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Artykuł rozpocznie krótkie wprowadzenie dotyczące osadnictwa żydowskiego na Zachodnim Brzegu Jordanu (dalej: ZBJ) oraz samej społeczności osadników. Bliżej scharakteryzowany zostanie segment religijnosyjonistyczny tej społeczności oraz... more
Artykuł rozpocznie krótkie wprowadzenie dotyczące osadnictwa żydowskiego na Zachodnim Brzegu Jordanu (dalej: ZBJ) oraz samej społeczności osadników. Bliżej scharakteryzowany zostanie segment religijnosyjonistyczny tej społeczności oraz stanowisko jego przedstawicieli w kwestii żydowskiego osadnictwa i konfliktu bliskowschodniego. W dalszej części artykułu znajdzie się próba oceny, czy radykalne ugrupowania motywowanych religijnie osadników posiadają potencjał, aby w sposób skuteczny kształtować politykę Izraela bądź innych aktorów w regionie. Tym samym analiza będzie kolejnym głosem w dyskusji na temat roli aktorów pozapaństwowych w konflikcie bliskowschodnim.
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Ostatnia dekada przyniosła zmiany społeczne, polityczne i gospodarcze zarówno w samym Izraelu, jak i na Bliskim Wschodzie. Ewoluowały także charakter i skala zaangażowania mocarstw światowych w tym regionie. Celem artykułu jest... more
Ostatnia dekada przyniosła zmiany społeczne, polityczne i gospodarcze zarówno w samym Izraelu, jak i na Bliskim Wschodzie. Ewoluowały także charakter i skala zaangażowania mocarstw światowych w tym regionie. Celem artykułu jest stwierdzenie, czy zmiany zachodzące w środowisku Izraela od 2011 r. są na tyle silne, aby w znaczący sposób przekształcić bliskowschodnią strategię tego państwa. W pierwszej części, zarysowane zostaną najważniejsze nowe uwarunkowania zewnętrzne i wewnętrzne izraelskiej polityki zagranicznej. W drugiej, dokonana zostanie analiza głównych kierunków tej polityki w ostatnich latach: 1. zwalczania zagrożeń dla bezpieczeństwa narodowego, 2. współpracy z bliskowschodnimi aktorami międzynarodowymi, 3.reagowania i wpływania na aktywność mocarstw światowych w regionie.Social, political and economic changes have taken place both in Israel and the Middle East in the last decade. Also the scope and character of great powers' engagement in this region have evolved. The...
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Ze wstępu: "Proponowany do lektury numer trzeci „Krakowskich Studiów Międzynarodowych” za 2018 r. poświęcony jest Bliskiemu Wschodowi, z uwzględnieniem tamtejszego systemu stosunków międzynarodowych. Region zajmuje ważne miejsce w... more
Ze wstępu: "Proponowany do lektury numer trzeci „Krakowskich Studiów Międzynarodowych” za 2018 r. poświęcony jest Bliskiemu Wschodowi, z uwzględnieniem tamtejszego systemu stosunków międzynarodowych. Region zajmuje ważne miejsce w historii polityki międzynarodowej. Bliskość z Europą, bogate zasoby energetyczne, islam jako religia rywalizująca z chrześcijaństwem o duchowe przewodzenie, symboliczne dla chrześcijańskiego Zachodu znaczenie Palestyny z Jerozolimą, migracje, a także liczne konflikty i problemy rozwojowe, z którymi boryka się region – sprawiały, że Bliski Wschód był stale obecny w świadomości i polityce europejskiej. (...)
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Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver’s description of the regional security complex in the Middle East (ME) emphasized the role of the region's states as key actors shaping its structure. The last decade has brought important developments in... more
Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver’s description of the regional security complex in the Middle East (ME) emphasized the role of the region's states as key actors shaping its structure. The last decade has brought important developments in the ME at the level of the state (civil war in Syria), region (exacerbating Shi'ia-Sunni conflict) and global system (interventions of world powers in Syria, potential American intervention in Iran). New tendencies also included the growing significance of sub-state and transnational actors (the emergence of the so-called Islamic State, build-up of the military potential of Hezbollah and Kurdish organizations). The paper consists of two parts. The first one presents a description of the MERSC’s structure (power relations and patterns of amity and enmity) transformations over the last 15 years. It is an attempt to verify the hypothesis that the processes and events in recent years have brought significant and relatively stable new features to the structure. The second part focuses on the involvement of non-state actors and outside great powers in the region. Firstly, their role in shaping the aforementioned transformations of the MERC’s structure is assessed. Secondly, Buzan and Wæver’s claim that MERC’s structure is determined mainly by the state actors from within the region is revisited.
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Wymienieni redaktorzy są gościnnie red. numeru 2 (numer specjalny, "Special Issue on Israeli Studies"), redakcji pozostalych numerow nie wyrozniono
Research Interests: African Studies, International Relations, Communication, Peace and Conflict Studies, Climate Change, and 11 morePolitical Science, Security Studies, Civil Society and the Public Sphere, Media and Politics, Disinformation, Political Science International Relations, Legal Studies, Fake News, Politologie, Yearbook, and Public Policy
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As both the European Union and its member states acknowledge that the proliferation of fake news threatens their political stability and-consequently-the general idea of European integration-they have undertaken many steps to confront... more
As both the European Union and its member states acknowledge that the proliferation of fake news threatens their political stability and-consequently-the general idea of European integration-they have undertaken many steps to confront that problem. Them, the article examines how EU institutions, together with the member states, have tackled the spread of disinformation within the common policy of cybersecurity. The novelty of this study is that it does so concerning the ongoing process of Europeanization of cyberspace, combining the field of information technology with European studies.
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Artykuł ma na celu stwierdzenie, czy sojusz amerykańsko-izraelski może być wyjaśniony w ramach realistycznego nurtu nauki o stosunkach międzynarodowych, a więc abstrahując od determinant kulturowo-ideologicznych. Pod uwagę będą brane dwie... more
Artykuł ma na celu stwierdzenie, czy sojusz amerykańsko-izraelski może być wyjaśniony w ramach realistycznego nurtu nauki o stosunkach międzynarodowych, a więc abstrahując od determinant kulturowo-ideologicznych. Pod uwagę będą brane dwie najważniejsze szkoły realizmu: realizm klasyczny oraz strukturalny, reprezentowane odpowiednio przez Hansa Morgenthaua i Kennetha Waltza1. Rozważanie rozpocznie krótka charakterystyka relacji USA i Izraela oraz zarysowanie współczesnego sporu wokół polityki państwa amerykańskiego wobec bliskowschodniego sojusznika. Następnie przedstawione zostaną podstawy funkcjonowania sojuszy w perspektywie realistycznej oraz formułowane przez realistów argumenty przeciwko utrzymaniu sojuszu amerykańsko-izraelskiego. Trzecia część zawierać będzie próbę wyjaśnienia sojuszniczych relacji USA i Izraela w ramach teorii realistycznej. Artykuł zakończy ocena mocy eksplanacyjnej realizmu w świetle tego studium przypadku.
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Debate over the present-day meaning of the traditional political terms ‘left’ and ‘right’ has been ongoing for at least three decades. Many claim that these labels have lost their former relevance. This article offers a comparative... more
Debate over the present-day meaning of the traditional political terms ‘left’ and ‘right’ has been ongoing for at least three decades. Many claim that these labels have lost their former relevance. This article offers a comparative analysis of the Israeli, Polish, and Hungarian party systems. Using qualitative content analysis, it examines party platforms and politicians’ speeches in order to assess the significance of political labels both in political narratives and academic debate. Two main research topics concerning political systems of the three countries are explored in the article: the blurring of the traditional left-right divisions and the partial adoption of an anti-establishment agenda by mainstream parties.
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Public funding of churches and religious associations in Poland: Analysis of political debates on the liquidation of the Church Property Commission and the Church Fund The paper contains a case study of the political debate concerning... more
Public funding of churches and religious associations in Poland: Analysis of political debates on the liquidation of the Church Property Commission and the Church Fund The paper contains a case study of the political debate concerning public funding for the religious institutions. It deals with the parliamentary discussions in the years 2004‑2015 on the abolishing of two public bodies: Church Property Commission (Komisja Majątkowa) and Church Fund (Fundusz Kościelny). The paper has two main objectives. First of them is providing the description of the debate (most important themes in the discourse, argumentative strategies, rhetorical instruments used by the interlocutors). The characteristics of the discourse let us draw a picture of the social relations and the place of religion in the public sphere. Therefore, the second objective of the paper is to describe the dominant narratives in the public debate on the role of religion in society and the state.
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Artykuł ma na celu stwierdzenie, czy sojusz amerykańsko-izraelski może być wyjaśniony w ramach realistycznego nurtu nauki o stosunkach międzynarodowych, a więc abstrahując od determinant kulturowo-ideologicznych. Pod uwagę będą brane dwie... more
Artykuł ma na celu stwierdzenie, czy sojusz amerykańsko-izraelski może być wyjaśniony w ramach realistycznego nurtu nauki o stosunkach międzynarodowych, a więc abstrahując od determinant kulturowo-ideologicznych. Pod uwagę
będą brane dwie najważniejsze szkoły realizmu: realizm klasyczny oraz strukturalny, reprezentowane odpowiednio przez Hansa Morgenthaua i Kennetha Waltza. Rozważanie rozpocznie krótka charakterystyka relacji USA i Izraela oraz zarysowanie współczesnego sporu wokół polityki państwa amerykańskiego wobec bliskowschodniego sojusznika. Następnie przedstawione zostaną podstawy funkcjonowania sojuszy w perspektywie realistycznej oraz formułowane
przez realistów argumenty przeciwko utrzymaniu sojuszu amerykańsko-izraelskiego. Trzecia część zawierać będzie próbę wyjaśnienia sojuszniczych relacji USA i Izraela w ramach teorii realistycznej. Artykuł zakończy ocena mocy eksplanacyjnej realizmu w świetle tego studium przypadku.
będą brane dwie najważniejsze szkoły realizmu: realizm klasyczny oraz strukturalny, reprezentowane odpowiednio przez Hansa Morgenthaua i Kennetha Waltza. Rozważanie rozpocznie krótka charakterystyka relacji USA i Izraela oraz zarysowanie współczesnego sporu wokół polityki państwa amerykańskiego wobec bliskowschodniego sojusznika. Następnie przedstawione zostaną podstawy funkcjonowania sojuszy w perspektywie realistycznej oraz formułowane
przez realistów argumenty przeciwko utrzymaniu sojuszu amerykańsko-izraelskiego. Trzecia część zawierać będzie próbę wyjaśnienia sojuszniczych relacji USA i Izraela w ramach teorii realistycznej. Artykuł zakończy ocena mocy eksplanacyjnej realizmu w świetle tego studium przypadku.
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Alliance with United States seems to be most beneficial option from Israeli perspective. It is the most powerful country in the world and the situation will not change in the predictable future. Israeli foreign policy should focus on... more
Alliance with United States seems to be most beneficial option from Israeli perspective. It is the most powerful country in the world and the situation will not change in the predictable future. Israeli foreign policy should focus on maintaining this alliance. At the same time, America’s future intentions are ambiguous and Jewish state should prepare for the possibility of changing partnerships. Closer ties with European Union would be the most desirable substitute and Jewish state should advance them. The move that would ease tensions with both USA and EU is adopting more open stance in negotiations with Palestinians and limiting settlement policy. As the conclusion of Peace Process is not predictable, Israeli diplomacy should also try to intensify cooperation with Russia, focusing on fields of culture, economy and anti-terrorist activities. Strengthening of military ties or wide-ranging intelligence cooperation should be avoided, not to antagonize current ally of Israel.
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The paper deals with one theme in the ongoing Israeli debate on the identity of a Jew in a modern world and a democratic state, namely – relations between state and religion in Israel. It consists of three major parts. The first one is an... more
The paper deals with one theme in the ongoing Israeli debate on the identity of a Jew in a modern world and a democratic state, namely – relations between state and religion in Israel. It consists of three major parts. The first one is an attempt to present the main points of contention concerning religious–political affairs in contemporary Israel and divide them into three categories: classic religion–state relations issues, financial issues and Arab-Jewish conflict issues. The second part of the article contains description and analysis of the major conflicts from the first category that have ignited public debates in the last two years: conversion crisis, discrimination in haredi schools, operating of Jerusalem parking lots on Sabbath, building a bomb-shelter on the ancient grave site, ‘chametz law’ dispute and arrest of the woman from Toldot Aharon Chassidic group. In the last part author tries to present these conflicts as indications of the broader tendencies in the relations between different Jewish groups and their influence on the role of religion in Israel.
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The society of Israel is divided according to different criteria: political, cultural, ethnic, religious, societal and national. One of the most important characteristics of Israeli political culture is argumentativeness. Political... more
The society of Israel is divided according to different criteria: political, cultural, ethnic, religious, societal and national. One of the most important characteristics of Israeli political culture is argumentativeness. Political disputes are often very aggressive and emotionally charged. It manifests also in the political utilization
of the Holocaust symbols. Political disputes in Israel deepen social cleavages. In the article author gives examples of the attempts aimed at delegitimation and exclusion of the other side of the political dispute and tries to find the answer to the question how conflicts are managed in the sphere of religion-state relations. He presents the model of consociationalism which he argues has governed the relations between secular and Orthodox Jews in Israel from the creation of Israel.
of the Holocaust symbols. Political disputes in Israel deepen social cleavages. In the article author gives examples of the attempts aimed at delegitimation and exclusion of the other side of the political dispute and tries to find the answer to the question how conflicts are managed in the sphere of religion-state relations. He presents the model of consociationalism which he argues has governed the relations between secular and Orthodox Jews in Israel from the creation of Israel.
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Artykuł rozpocznie krótkie wprowadzenie dotyczące osadnictwa żydowskiego na Zachodnim Brzegu Jordanu (dalej: ZBJ) oraz samej społeczności osadników. Bliżej scharakteryzowany zostanie segment religijnosyjonistyczny tej społeczności oraz... more
Artykuł rozpocznie krótkie wprowadzenie dotyczące osadnictwa żydowskiego na Zachodnim Brzegu Jordanu (dalej: ZBJ) oraz samej społeczności osadników. Bliżej scharakteryzowany zostanie segment religijnosyjonistyczny tej społeczności oraz stanowisko jego przedstawicieli w kwestii żydowskiego osadnictwa i konfliktu bliskowschodniego. W dalszej części artykułu znajdzie się próba oceny, czy radykalne ugrupowania motywowanych religijnie osadników posiadają potencjał, aby w sposób skuteczny kształtować politykę Izraela bądź innych aktorów w regionie. Tym samym analiza będzie kolejnym głosem w dyskusji na temat roli aktorów pozapaństwowych w konflikcie bliskowschodnim.
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The paper contains a case study of the political debate concerning public funding for the religious institutions. It deals with the parliamentary discussions in the years 2004-2015 on the abolishing of two public bodies: Church Property... more
The paper contains a case study of the political debate concerning public funding for the religious institutions. It deals with the parliamentary discussions in the years 2004-2015 on the abolishing of two public bodies: Church Property Commission (Komisja Majątkowa) and Church Fund (Fundusz Kościelny). The paper has two main objectives. First of them is providing the description of the debate (most important themes in the discourse, argumentative strategies, rhetorical instruments used by the interlocutors). The characteristics of the discourse let us draw a picture of the social relations and the place of religion in the public sphere. Therefore, the second objective of the paper is to describe the dominant narratives in the public debate on the role of religion in society and the state.
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Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver’s description of the regional security complex in the Middle East (ME) emphasized the role of the region's states as key actors shaping its structure. The last decade has brought important developments in the ME... more
Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver’s description of the regional security complex in the Middle East (ME) emphasized the role of the region's states as key actors shaping its structure. The last decade has brought important developments in the ME at the level of the state (civil war in Syria), region (exacerbating Shi'ia-Sunni conflict) and global system (interventions of world powers in Syria, potential American intervention in Iran). New tendencies also included the growing significance of sub-state and transnational actors (the emergence of the so-called Islamic State, build-up of the military potential of Hezbollah and Kurdish organizations). The paper consists of two parts. The first one presents a description of the MERSC’s structure (power relations and patterns of amity and enmity) transformations over the last 15 years. It is an attempt to verify the hypothesis that the processes and events in recent years have brought significant and relatively stable new features to the structure. The second part focuses on the involvement of non-state actors and outside great powers in the region. Firstly, their role in shaping the aforementioned transformations of the MERC’s structure is assessed. Secondly, Buzan and Wæver’s claim that MERC’s structure is determined mainly by the state actors from within the region is revisited.
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Israel's party system has been characterized by the bipolar rivalry between the left-wing and right-wing blocks since the late 1970s. In recent years we could have seen at least two trends that seem to diverge from this model. For the... more
Israel's party system has been characterized by the bipolar rivalry between the left-wing and right-wing blocks since the late 1970s. In recent years we could have seen at least two trends that seem to diverge from this model. For the last 9 years the Likud party has formed three successive governments which has made Benjamin Netanyahu the longest continuously serving prime minister in the history of Israel. Another new occurrence is the preservation of a significant representation of the center parties for four Knesset terms in the row. The aim of the paper is to verify whether Israel's party system has departed from the two-blocs bipolar model. Based on the empirical data (election results, government formation, party's political platforms) it examines whether the parties' rivalry in the years 2009-2018 differed qualitatively from the previous period. To answer this question the paper investigates three hypotheses. First-Likud has become a dominant party in Israel. Second a dominant and stable Israeli right-wing parties' bloc has formed. Third-an enduring and relevant center sector has emerged in Israel's party system.
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Middle Eastern Strategy of Israel after the Arab Spring Social, political and economic changes have taken place both in Israel and the Middle East in the last decade. Also the scope and character of great powers’ engagement in this region... more
Middle Eastern Strategy of Israel after the Arab Spring Social, political and economic changes have taken place both in Israel and the Middle East in the last decade. Also the scope and character of great powers’ engagement in this region have evolved. The aim of this paper is to determine if Israel’s environment transformation from 2011 is significant enough to induce a major change in the Middle Eastern strategy of this state. In the first part, the main new determinants (on national and international level) of the Israeli foreign policy are depicted. In the second part, the key features of this policy in the recent years are analysed. The analysis focuses on: 1. combating threats to the national security, 2. cooperation with the regional actors, 3. reacting and influencing great powers’ actions in the region.
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The paper's main aim is assessing the impact of Israeli Eastern Mediterranean gas discoveries on the Levant Security Subcomplex (LSS). The research consists of three major parts that deal with: 1. the discoveries' impact on Israel's and... more
The paper's main aim is assessing the impact of Israeli Eastern Mediterranean gas discoveries on the Levant Security Subcomplex (LSS). The research consists of three major parts that deal with: 1. the discoveries' impact on Israel's and the region's economy, 2. the prospects of gas trade between Israel and its partners in the region, 3. comparison of Israel's gas export strategies with the structure of the LSS. According to the hypothesis of the authors, Israel's strategy concerning recently discovered gas deposits is influenced mainly by political factors and economic ones play only a secondary role. Therefore, the discoveries don't have a decisive impact on the structure of the LSS.
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The energy policy of The Visegrad Group states (V4: Poland, Czechia, Slovakia and Hungary) is being challenged by, among many other factors, dependence on the import of energy resources, increasing environmental pressure , insufficient... more
The energy policy of The Visegrad Group states (V4: Poland, Czechia, Slovakia and Hungary) is being challenged by, among many other factors, dependence on the import of energy resources, increasing environmental pressure , insufficient and disappointing process of energy policy Europeanisation. Therefore, all V4 states are seeking new energy policy solutions and directions, which is seen as a condition for both economic and political development. This paper provides a conceptualisation of the geopolitical dimensions of energy policy strategy, empirically focusing on its Southern direction. Firstly, it aims to identify and analyse the key areas of strategic thinking about energy security in the Visegrad states. Secondly, it attempts to answer the question of place and importance of the Southern Dimension (SD) in V4 energy policy strategies. In other words, it investigates whether the V4 states energy security can be improved by deepening energy cooperation with partners from southern regions, in particular with the MENA region. The hypothesis to be verified by this study states that the more hawkish V4 states' energy security strategies are, the greater their preference for the liberalisation of the international energy market. The article follows the qualitative approach and relies on the case study methodology.
The aim of the article is to investigate the problem of dependence of the Gulf countries on hydrocarbon export in the perspective of the regional security complex theory (RSCT). The assumed research hypothesis is structured as follows:... more
The aim of the article is to investigate the problem of dependence of the Gulf countries on hydrocarbon export in the perspective of the regional security complex theory (RSCT). The assumed research hypothesis is structured as follows: the dependence on hydrocarbons export is one of the important factors that deepen the security dilemma in
the Gulf. The article starts with delineating the features of the Gulf subregion, which will be followed by the analysis of the degree and effects of dependence on hydrocarbons export for the region's states. Some of them, aware of the problem caused by such a dependence have undertaken attempts to escape the pitfall of resource course with varying success. The RSCT perspective will be used consistently throughout the article to show how the reliance on gas and oil exports exacerbates regional conflicts, prevents closer cooperation and thus petrifies the inefficient and resource costly model of the distributive economy based on the external rent.
the Gulf. The article starts with delineating the features of the Gulf subregion, which will be followed by the analysis of the degree and effects of dependence on hydrocarbons export for the region's states. Some of them, aware of the problem caused by such a dependence have undertaken attempts to escape the pitfall of resource course with varying success. The RSCT perspective will be used consistently throughout the article to show how the reliance on gas and oil exports exacerbates regional conflicts, prevents closer cooperation and thus petrifies the inefficient and resource costly model of the distributive economy based on the external rent.
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Kategoria demokracji ma niewątpliwie wieloaspektowy oraz kompleksowy charakter. Nie zagłębiając się w jej teoretyczne zawiłości, przyjmujemy, iż interesować nas będzie zarówno wymiar proceduralny (instytucje i mechanizmy sprawowania... more
Kategoria demokracji ma niewątpliwie wieloaspektowy oraz kompleksowy charakter. Nie zagłębiając się w jej teoretyczne zawiłości, przyjmujemy, iż interesować nas będzie zarówno wymiar proceduralny (instytucje i mechanizmy sprawowania władzy), jak i aksjologiczny (wartości, religia, stosunki społeczne itp.) demokracji izraelskiej. Przyglądając się jedynej bliskowschodniej demokracji, można odnieść wrażenie, iż posiada ona cechy przypominające zarówno demokracje zachodnioeuropejskie, jak i elementy zupełnie odrębne, stanowiące o jej wyjątkowości. Stąd została ona określona w literaturze tematu np. mianem „demokracji etnicznej”, tj. takiej, która na pierwszy plan wysuwa kwestie etniczności (żydowskiej) . Opisując główne uwarunkowania izraelskiej demokracji, tj. kwestie historyczne, religijne, polityczne, socjalne czy międzynarodowe – staraliśmy się w jak najbardziej przystępny sposób ukazać jej wspomnianą wyjątkowość. Czytelnik będzie mógł zatem zapoznać się z historią współczesnego Izraela, szczególną rolą judaizmu w państwie żydowskim, specyfiką heterogenicznego społeczeństwa, charakterystyką izraelskiego parlamentaryzmu, rozdrobnieniem partyjnym, rozwojem polityki społecznej oraz pozycją międzynarodową państwa.