Knesset

Much attention has been given to the challenge posed by the covid-19 pandemic to people’s health, to public health systems and to the global economy. Insufficient attention has been given to the challenge posed by the 2019 novel coronavirus to legislatures, the vital organ of democracy. This article develops a comprehensive analysis of the multiple ways in which the pandemic challenges legislatures and their operation, drawing on illustrative examples from various countries around the world. It argues that covid-19 poses a unique and complex challenge for legislatures; resulting from the characteristics of this pandemic and the ways they interact with the fundamental institutional features of legislatures; the typical demographic traits of legislators; the psychological biases that can prejudice legislatures’ ability to evaluate the risk; and the effects of emergencies on legislatures. The article then delves into an in-depth case study analysis of Israel to analyze how the pandemic particularly challenges parliaments in countries where covid-19 coincides with a pre-existing political crisis. By understanding the complex challenges posed by covid-19 on parliaments, we can help ensure that parliaments, and perhaps ultimately democracy itself, would not become casualties of covid-19.
Keywords: Covid-19; SARS-CoV-2; Coronavirus; Corona virus; novel Coronavirus; pandemic; parliaments; legislatures; legislative activity; legislative oversight; Israel; Knesset; risk perceptions.

Est-il légitime de comparer le sort dramatique des Ukrainiens à celui des Juifs victimes de la Shoah ? Parmi les nombreuses réactions juives, peinées ou courroucées, au discours adressé le 20 mars 2022, par le président ukrainien W. Zelensky aux députés israéliens, j'ai choisi de me référer ici au commentaire, non moins amer, qui figure sur un site juif francophone hébergé en Israël 1. Les reproches excessifs, voire injustes, formulés dans sa diatribe à l'encontre d'Israël par le président Zelensky-même si les circonstances peuvent en excuser l'amertume et la frustration-illustrent la nature du malentendu, universel et persistant, que véhicule la comparaison, quasi pavlovienne, trop souvent faite entre des situations existentielles dramatiques et la Shoah. Comme c'est compréhensible, cette manie a le don d'irriter-pour dire le moins-les Juifs, en général, et les Israéliens, en particulier, dont beaucoup défendent la spécificité, définitive et quasi métaphysique à leurs yeux, de la souffrance multiséculaire infligée aux Juifs par les nations, et surtout le caractère unique irréfragable de la Shoah. En ce qui me concerne, j'ai perçu dans ce discours une consonance non juive marquée. Certes W. Zelinsky est juif, de par ses origines, mais sa phraséologie même trahit sa méconnaissance de la condition juive. Pire, elle démontre son ignorance, ou sa perception idéologique biaisée de l'histoire contemporaine, témoin ce propos, parmi d'autres : « Notre peuple erre maintenant dans le monde, à la recherche d'un endroit, tout comme vous avez erré autrefois… à la recherche de la sécurité, en essayant de rester en vie, et en paix. Exactement ce que vous avez cherché »...

On 21 May 2013, I was bestowed the Heart at East Lifetime Achievement Plaque in Tel Aviv's Cinematheque. “Heart at East” is a coalition of 20 NGOs dedicated to promote community consciousness as it exposes and defies Israel’s folkloric marginalization of Mizrahi cultures. Formed in 2009, Heart at East was meant to remedy the extreme inequality in the allocation of public funds and other resources distributed by the Israeli regime to cultural institutions. The Heart at East Lifetime Achievement Plaque was established by these Mizrahi NGOs as an alternative to the Israel Prize, the state’s most prestigious lifetime achievement award. The Israel Prize recognizes contributions to the categories of humanities, natural sciences, culture and arts, and national contributions. Its award ceremony is on Israel’s independence day. Most recipients of this award, however, have been Ashkenazi. The Heart at East Lifetime Achievement Plaque aims to remedy this bias by recognizing the lifetime achievements of Mizrahi community authors, artists, musicians, scientists, and grassroots leaders coming from Israel’s majority citizenry. Below is a link to the Hebrew-to-English translation of the powerpoint presented by the Heart at East MC at the ceremony:

Millet Meclisi, bir ülkenin sosyolojik yapısının aynasıdır. Seçimlerde vatandaşlar, kendilerini temsil edenleri seçmek için oy kullanırlar. Barajın düşük olması, toplumun geniş kitlelerine yayılma imkanı bulmamış gruplar için temsil şansının olması anlamına gelmektedir. Bu durumda büyük olmayan gruplar da Millet Meclisine temsilci gönderebilir. Bu olgu, Knesset/İsrail Millet Meclisi seçimlerinde de gözlenmektedir. İsrail‘in toplum yapısı politik olarak çok parçalanmış olup bu durum temsil açısından gözetilmiş, seçim barajı yıllarca %1‘de tutulmuştur. İsrail nüfusu baskın olarak Yahudilerden ve Müslümanlardan oluşmaktadır. Yahudiler nüfusun yaklaşık %75‘i civarındadır. Dindarlık açısından
Yahudi nüfus hiloni/seküler ve dati/dindar olmak üzere ikiye ayrılır. İsrail‘de din önemli bir yeri tutsa da toplumun geniş kitlelerine yayılamamıştır. Ezici çoğunluk sekülerler olup dindarların sayısı yaklaşık
%20‘de kalmaktadır. 2009 kamuoyu araştırmasına göre dindarlar içerisinde ultra-Ortodoks/Harediler Yahudi nüfusun %12‘si civarındadır. İşaret edilmelidir ki ki bu dini kitle de politik gruplaşma bağlamında
kendi içerisinde gruplaşmalara ayrılmış olup pek çok dini parti kurulmuştur. Son seçimlerde (2015) dini partiler toplamda yaklaşık %17 oranında oy kazanabilmişlerdir.

סקר בציבור הערבי מצביע על מצוקה כלכלית קשה בעקבות משבר הקורונה, רצון בהקמתה של מפלגה ערבית-יהודית חדשה, חילוקי דעות ביחס לתפקודם של חברי הכנסת מהרשימה המשותפת, צפי לשיעור הצבעה לא גבוה (55.6%) בבחירות הבאות, שביעות רצון רבה מתוצאות הבחירות לנשיאות בארצות הברית, ותמיכה בהסכמי הנורמליזציה של ישראל עם המדינות הערביות

This article presents the findings of an extensive multi-method empirical study that explored the relationship between temporary legislation, better regulation, and experimentalist governance. Temporary (or “sunset”) legislation, statutory provisions enacted for a limited time and set to expire unless their validity is extended, is often hailed as a key tool for promoting experimental and better regulation. Despite the importance of temporary legislation and the burgeoning theoretical scholarship on the subject, there is still a dearth of empirical studies about how temporary legislation is used in practice. The lack of empirical evidence creates a lacuna in at least three areas of theoretical scholarship, concerning temporary legislation, better regulation, and experimentalist governance. This paper is a first step in filling this gap.

El pasado 11 de diciembre la Knéset aprobaba –por segunda vez en 2019– su autodisolución. Ni las elecciones celebradas en abril, ni las celebradas en septiembre han servido para conformar una mayoría suficiente (61 diputados) sobre la que sustentar a un ejecutivo. Los dos grandes partidos –el Likud y la coalición Azul y Blanco– no han logrado aglutinar los apoyos necesarios para evitar la celebración de unas nuevas elecciones (el 2 de marzo de 2020) que serán las terceras en un período de sólo 11 meses. La extrema pluralidad de la sociedad israelí y su consiguiente fragmentación parlamentaria, han provocado que Israel viva en una interinidad nunca conocida.
Este análisis pretende dar a conocer la situación política actual de Israel y como ésta afecta tanto a la política exterior de Israel como a la estabilidad de toda la región. Para ello se dividirá el documento en las siguientes partes: (1) debido a sus particulares condiciones, se analizará sucintamente el sistema político israelí para entender mejor lo que está ocurriendo en Israel; (2) se revisarán los elementos que llevaron a la convocatoria electoral de abril, sus resultados y cuáles fueron las condiciones que provocaron la disolución de la Knéset; y (3) se evaluarán las elecciones de septiembre atendiendo a la campaña, a los resultados y, sobre todo, a las consecuencias que se derivan de este proceso. En este punto, se prestará atención especial a las divisiones sociopolíticas o cleavages que conforman la sociedad israelí ya que, bajo mi punto de vista, son el elemento clave de la inestabilidad política de Israel.

Israel's party system has been characterized by the bipolar rivalry between the left-wing and right-wing blocks since the late 1970s. In recent years we could have seen at least two trends that seem to diverge from this model. For the last 9 years the Likud party has formed three successive governments which has made Benjamin Netanyahu the longest continuously serving prime minister in the history of Israel. Another new occurrence is the preservation of a significant representation of the center parties for four Knesset terms in the row. The aim of the paper is to verify whether Israel's party system has departed from the two-blocs bipolar model. Based on the empirical data (election results, government formation, party's political platforms) it examines whether the parties' rivalry in the years 2009-2018 differed qualitatively from the previous period. To answer this question the paper investigates three hypotheses. First-Likud has become a dominant party in Israel. Second a dominant and stable Israeli right-wing parties' bloc has formed. Third-an enduring and relevant center sector has emerged in Israel's party system.

This Article explores the "law of lawmaking" – the body of rules that govern the legislative process in Parliament. It argues that this body of law, which received very little attention in legal scholarship, has great practical and normative importance. The Article develops the theoretical and normative thinking about the law of lawmaking by focusing on the question of what are (and should be) the aims of this body of law. It argues that the law of lawmaking should serve six main purposes: (1) organizing legislative activity and decision-making; (2) increasing the efficiency of the legislative process; (3) providing clear criteria for recognizing valid law; (4) restraining the legislature and protecting the opposition and citizenry; (5) improving the quality of legislation; and (6) guaranteeing a legitimate democratic process. The article also offers ways for realizing an optimal balance between these goals.

The Article then analyzes the existing rules governing lawmaking in the Knesset in light of these goals, and argues that the two main purposes that are insufficiently manifested in the current law of lawmaking are restraining the legislature and ensuring the quality of legislation. It also highlights some room for improvement in realizing the principles of transparency and public participation. The Article then turns to discussing the implications of the discussion on the proper purposes of the law of lawmaking for amending the rules governing lawmaking or designing new rules, including a Basic Law on Legislation. Finally, it discusses the implications of the discussion about the law of lawmaking for the issue of judicial review in its various types: judicial review of the legislative process; judicial review on the content of the legislative rules; and substantive constitutional review.

Note: the Article is in Hebrew

Expected Arab voter turnout – 59.7% • The Joint List (Hadash-Balad-Ta’al) will receive 8.3 seats from the Arab community while the United Arab List (Ra’am) will receive 4 and the Likud will receive 1.6 • The most qualified candidate for prime minister is Benjamin Netanyahu (24.9%) followed by Ahmad Tibi (14.3%), Yair Lapid (13.9%) and Ayman Odeh (11.7%) • Half of the Arab voters (46%) support the participation of an Arab party in any government that forms after the elections.

La victoria de Benjamín Netanyahu le brindará la posibilidad de hacerse con la cuarta gestión como Primer Ministro del país; el tercero de forma consecutiva, si cumple el período completo de 4 años le ganará en tiempo a David Ben Gurión en el puesto, esto solamente como una referencia histórica.

In its six sections, this Article examines the role of Speakers, the nexus between their many duties and powers, possible points of conflict among their different duties, as well as the connection between their official duties and personal interests. This Article takes the role of the Speaker of the Israeli Parliament as its organizing principle. Sections Two and Three discuss the constitutional underpinnings of conflicts of interest and the way in which these apply to Members of the Knesset. Section Four takes the Israeli Speaker as a test case and explores in greater details the many flaws and conflicts inherent in the present definition of the Speaker's role. Finally, Chapter Five comparatively examines the interplay between the Speaker of the Parliament, the principle of conflict of interests, and other official duties of the Speaker in the context of European jurisdictions.

תקציר בעברית: מאמר זה עוסק ב"דיני החקיקה" מערכת הדינים אשר מסדירים את הליך חקיקתו של —חוק בפרלמנט. המאמר טוען שלדינים אלו, אשר זכו למעט מאד תשומת לב במחקר המשפטי, חשיבות פרקטית ונורמטיבית רבה. המאמר מבקש לפתח את החשיבה התיאורטית על דיני החקיקה, תוך התמקדות בשאלה מהן התכליות שדיני החקיקה אמורים להגשים. המאמר טוען כי דיני חקיקה ראויים צריכים לבטא איזון בין שש תכליות מרכזיות: (1) ארגון של פעילות המחוקק; (2) ייעול הליך החקיקה; (3) מתן קריטריונים ברורים לזיהויו של חוק תקף; (4) ריסון המחוקק והגנה על המיעוט הפרלמנטרי ועל כלל האזרחים; (5) שיפור איכות החקיקה שתתקבל; ו-(6) הבטחת הליך דמוקרטי לגיטימי. המאמר מציע גם דרכים להגשמתו של איזון אופטימלי בין התכליות הללו.לאחר מכן מנתח המאמר את דיני החקיקה הקיימים בכנסת לאור הדיון בתכליות דיני החקיקה, וטוען כי שתי התכליות המרכזיות שאינן מקבלות ביטוי מספיק בדיני החקיקה הישראלים הן ריסון המחוקק והבטחת איכות החקיקה. כן מצביע המאמר על חסרים מסוימים בדינים הקיימים במימוש עקרונות השקיפות ושיתוף הציבור. בשלב הבא עוסק המאמר בעיצוב דיני חקיקה, ומבהיר ...

Between 2009 and 2015, three early parliamentary elections have been held in Israel, which have led Likud party with Binjamin Netanyahu as the leader to the power. The role of this article is to analyze the election campaigns in these years, paying particular attention to the context of relations with the European Union. The work aims to answer the research question, what were the main issues raised by public opinion during the elections in 2009, 2013 and in 2015, and whether European subjects were important for Israeli politicians and their voters. The work used a behavioral method combined with the descriptive and analytical method, which was conducted primarily through the use of press releases and the Internet’s most important Israeli newspapers.

A survey of Israel’s Arab community reveals severe economic distress as a result of the Corona crisis; a desire to see the creation of a new Arab-Jewish party; divisions of opinion with regard to the performance of the MKs in the Joint Arab List; a fairly low voter participation rate (55.6%) expected in the next elections; a high degree of satisfaction with the result of the US presidential election; and support for the normalization agreements between Israel and the Arab countries

Kategoria demokracji ma niewątpliwie wieloaspektowy oraz kompleksowy charakter. Nie zagłębiając się w jej teoretyczne zawiłości, przyjmujemy, iż interesować nas będzie zarówno wymiar proceduralny (instytucje i mechanizmy sprawowania władzy), jak i aksjologiczny (wartości, religia, stosunki społeczne itp.) demokracji izraelskiej. Przyglądając się jedynej bliskowschodniej demokracji, można odnieść wrażenie, iż posiada ona cechy przypominające zarówno demokracje zachodnioeuropejskie, jak i elementy zupełnie odrębne, stanowiące o jej wyjątkowości. Stąd została ona określona w literaturze tematu np. mianem „demokracji etnicznej”, tj. takiej, która na pierwszy plan wysuwa kwestie etniczności (żydowskiej) . Opisując główne uwarunkowania izraelskiej demokracji, tj. kwestie historyczne, religijne, polityczne, socjalne czy międzynarodowe – staraliśmy się w jak najbardziej przystępny sposób ukazać jej wspomnianą wyjątkowość. Czytelnik będzie mógł zatem zapoznać się z historią współczesnego Izraela, szczególną rolą judaizmu w państwie żydowskim, specyfiką heterogenicznego społeczeństwa, charakterystyką izraelskiego parlamentaryzmu, rozdrobnieniem partyjnym, rozwojem polityki społecznej oraz pozycją międzynarodową państwa.