Arabska Wiosna

The progress of civilization, supported by the development of new technologies, leads to a series of social, economic and political changes. Information Society in their expectations and through access to knowledge, significantly affect the change in the model of democracy, causing a kind of return to the original forms of communication in relation citizen-government. It is accompanied by a shift of social and civic activism from real to virtual world. In the literature, the use of information and communication technologies in the democratic system is called: electronic democracy. Its pillar is a civic network democracy, implemented in various forms of online activity. A good example of this type of activity are the new social movements, as a result of a number of processes taking place in modern society. Many of them are characterized by high efficiency operation, and in recent years we have seen their significant impact on the functioning of political systems.
The basic research problem in this article focuses on the activities of the new social movements, especially of a political nature. Among the numerous examples of this type of movements, both in democratic and authoritarian regimes, I have chosen to analyse three: the Burmese National League for Democracy, organizations sites in South Korea and the protest movements in the Arab Spring. For this purpose, I used the method of case study and comparative analysis. The main research goal is therefore to present the role of new media in shaping the new social movements, and consequently their activities overlap changes in the political system.

The process of political changes in the Arab states, which began in Tunisia in 2010, came as a complete surprise not only to international community, but also to all key players in the Middle East and in North Africa. Undoubtedly, Turkey was one of them. The main aim of this article is to analyze influence of the process on the foreign policy of Turkey after 2010. In order to do that the author analyzes fundamental objectives of the Turkish foreign policy before and after 2010.
He argues that two of them, namely zero problems with neighbors policy as well as a role of a mediator in the Middle East, are not valid anymore. Moreover, the internal conflict in Syria became a symbol of a failure of zero problems with neighbors policy. One of the weaknesses of the Turkish foreign policy was its dependence on personal relations between Turkish politicians and
authoritarian leaders in the Arab states. Paradoxically, although Turkey supports changes in Egypt, this state can become its biggest regional rival in the nearest future. Last but not least, the author tries to find out whether so-called Turkish political model is attractive to the Arab states. He claims that although we can find some examples how Arab politicians follow the Turkish example in Tunisia, Morocco or Egypt, it is still not enough to assert that these states have already
adopted the Turkish model.