Peace Operations

Although it was not traditionally an active contributor to UN peacekeeping, Turkey's role in this realm has remarkably expanded in the post-Cold War era. Turkey has been actively contributing to several international missions with different mandates, from East Timor through Bosnia-Herzegovina. Turkey has participated not only in several UN-led peacekeeping and humanitarian actions, but also in other operations conducted by regional organizations or coalitions of the willing. Despite Turkey's assuming a more assertive role in this field, the scholarly attention paid to the subject remained scant. In this regard, the intention in this article is to provide some starting points for bringing this unexplored area under the daylight. The purpose of the first section is to trace Turkey's record in peace operations in order to identify the number and type of peace operations Turkey has participated so far. Moreover, Turkey's specific contributions to each mission under consideration will be discussed. The missions Turkey participated actively will be analysed under four main categories; namely, observer missions, UN peacekeeping operations, subcontracted 'robust' peace support operations, and civilian police missions. Thereafter, some possible explanations will be offered which could help us establish a framework of analysis in explaining why Turkey has been assuming such a new role in peace operations. In so doing, rather than conducting a case study in the strict sense of the term, we will be basically putting forward a number of deductive propositions. Those different levels of explanation, which are in no way intended to be exhaustive, include: Turkey's self-perception as a contributor to the world peace; Turkey's connection to Western security architecture; a supposed Turkish sphere of influence and resultant more activist Turkish foreign policy; outside -US- demand on Turkey and the promotion of Turkey as a regional peacekeeper; and credible military preparedness demanded by the new peace operations.

The article discusses the conditions that contributed to the occurrence of cases involving the abuse and sexual exploitation of females committed by peacekeepers during the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). The paper seeks to understand this context through a feminist perspective, considering the influence of militarized masculinity and the socioeconomic conditions in the country that perpetuated violence against women and girls during the course of the mission.

This lecture was presented during the online panel on "Missões de paz e epidemia" ["Peace missions and pandemic"], on 29 April 2021, organised by the Brazilian Research Network on Peace Operations (REBRAPAZ) and the Institute of Strategic Studies of the Fluminense Federal University (INEST/UFF).

Quick impact projects (QIPs) are by definition rapid, simple and cheap projects. QIPs have been implemented since 1992 during several United Nations (UN) missions, either with the objective to provide humanitarian aid or to “win the hearts and minds” of local people, mainly to contribute to the missions credibility. This paper analyzes the implementation of QIPs by the Military Component (MC) of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). It was observed that, although not possible to quantitatively measure the consequences of QIPs, and with some reservations, their efficiency could be verified specially in the promotion of the mission credibility; enhancing security for military operations; and finally, facilitating the implementation of the mission mandate. It is concluded that the implementation of QIPs by MINUSTAH’s MC, based on the implementation process adopted and the needs faced by MINUSTAH, is valuable and should be used as one amongst the several tools of the stabilization process.

In June 2015, the UN Secretary-General's High-Level Panel on Peace Operations (HIPPO) handed down more than 100 recommendations for making peace missions more effective. Following in the tradition of the Brahimi Report (2000) and An Agenda for Peace (1992), the HIPPO report is the latest attempt to grapple with the escalating , and often competing, demands made of UN peace operations. This article assesses the prospects of HIPPO's recommendations, identifying their likely impact, and where they will likely fall short.
Keywords: United Nations – peacekeeping – human rights – hippo

UN peacekeeping is a core pillar of the multilateral peace and security architecture and a multi-billion undertaking reshaping lives around the world. In spite of this, the engagement between the literatures on UN peacekeeping and International Relations theory has been a slow development. This has changed in recent years, and there is now a growing interest to examine UN peacekeeping from various theoretical perspectives to yield insights about how international relations are changing and developing. The volume is the first comprehensive overview of multiple theoretical perspectives on UN peacekeeping. There are two main uses of this volume. First, this volume provides the reader with insights into different theoretical lenses and how they practically can be applied to better understand UN peacekeeping. Second, through case studies in each chapter, the volume provides practical examples of how International Relations theories – such as realism, liberal institutionalism, rational choice institutionalism, sociological institutionalism, feminist institutionalism, constructivism, critical security studies, practice theory, and complexity theory – can be applied to a specific policy issue. Applying these theories enhances our understanding of why UN peacekeeping, as an international institution, has evolved in a particular direction and functions the way that it does. The insights generated in the volume can also help shed light on other international institutions as well as the broader issue of international cooperation.

n juin 2015, le Groupe indépendant de haut niveau chargé d’étudier les opérations de paix remettait son rapport au secrétaire général des Nations unies (ci-après, le rapport HIPPO). Il s’agissait du premier du genre depuis le rapport Brahimi publié en l’an 2000. Le Groupe a procédé à un examen approfondi des opérations onusiennes de maintien de la paix (OMP) dans un contexte où celles-ci continuent de se développer. Le nombre total de personnes affectées aux 16 opérations en cours, en date du 30 avril 2016, est de 121 780 sur le terrain, et 86 % sont déployées en Afrique. Ces opérations évoluent dans un contexte d’opérations contre-terroristes au Mali, de déploiement d’une brigade d’intervention « robuste » en République démocratique du Congo, d’une résurgence de guerre civile au Sud-Soudan et d’effondrement de l’État en République centrafricaine.

            Le rapport d’analyse qui suit ne se penche pas directement sur les recommandations du rapport HIPPO ou sur les débats qu’il a soulevés autour de l’efficacité des opérations de maintien de la paix. Plutôt, les auteurs se concentreront sur des questions fondamentales qui relèvent trop souvent de prémisses non dites. Ces prémisses permettent, notamment, de légitimer les missions de paix, mais aussi, selon notre analyse, de cacher la crise d’identité et la crise de légitimité des opérations du maintien de la paix.

Se consideran las siguientes temáticas relacionadas, aunque no exclusivas:

Pedagogías para la paz: el nuevo rol de la cultura de paz en la educación del siglo XXI Teorías de cultura y educación para la paz
Conceptos centrales de la educación para la paz
Capacidades docentes para la construcción de paz en América Latina Metodologías para la construcción de paz en contextos escolares
Cultura y educación para la paz en Asia y África: teorías y metodologías Educación para la paz y análisis de los costos de la violencia en América Latina Derechos humanos y educación para la paz en el sistema educativo mexicano Filosofía de la no-violencia para jóvenes
Investigación en educación para la paz y estudio de conflictos

O livro apresenta textos de diversos especialistas com o objetivo de permitir aos leitores uma reflexão e um aprofundamento intelectual sobre a reforma do setor de segurança. Reforma do Setor de Segurança: visão geral e proposta de planejamento - Sérgio Luiz Cruz Aguilar Uma Crítica à Reforma do Setor de Segurança - Stephanie Blair Reforma do Setor de Segurança em Países Afetados por Conflitos: a necessidade de uma abordagem de segunda geração - Mark Sedra Os Desafios da Reforma do Setor de Segurança na República da Guiné-Bissau - Christoph Kohl Fuerzas Armadas en Colombia: evolución, reforma y perspectivas en el contexto de la globalización - Gabriel Orozco Restrepo e Luis Fernando Trejos Reforma no Setor de Segurança e a Integração entre as Seguranças Humana, Pública e Internacional: alguns exemplos brasileiros - Aline Chianca Dantas e Paulo Roberto Loyola Kuhlmann

The Oxford Handbook of United Nations Peacekeeping Operations offers for the first time a comprehensive overview and assessment of all 67 United Nations peacekeeping operations conducted between 1948 and 2013. Written by leading scholars and senior practitioners the handbook presents a chapter-by-chapter chronological analysis of the historical background, major development and overall effectiveness of each UN peacekeeping operation. In addition, the handbook includes a collection of thematic chapters that examine key issues such as 'major trends of peace operations', 'the link between peacekeeping, humanitarian interventions and the responsibility to protect', 'peacekeeping and international law', 'the UN's inter-organizational partnerships' and 'how to evaluate success or failure'. This handbook brings together leading scholars and senior practitioners in order to provide a comprehensive assessment of the successes, failures and lessons ...

Daniela Irrera explores the relationship between non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and intergovernmental organisations (IGOs).

The author reviews the issue of NGOs’ participation in the decision-making processes of intergovernmental IGOs and investigates new activities undertaken by NGOs, including their participation in multilateral humanitarian intervention operations, crisis management and conflict resolution.

Theoretical discourse is underpinned by empirical data from a survey of representatives from 28 humanitarian NGOs and networks of NGOs that are active in the fields of humanitarian assistance and peace building, as well as conflict transformation and mediation. It demonstrates that the role of non-state actors in the deployment of humanitarian interventions is destined to grow in the near future and promotes our understanding of such a development.

Academics in a wide range of fields including development, international studies and public policy will find this book to be an enlightening read. It will also prove to be of great relevance to practitioners and policymakers in NGOs, IGOs, research centres and regional agencies.

Multinational peacekeeping operation is a commonplace today and much of it happens in Africa. The deployment of a multinational force brings about multi-faceted effects when it comes to the application of IHL rules. In addition to questions of whether IHL applies on the personnel involved and its extent, complicated terrain of who has what responsibilities to protect and ensure protection of IHL obligations arises. As things stand, peacekeeping operations in Africa are being handled under the auspices of the UN, the AU, a hybrid of them and other sub-regional arrangements. Missions also change hands, there are growing concerns of how these troops carryout their mandates and allegations of abuses and reports of violations of individual's rights by such troops are not in short supply. At the same time, there are growing concerns regarding their safety. These missions are staffed by personnel contributed from states, but they operate under the UN or the other entities. The fact that these organs are not parties to the relevant IHL instruments and thus do not, strictly speaking, have obligations under these instruments, on the one hand, and that the states contributing the troops are duty bound by these treaties, but have a diminished control over the troops to ensure compliance complicates the matter. It is in this context that a discussion on how these issues are playing out in the context of Ethiopia, one of the biggest contributing countries to the UN and AU peace operations, becomes of relevance. The purpose of this piece, therefore, is to highlight the state of the law with regard to the respective responsibilities of troop contributing countries and the mission commanding entities, both the UN and the AU, in the

Since the end of the Cold War, United Nations peace operations have become an established and prominent feature of world politics. From the Sudan to the Ivory Coast, the UN now carries-out extensive governance related functions, under the generic rubric of peace operations, and is a significant political force in Southern states and societies. Despite these powerful new political roles, however, UN peace operations are frequently treated by the mainstream professional and academic literature as a normal and non-political set of activities for an international organisation to undertake. A primary task of this monograph is to problematise these apolitical notions, especially in relation to the rise of peace operations within the UN, and to uncover the political and socioeconomic import of peace activities for subject societies. To this end, the first part of the book outlines the political context in which to situate the prevalence of peace operations in the UN today. This context is the historically contested nature of the UN’s ‘programme of work’ among states and various groups of states from the 1940s to our current era. In essence, it is shown that what the UN is tasked with carrying out at any given moment is itself a highly contentious issue, reflecting various political and ideological agendas. Through new empirical research on the UN Secretariat, it is revealed that the rise of peace operations in the UN since the 1990s is no exception, reflecting a Northern agenda to strip the organisation of its political economy functions and replace them with specialised political and security related tasks at the borderlands of the interstate system. The second part of the monograph examines the application of these new peace and security functions in three seminal cases of the 1990s, in Angola, Rwanda and Somalia.  What these detailed empirical studies expose is the political logic of their design and implementation, such as how they fitted into wider projects of transforming subject societies into liberal market democracies and how they featured in the bigger picture of great power politics.

This article examines Russia’s behaviour towards intra-state conflict in its immediate regional space since the early 1990s. Existing scholarship largely attributes Russia’s approach to being a mere extension of its principal security logic based on the promotion of regional hegemonic interests. While these interests cannot be ignored, this article proposes that Russia’s lack of institutional learning in doctrine and practice of peace operations has also been a central, yet neglected determinant shaping its response towards the conflicts. This, it is argued, is embedded in a persuasive sub-set of secondary security logics predicated on legitimate concerns of regional stability and security. This analysis is based on an interrogation of the regional conflicts in Georgia and Moldova as they provide the most informative cases into Russia’s experience of peace operations. The article concludes with some brief comments on the current crisis in Ukraine and how this relates to Russia’s response towards regional intra-state conflict.

Nowadays, peace operations have become one of the most important tools for peace and stability in the world. Demand for peace operators is growing both quantitatively and qualitatively in terms of the composition of the mission involving the military, police, civilians and the tasks they perform. Amid this increase, the UN and regional organizations are urging countries to contribute to such peace operations. Various reasons are analyzed that determine the factors that motivate each country to participate in peace operations, as well as a number of factors that influence the decision to participate.
In addition, the “Decision Support Model for Peace Operations” is presented, developed using the General Morphological Analysis method, which can be applied by all countries. The model is intended for a comprehensive and structured study of the phenomenon of peace operations, as well as to accelerate and improve the decision-making process. The model is tested based on various realistic scenarios

Deadly ethnopolitical conflict in the deep south of Thailand or " Patani " founded the problematic issues regarding the presence/absence of some words; in other word, the argument on naming of the violence situation, actors, the territory/land and the people involves the way in which these conflicts are transformed. This article elaborates the dynamics of naming by mean of " unfolding " them to present how these contested words and concepts could shape conflict and peace process and how the peace communities should deal with these words when confronting the political inconvenience to accept term like " Armed Conflict, " the difference between " Santiphap " and " Santisuk " both seemed to mean " Peace " in this conflict.

UN peacekeeping operations is now routinely deployed in the midst of ongoing conflicts. This trend has been exemplified by three recent UN peacekeeping operations, namely the addition of the Forced Intervention Brigade (FIB) to MONUSCO, MINUSMA and MINUSCA. What sets them apart from other UN peacekeeping missions is that they have all been specifically designated as ‘stabilisation’ missions. What does ‘stabilisation’ mean in a UN peacekeeping context, i.e. what is the difference between a UN mission that has ‘stabilisation’ in its name and one that does not? And what are the implications for UN peacekeeping doctrine, and specifically its practices around the use of force, of this new trend towards UN stabilisation missions?

The experience of acting as lead nation for the International Force
East Timor (INTERFET) provided the greatest test yet of
Australian Defence Force (ADF) capabilities and strategic
direction. This monograph examines the process that the ADF
played in helping to form and manage the coalition and deploy
troops to East Timor. It concludes that INTERFET was
successful but that, to provide for Australia’s security in an
unstable region, the ADF needs to improve its ability to engage in
multinational operations. Effective and positive engagement with
the region will only be enhanced by developing a more conscious
‘whole-of-government’ approach to national security that
recognises that Australian security cannot be guaranteed by a
unilateral approach to the defence of the country’s interests. The
crisis in East Timor reconfirmed that Australia’s interests remain
bound up with its regional neighbours and its traditional alliance
partners.

Presented at the 2019 Uppsala Rotary Peace Center Annual Seminar. This presentation deals with  the challenges of gender mainstreaming in high-masculinity institutions, with a focus on military organisations, peace operations, and mine action organisations.

RESUMO As operações de paz são respostas pragmáticas da sociedade internacional a uma situação de ameaça ou comprometimento à paz e segurança internacionais. A legalidade se dá com base nos diversos documentos existentes no âmbito do Direito Internacional. Apesar da Carta da Organização as Nações Unidas (ONU) não fazer uma referência explícita às operações de paz, elas acontecem desde 1948 amparadas nos capítulos VI, VII e VIII do referido tratado. No desenvolvimento dessas operações a ONU estabelece um acordo de imunidade de jurisdição civil e penal para seus integrantes. O texto aborda alguns aspectos da situação jurídica dos integrantes das operações e conclui que as imunidades são importantes para garantir a liberdade do exercício da atividade dos seus membros bem como elimina um dos empecilhos para os Estados membros colocarem seus nacionais a disposição da Organização. ABSTRACT Peacekeeping operations are pragmatic responses of the international society to a situation of threat or commitment to peace and international security. The legality is given based on the various legal documents existing under international law. Although the Charter of the United Nations (UN) did not make an explicit reference to peace operations, they happen since 1948 supported by the chapters VI, VII and VIII of the treaty. In developing these operations the UN establishes civil and criminal jurisdiction immunity for its members. The text addresses some aspects of the legal situation of the members of these operations and concludes that the immunities applied to them are important to guarantee the freedom to exercise their activities as well as to eliminate one of the obstacles to the member States put their nationals at UN disposal.

Turkey, having faced mass migration since April 2011, has been the country hosting world’s largest population asylum seekers. Within Turkey, the question as to whether Syrians will return to their country has often been the subject of debate. The main objective of the study is to discuss and evaluate the issue of Syrians living in Turkey for short, medium, and long-term periods. This study, via a survey, empirically examines the situation of Syrians from multiple perspectives on their returning tendency. The results of face to face interviews with 284 Syrian asylum seekers in Mardin have been reviewed and according to the results, 56.3% of them are reluctant to leave Turkey. In addition, the Social Adaptation Self-evaluation Scale (SASS), another assessment tool
applied in the study, argued that there was no significant relationship between the social adaptations of the asylum seekers and their tendency to return to their home countries (p>0.05). The low, medium or high levels of social cohesion of asylum seekers do not affect their views on returning. Furthermore, the results of this study indicate that 60.0% of individuals who have spent 5 years and more in Turkey do not plan to return to their home country.

Özet: Kuvvet kullanma ve bunun başlatılması konusu her zaman uluslararası toplumun önemli bir konusu olmuştur. 11 Eylül saldırılarına tepki olarak yayımlanan 2002 ABD Ulusal Güvenlik Stratejisi dokümanından sonra ön alıcı ve önleyici saldırı kavramları uluslararası toplumda geniş bir tartışma alanı bulmuştur. Devletlerarasında kuvvet kullanmanın temel hukuki altyapısı öncelikle Birleşmiş Milletler antlaşmasında belirlenmiştir. Ancak buna rağmen uygulamada bazı farklı algılar ve yaklaşımlar mevcuttur. Aslında ön alıcı ve önleyici saldırı kavramları birbirinden farklı kavramlardır ve bunların her ikisinin de uluslararası hukuka uygunluğu oldukça tartışmalıdır. Ancak uygulamada uluslararası krizlerde kuvvet kullanma bağlamında devletlerin bu yöntemlere sıkça başvurduğu da görülmektedir. İki kavram arasındaki farklılıklar ve uluslararası toplumdaki kuvvet kullanma ile ilgili meşruiyet algısı devletlerin kuvvet kullanmada bunlardan hangisine başvuracağı konusunda işaretler de vermektedir. Bu makale kuvvet kullanımı kapsamındaki tarihi örneklerle iki kavramı açıklayarak aralarındaki farklılıkları ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır. Abstract: Use of force and initiation of it have always been a major topic of the international community. In the aftermath of the US National Security Strategy-published in 2002 as a reaction to Sept 11 Attacks-, the terms "Preemptive and Preventive Strike" have been widely debated in the international community. Basic legal background of use of force between states has been defined in the United Nations Charter. Despite that there have been many different approaches and perceptions in practice. Preemptive and preventive strikes are two different terms and their legality is highly controversial in the international law, however states are frequently using these methods in resolving crisis between them. Differences between these two methods and their perceptions in the international community give us hints how states resort to force. This article intends to clarify the difference between these two terms within the context of use of force.

The success of peace operations is not a matter of better equipping missions with military means. According to the report of the High-Level Independent Panel on Peace Operations, lasting peace cannot be achieved nor sustained by military and technical engagements, but only through political solutions. The primacy of politics should be the basis of UN approaches to conflict resolution. Implicit in this recommendation lies the fact that peace operations are political entities in essence. This blog post offers personal accounts of how the primacy of politics plays out in United Nations peacekeeping missions.

The 'Leuven Manual on the International Law Applicable to Peace Operations' belongs to the class of publications that deserve a prominent place in every bookshelf on peace operations and public international law. The Manual provides a restatement of all international norms applicable to peace operations, thereby filling a gap in a field where political priorities and situational specificities hinder a comprehensive legal regulation. Its systematic analysis of the applicable international law responds to pressing calls by practitioners, policy-makers and academics, and will serve as an indispensable tool for better decision-making in future operations.
The Leuven Manual does not have any major flaws in its legal findings. A limited number of issues, however, deserve closer scrutiny because of their considerable practical relevance for the establishment and conduct of peace operations. This book review selectively focuses on some of them: the consent of the parties to the deployment of a peace operation; the need of a UN Security Council mandate for non-UN peace operations; the deployment of peace operations in international armed conflicts without becoming a party to the IAC; the use of force in defence of others and the risk of direct participation in hostilities; the temporal scope of application of IHL to the military contingents of a peace operation that has become party to a conflict.

PDA Research Monograph #4, October 1995. 141 pp. 11 figures. 13 tables. Reviews the problems of contemporary peace operations, recent reform proposals, and the requirements for successful operations. Includes a detailed proposal for enhancing and reorganizing the capacities of the UN to support and direct peace operations and for establishing a UN legion of three brigades.

Macedonia is lacking a strategy for civilian contribution to peace operations. There have been initiatives and sporadic attempts to address the issue but these were never intertwined into a coherent policy. Civilian participation in peace operations remains on the radar of Macedonia’s authorities and would largely benefit from external involvement in the form of provision of guidance both at strategic and operational levels. In times of austerity, blockade of EU and NATO processes and withdrawal from Afghanistan, putting an emphasis of civilian contributionsto peace operations may be viewed as a natural continuation of Macedonia’s input to international peace and security. This paper aims to assess the developments related to Macedonia’s contribution to peace operations through civilian means by mapping its potential capacities and areas of expertise. It therefore outlines and recommends the development of civilian components for peace operations and post-conflict societies growing out of the experience that Macedonia has had in policing, crisis management and media training.

Resumo: O artigo apresenta como as operações de paz contemporâneas, conduzidas pela Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) para gerenciar e/ou resolver conflitos armados, têm lidado com a questão da segurança pública. Como parte do esforço de estabelecer uma paz duradoura nesses territórios, as atividades realizadas pela Organização incluem a reforma do setor de segurança e a estruturação de uma força policial democrática como parte de um amplo processo de construção da paz. Baseado em bibliografia sobre o assunto, documentos das Nações Unidas e observações pessoais, o texto aborda conceitos sobre as operações de paz, as ideias que norteiam a construção de uma polícia democrática, suas finalidades no contexto da segurança pública pós-conflito armado, as atividades realizadas para consecução desse objetivo e os problemas enfrentados pela ONU. PalavRas-chave: Segurança Pública. Operações de Paz. ONU. Polícia Democrática. Direitos Humanos. Introdução Atualmente, boa parte das operações de paz realizadas pela Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) em territórios envolvidos por conflitos armados, apesar de atuarem no componente relacionado com a segurança, está estruturada com o objetivo de apoiar um amplo processo político que permita o estabelecimento de uma paz duradoura. Isso implica uma série de atividades que incluem negociações