should be empowered to advocate for enhanced accountability of the individual countries and the international community alike. In fact, increased participation of Indigenous women in the decision-making process increases the opportunity for Indigenous voices to be heard, in a quest to fight the widespread issue 93 93

Cet article décrit la dialectique qui oppose les droits des peuples autochtones et les normes de protection de la nature. Il défend l’hypothèse selon laquelle ces normes sont un instrument de biopouvoir. Dessinant une nouvelle archéologie philosophique, il discute et renverse la périodisation proposée par Foucault en distinguant trois grandes formes de biopolitique ayant rythmé successivement l’histoire de l’expansion occidentale : la biopolitique esclavagiste, la biopolitique sanitaire et la biopolitique environnementale. La combinaison de cette nouvelle périodisation avec l’anthropologie de la nature de Philippe Descola permet une réinterprétation puissante des dispositifs de pouvoir qui se sont succédé depuis le début de l’époque moderne. Réinscrites dans une perspective de longue durée, les normes environnementales apparaissent alors comme un outil majeur de l’imposition au monde du socle anthropologique de l’Occident moderne. Mais les dynamiques historiques d’opposition ou de synergie entre les systèmes de droit coutumier, les édifices juridiques de souveraineté et les gouvernementalités biopolitiques montrent aussi que le droit naissant des peuples autochtones ouvre une double voie de résistance au pouvoir des États et à la normativité environnementale néolibérale.

Mots clés : Biopolitique, anthropologie de la nature, droit des peuples autochtones, normes environnementales, souveraineté, esclavage

Abstract

This article describes the dialectic opposing the rights of indigenous peoples and the nature’s protection standards. It defends the hypothesis according to which these standards are an instrument of biopower. By designing a new philosophical archeology, it argues and overthrows Foucault’s periodization by distinguishing three major biopolitical forms, which have punctuated history and western expansion: the slavery-supporting biopolitics, the sanitary biopolitics and the environmental biopolitics. This new periodization, combined with Philippe Descola’s anthropology of nature, allows a fresh and strong interpretation of the power measures in place since the beginning of the modern era. Laying within a long-term perspective, environmental standards appear as a major tool in the modern West anthropological base’s establishment. But the historical clash or synergy dynamics between customary law systems, sovereignty juridical systems and biopolitical governmentalities also reveals that the indigenous peoples’ dawning law resists both to the power of states and neo-liberal environmental standardization.

This article aims at analyzing Resolution No. 287 of the National Council of Justice of Brazil (CNJ), which establishes special procedures for the treatment of indigenous people who stand as accused, defendants, who are sentenced or are deprived of liberty and shows the necessary process to ensure their rights within the Brazilian Judiciary Branch. It encourages a reflection about why said Resolution’s impact on social representations within the Brazilian Judiciary Branch is nearly none. The Resolution No. 287 is a surprising step by CNJ to effectively recognize the cultural and ethnic plurality of the original peoples of Brazil, although it maintains contradictions inherent to the challenge of overcoming the assimilationist paradigm. However, beyond any new registration protocols, any reduction in incarceration rates or any training of magistrates and adaptation of their services, any change will ultimately come from the outside, as Brazilian elites abdicate privileges coming from ...

Traditional medicine practice involves a complex combination of activities, order of knowledge, beliefs and customs to generate the desired effects for the diagnosis, prevention or elimination of imbalances in physical, psychological or social wellbeing. Traditional medicine practice is based on the indigenous knowledge of a given people, a given community, and their experiences in the context of the local culture and environment — it is dynamic and changes with time depending on the prevailing situation. Traditional medicine practitioners (TMP) comprise herbalists, bonesetters, psychic healers, traditional birth attendants, faith healers, diviners, and spiritualists who use indigenous knowledge for developing materials and procedures.

The essay analyzes
the macro-issue of illiberal democracies in the specific Latin-American legal and geo-political
context through a complex dimension that allows to connect different and emblematic
challenges that liberal-democratic systems are facing today. On the one hand, there is the
recognition of the subject “Nature” and the progressive change of the liberal constitutional
structure determined by the inclusion of this value; on the other hand, there is the “ecocentric
cosmovision” of indigenous peoples that supports an alternative lifestyle to Western models
of sustainable development (eco-ethnodevelopment).

Bolivia's refounding as a plurinational state is based on the recognition of the existence of indigenous peoples and their right to determine their form of government. As such, the creation of indigenous originary peasant autonomies (autonomías indígena originaria campesinas, AIOCs) within the broader constitutional framework of the plurinational state provide the basis for a new relationship between indigenous peoples and the Bolivian state. In practical terms, indigenous autonomies mark the recognition by the state of the right to difference, and in doing so, fundamentally alter the nature of the state. In quantitative terms, the fact that a decade on from the initial referendums in which 11 municipalities voted in favour of beginning the conversion to AIOCs, only two of these municipalities, plus one indigenous originary peasant territory (territorio indígena originario campesino, TIOC) have completed the process, does not suggest that the project to implement the recognition of indigenous peoples' right to autonomy in Bolivia has been a success. However, assessed qualitatively, in the long historical context of the struggle of indigenous peoples for state recognition of their own political autonomy, it would be right to judge indigenous self-government in Bolivia, as a path that continues to be constructed incrementally. Indeed, further time is needed to judge the ultimate success or failure of indigenous autonomies in Bolivia as a political project. In particular, since Evo Morales took exile, heralding a new political conjuncture, it remains to be seen how this political project can withstand a change of government. The true test of the structures supporting and supported by the plurinational state will be whether they develop their own identity independently of whichever party is in power and come to be recognized as institutions within the Bolivian state. Notwithstanding this, the overall autonomic process and the creation of the AIOCs have broken with the centralized Bolivian past and officially created an autonomous space for indigenous peoples that has to be built gradually.

Canada’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission called for the doctrine of discovery to be removed from Canadian law and for Canada to adopt the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. These calls conflict with the doctrine of Aboriginal title, including the Supreme Court of Canada’s recent decision of Tsilhqot’in Nation v British Columbia. This decision has justifiably been hailed as an important step toward repairing relationships with Indigenous peoples, even though its potential for furthering reconciliation is compromised by its reliance on the doctrine of discovery, a doctrine from the colonialist past. Tsilhqot’in also represents the future, because it implicitly recognizes the sovereignty and territories of Indigenous nations. When combined with the Supreme Court’s recognition of Indigenous sovereignty in other contexts, this points the way to the nation-to-nation relationship and partnership envisaged by the Prime Minister and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

This paper tries to highlight the dysfunctional relationship of the indigenous people and their rights. Despite having the treaties and conventions, indigenous people are not getting the proper access to their rights. This paper tries to get an insight on the reality of their rights and conditions.

In southern Ontario, heritage preservation and protection are mandated under provincial provisions but there has been little involvement of Indigenous nations whose ancestral (i.e., archaeological) sites are the focus of the heritage resource industry. This study investigated and sought solutions to Indigenous concerns about heritage control and
archaeological mitigation practices, and identified various Indigenous roles in the heritage resource management industry. Interviews were conducted with representatives from three Indigenous nations in southern Ontario: 1) the Anishinabek; 2) the Haudenosaunee; and 3) the Huronne-Wendat. Interview analysis was conducted using NVivo analysis software to transcribe and compartmentalize interview data allowing for an in-depth analysis of the semi-structured interviews. The analysis of results allowed for generalizations but also incorporated many participants’ unique perspectives. Participant’s responses contributed to developing a set of recommendations of full Indigenous nation inclusion in archaeological assessments in southern Ontario through the implementation of Indigenous-oriented approaches based on relationship building between archaeologists and Indigenous nations.

30 June 2020 marks the 165th anniversary of the Santal Uprising. On this day in 1855 , Birvanta (Martyr) Sidhu Majhi alias Murmu sowed the seeds of a spark of revolt among the oppressed indigenous peoples of the Indian subcontinent. The revolt of the indigenous Santals in subjugated India was a guide to the freedom-loving people.

Sadly, the Santal Rebellion, which laid the foundation for the Sepoy Rebellion in the subcontinent, has not found its rightful place in Indian history today. Although the British zamindars (landlords), jotedars (land holder), moneylenders who took over the company got their own country today, but the Santals are still stateless. Somewhere today they are small ethnic groups (Kshudra Nreegosthi), somewhere tribes (Upajati) and somewhere Janajati. These terminologies are not at all comfortable for the Santals. Did the Santal Rebellion actually succeed for the Santals? Or are they the slaves of Utopia in Machiavelli whom the Pius will only hire?

However, as a Santal today I am proud to discuss the context of the Santal Rebellion. At the same time, we will review the human rights situation of more than 54 indigenous peoples including Santals in present day Bangladesh. Based on the discussion, I will make some recommendations to the Bangladesh government later.

This chapter deals with the international protection and promotion of indigenous traditional knowledge (TK) associated with agriculture, with a special focus on biodiversity-related knowledge. Interest in this knowledge has intensified greatly over the past two decades, along with a growing awareness of the contribution it can make, in a time of climate and environmental change, towards developing more sustainable models of agriculture and contrasting the erosion of both
biodiversity and cultural diversity. The chapter analyzes the international legal framework for TK protection, as well as current international efforts to develop sui generis protection systems that are culturally more appropriate and capable of valorizing the collective and intergenerational nature of TK. In this context, the protection of indigenous TK is put against the backdrop of the protection of TK hold by rural communities of peasants, shepherds, and fishermen. The chapter finally investigates the role of intellectual property in preserving indigenous peoples’ TK and promoting their economic empowerment. More precisely, attention is paid to the question as to whether TK falls within the boundaries of
protected property under international human rights law.

Esta disertación es un estudio decolonial de los manuscritos pictóricos del Ñuu Savi (Pueblo de la Lluvia), y busca el entendimiento de sus valores culturales a través del estudio holístico y diacrónico de su herencia viva e histórica-cultural, teniendo como base la reintegración de la memoria cultural con fundamento en la continuidad cultural, vinculando su pasado y presente a través de la lengua de la lluvia y desde la perspectiva del propio Ñuu Savi, en México, teniendo como fin último la re-apropiación de este conocimiento por las propias comunidades del Pueblo de la Lluvia.

This is a decolonial study about Ñuu Savi (Mixtec) pictorial manuscripts (codices), Mexico. The aim is the understanding of their cultural values through a holistic and diachronic way, studying living and historical-cultural heritage of Mixtec People, based on the re-integration of cultural memory and cultural continuity, linking the past and the present through the Mixtec language (or Sahan Savi) and from its own perspective. The final aim is the re-appropriation of this knowledge by the Ñuu Savi communities themselves.

Land use and land classification traditions of Northeastern Algonquians remain poorly understood. Even less clear are traditions governing use of sacred lands: ceremonial places as well as hunting and gathering lands. Epistemic genocide (Bruchac 2012; Duran 2011), also called "erasure" (Bruchac 2011:31; Steeves 2017:50) and "vanishing act" (Bruchac 2011:35), in concert with destructive policy and oppressed Native narrative, obstruct our path to understanding. What is Northeastern Algonquian zoning practice? Through archaeology, ethnohistory, and linguistics, Northeastern Algonquian land classes and uses are described-sacred lands in particular. When informed by Native cultural sources, we can apprehend Algonquian land use patterns, knowledge that we can apply to improve sacred site preservation and plan for intelligent land management. Les traditions d'utilisation et de classification des terres par les Algonquins du nord-est demeurent mal comprises. Les traditions régissant l'utilisation des terres sacrées, des lieux de cérémonies ainsi que des territoires de chasse et de cueillette sont encore moins claires. Le génocide épistémique (Bruchac 2012; Duran 2011) aussi appelé « effacement » (Bruchac 2011:31, Steeves 2017:50) et « acte de disparition » (Bruchac 2011:35), de concert avec la politique destructrice et la narration d'oppression des indigènes nous barrent le chemin de la compréhension. En quoi consiste la pratique de zonage du Nord-est algonquien ? Grâce à l'archéologie, à l'ethnohistoire et à la linguistique, la classification et les utilisations des terres par les Algonquins du nord-est ont pu être décrites, en particulier en ce qui concerne les terres sacrées. Sur la base d'informations de sources culturelles autochtones, nous pouvons appréhender les modèles d'utilisation des terres algonquiennes, et nous pouvons mettre ces connaissances en application pour améliorer la préservation des sites sacrés et planifier la gestion intelligente des terres.

Capítulo 1 del libro Tejiendo diálogos y tramas desde el Sur-Sur: territorio, participación e interculturalidad / Stefano Claudio Sartorello, Ana Carolina Hecht, José Luis García, Erik Said Lara Corro (coordinadores); [autores] Luis Enrique López, Julieta Briseño-Roa, Diana Yaneth Ávila …
[et al.]. – México: Universidad Iberoamericana Ciudad de México, 2022 – Publicación.
electrónica. – ISBN: 978-607-417-879-1

Le respect des droits des peuples autochtones sur leurs territoires ancestraux compte parmi les plus grands défis qui se posent aux juristes. La façon tout indiquée de le relever consiste en la conclusion de traités avec ces peuples. Au Canada, une telle pratique est actuellement entravée par la politique de l’« échange » de droits vagues contre des droits définis avec précision. Cette politique indigne la partie autochtone pour qui la négociation doit à l’inverse porter sur la pleine reconnaissance de ses droits ancestraux. Le problème est une aporie pour le juriste jusqu’à ce que sa mise en perspective historique, complétée d’une critique de la pensée juridique, fasse ressortir comment il résulte de la rencontre de deux conceptions différentes, non seulement de l’idée de « droits ancestraux », mais aussi de celle même de « droit ». Cette rencontre est celle du monisme et du pluralisme juridiques. Encore là, le juriste peut se sentir démuni devant la question de la signification normative du processus plus large de reconnaissance progressive, par le droit canadien et supranational, des ordres juridiques autochtones. La défunte entente de principe avec les Innus portait reconnaissance de leurs droits ancestraux comme expression de leur identité. La Commission royale sur les peuples autochtones a fait de la « reconnaissance mutuelle » le maître mot de ses recommandations. Le thème de la « lutte pour la reconnaissance » donne donc à penser que la philosophie sera d’un concours prépondérant. Le multiculturalisme libéral et la politique de reconnaissance autorisent la formulation de l’hypothèse d’une double lutte pour la protection juridique et pour la présomption de valeur d’ensemble des cultures juridiques autochtones. Or ce n’est pas du tout en ayant à l’esprit la problématique multiculturaliste que, à peu près au même moment que Charles Taylor, Axel Honneth s’attelait à la réactualisation systématique d’une thématique qui passe pour hégélienne. La recherche qui suit se présente comme une enquête philosophique relative à une problématique juridique. Elle se veut aussi une enquête sur l’intérêt de la philosophie pour l’élucidation de problématiques juridiques.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the condition of indigenous peoples' rights in the context of the protection, safeguard and management of their cultural heritage, especially those elements which have been recognized as of "outstanding universal values" and inscribed on the unesco World Heritage List. As the territory of reference, I chose the Latin American area. I point out the negative aspects of the political appropriation of the cultural heritage and the implications of its designation as a World Heritage for indigenous peoples. Referring in particular to the international documents and analyzing the content of the recommendations and reports adopted in recent years by the un-system, I also try to identify the positive social initiatives and political practices.

The aim of this chapter is to illustrate the ways in which the community of Santo Tomás Ocotepec has protected its sacred landscape since the XVI century until the present day. It does this by analyzing archaeological data, colonial maps, communal statutes, rituals,living and oral traditions and written literature in the Mixtec language.

The community of Ocotepec is part of the Ñuu Savi, People of the Rain or Mixtec People, one of the Indigenous Peoples of Southern Mexico. At present, the communities of the Ñuu Savi have strong spiritual, symbolic and ethic connections with the landscape, which is the residence of the Gods, and where they perform rituals and commemorate historical events. This spiritual relationship with the land, which stands in contrast to the dominant ''Western" perspective of land, has survived within Indigenous Peoples of Mesoamerica despite five centuries of colonìzation, exploitation and discrimination. In Ocotepec, this particular worldview was re-enacted through a mapping in the sixteenth century and the community has recently developed a communal statute where their sacred places are recognized and protected.

This case study illustrates how a sacred landscape has been protected through time and how it can be useful for other indigenous communities who are confronting the exploitation of land by transnational companies, which in tum only seek to exploit the land as an economic resource. An imporlant step for enhancing the protection of indigenous lands is the explicit recognition of this parlicular worldview and spiritual relationship with land and territories, most notably inthe United Nations Declarations on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2007) and ILO Convention 169 on the Rights of Indigenous and Tribal Peoples (1989).

Anais do 3º CIPIAL - Congresso Internacional dos Povos Indígenas da América Latina: Trajetórias, narrativas e epistemologias plurais, desafios comuns (ISBN 978-65-5080-015-4)

O infanticídio indígena, sua relação com o abandono estatal, à luz dos direitos fundamentais e do diálogo intercultural

Resumo: Este artigo examina o conflito entre o relativismo cultural, os limites impostos pela universalidade dos direitos humanos e o controle de convencionalidade na questão do "infanticídio indígena" e apresenta a solução do diálogo intercultural, trazida pela concepção multicultural de direitos humanos. Para compreender acerca desta prática e da situação social de abandono sofrida pelos povos indígenas, por meio de um levantamento de dados em acervo bibliográfico, será feita uma análise histórica e jurídica do conjunto normativo de direito internacional dos direitos humanos, fundamentais e indígenas, bem como demais normas aplicáveis. Além disso, por meio de um levantamento de relatórios, entrevistas e noticiários, serão analisados alguns casos de ocorrência da prática do infanticídio, objeção e protesto de indígenas que refutam essa tradição.
Palavras-chave: Infanticídio indígena; Relativismo cultural; Diálogo intercultural; Direitos fundamentais. 

Abstract: This article examines the conflict between cultural relativism, the limits imposed by the universality of human rights, and the control of convention on the issue of "indigenous infanticide" and presents the solution of intercultural dialogue brought about by the multicultural conception of human rights. In order to understand this practice and the social situation of abandonment suffered by indigenous peoples, through a collection of data in a bibliographic collection, a historical and legal analysis of the normative set of international human rights, fundamental and indigenous rights, as well as other applicable standards. In addition, through a survey of reports, interviews and newscasts, will be analyzed some cases of occurrence of the practice of infanticide, objection and protest of indigenous people who refute this tradition.
Keywords: Indigenous infanticide; Cultural relativism; Intercultural dialogue; Fundamental rights.

The history of Northeast India is the history of ethnic self-determination whose seeds have been rooted by the crown and the company. The demands for separate geographical space for the native Ethnic community are the outcome of British administrative arrangement which created a exclusive-geographical boundary among the ethnically different communities of northeast India. It was the background on which the entire northeastern states were seen bifurcated in different homelands in post independent period. The demands have created a vicious cycle among almost all the communities who started demanding for a unique geo-political arrangement which is often an outcome of the reference point they made in terms of other. The state however has recognized the inherent differences among the communities to an extent which resultsinto the creation of northeast that one noticed today. It was again a fact that ethnic contestation often led to a mass violence involving two distinctly different communities which completely jeopardize the process of coexistence among the communities. Therefore, the present paper tries to highlight the demands for autonomy among the hill tribes and plain tribes and their trajectory in different forms and ends. The paper adopted a methodology which is analytical and the necessary references to the resources have been made from secondary sources.

During the Seventh Conference of the Parties, held in Malaysia in 2004, Indigenous Peoples made a significant impact on the negotiations between states in a number of key issue areas. Building on this success, and as a part of the preparations for COP-8, held in Brazil in 2006, the IIFB has decided to provide documentation detailing Indigenous Peoples’ experiences with the thematic areas under discussion. Hence, the effort to compile this set of case studies. These case studies are meant to synthesize Indigenous input into the different themes discussed at the Eighth Ordinary Meeting of the Conference of the Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity. They were written by Indigenous persons, drawing from their personal experiences as well as the direct experiences of their home communities. These case studies are, as are all fruits of Indigenous knowledge, works in progress, and they will no doubt be further enriched by other Indigenous groups. It is hoped that this publication will spark a discussion amongst Indigenous Peoples, nation-states, and other entities on the complexity of Indigenous cosmovision and its application in the use and conservation of the world’s biodiversity.

In 1990 the late Pat Parker and I authored National Register Bulletin 38, about "Traditional Cultural Properties." The U.S. National Park Service is now trying to update this publication, so I thought it might be timely for me to post the following excerpt from my e-bio of Pat, covering Bull38's origins.

This chapter focuses on the complications that arise in implementing Indigenous rights in Sweden, in particular in deciding who belongs to Indigenous groups and as such to whom Indigenous rights are accorded. I discuss the political mobilisation of the Indigenous population of Sweden, the Sami, and introduce a case study based on interviews conducted with parliamentarians in the Sami parliament , a governmental institution, as well as Sami rights activists and scholars. My interest in " Who is Indigenous " , or rather " Who is a Sami " , is based on the impact this has on the workings of an Indigenous rights movement and its leaders, and the possibilities of achieving the rights they claim.