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ABSTRACT The Stability Pact is a political initiative to encourage and strengthen cooperation between the countries of SEE and to prepare them for Euro-Atlantic integration. It replaced the previous, reactive international approach towards the Southeastern Europe with a comprehensive, long-term conflict prevention strategy. It is based on the idea that conflict prevention and peace building can be successful only by a comprehensive approach in three key sectors (creating a safe environment, promoting a sustainable democratic system and supporting economic and social development). The successful operation of the special coordinator Busek and his team was confirmed by transferring the ownership for the process of cooperation to the region under the Regional Cooperation Council. That is the success story of the Stability Pact.
The great horrors in the world always end with peace treaties. In this context, the European heritage is highly significant both in the positive and negative sense of the word. The wars fought were a warning that was as important as the great events which put these wars to an end. The Congress of Vienna should serve as an excellent reminder of the outcomes of the conflicts, the role of the great powers, the ways in which the fate of the peoples and states were decided at the “green table”, etc. Regardless of the nature of the solutions, it is indisputable that the Congress of Vienna completely altered the European political map and played a significant role in what the European states represent today on the world map. The Republic of Macedonia, as well as the major European countries in the period between the Treaty of Westphalia of 1648 and the establishment of the UN in 1945, were trying to create a balance between satisfying the expectations of its citizens and the political realities at the time. The complex compromises that were made in order to realize the great goal of a final democratic stabilization and integration of the state, from the aspect of their austerity and importance, provide a clear answer concerning the extensive concessions that the great European sates of today once made. However, in the case of the Republic of Macedonia, there is a lack of a centuries-long historical distance after which it is possible to make a relevant evaluation of their justification. In any case, until such a time, the faith of the citizens of the Republic of Macedonia in the realization of the main goal of a stable, democratic and integrated state remains strong.
2013 •
In all historical periods people have searched for the answers that concern life’s basic questions that, inter alia, receive their finalized expression in the form of religious teachings. In this context, we arrive to the conclusion that these religious teachings have played and continue to play a crucial role in the development of people as individuals, as well as cumulatively, within the development of societies. This conclusion serves as a foundation for the further development of the thesis based on a connection between religion and the foreign policies of states. Hence, the aim of this paper is to argue the existence of a connection between religion and foreign policy. This shall be achieved through a systematic overview of the relevant theoretical views that support this connection from the aspect of established value systems of states, and the aspect of personal levels of values of state leaders, as well as through an elaboration of relevant historical examples.
политичка мисла/ political thought
РАМНОТЕЖАТА НА СИЛИТЕ И КРИМСКАТА ВОЈНА 1853 – 1856 ИЛИ КАКО ГЕОСТРАТЕШКИТЕ ИНТЕРЕСИ НА ФРАНЦИЈА И АНГЛИЈА ГО УСЛОВИЈА ВИЕНСКИОТ ПОРЕДОК?2015 •
In 1815, the four major European powers met in Vienna with a single purpose: “To ensure the final and irrevocable end of the Napoleonic hegemony!” Their mission was far from simple; however, they were strongly driven by the need to restore the pride of the dynastic heritage which was violently usurped and devalued by the illegitimate French emperor. At that moment, regardless of their family connections, the representatives of England, Austria and Prussia hypocritically accepted the Russian Tsarist autocracy, embodied in the great Russian Tsar Alexander I who, in terms of the decisions that emerged from the Congress of Vienna (like Wilson in 1919), was the main protagonist and was certainly the creator of the informal union called the Holy Alliance. In terms of the foreign policy of Tsarist Russia, this entire creation signified a stable terrain and a guarantee of its foreign policy plans aimed at the Ottoman Empire, as well as further expansion of its influence in the region of Southeast Europe, where a substantial Orthodox population lived under Ottoman Sharia rule for several centuries. Given the circumstances, the Russian court was shocked to learn that, after the declaration of war against the Ottoman Empire in 1853, the Russian navy found itself standing against not only the Ottoman, but also the British and French naval forces, an unprecedented event in the autocratic era where, in wartime, Christian countries sided with a Muslim country against another Christian country. Considering the reasons listed above, this paper aims at providing a comparative analysis of the decisions made at the Vienna Congress of 1815 in terms of the changes that conditioned the established balance of power in Europe. Additionally, we intend to compare the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca of 1774 with the decisions of the Treaty of Paris of 1856, considering them the most adequate indicator of the geopolitical interests that will condition the international system throughout the 20th century.
In today’s globalized world based on the open market economy, countries and regions are in fi erce competition with each other and thereby are making massive investments in their educational systems in order to raise their global competitiveness level. While at the very outset of the industrialization process in the 19th century across Europe physical and material capital were of prime importance, today basically it is the human or intellectual capital that is playing the central role in terms of economic performance. Education and skills became the important factors in a new stage of development (Davydov, 2006). Thus, as a response to the global economic challenges, the European countries have developed the Bologna Process which is primarily based on the rationale to initiate the research and development community with the capacity to strengthen the international competitiveness of the European economy. Additionally, the Bologna Process may especially become a historic opportunity to transition countries such as Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereinafter, Bosnia or BiH) to modernize its higher education, thus investing in the development of its human capital. However, Bosnia is lagging far behind in terms of the implementation of the Bologna Process within the higher education institutions since ethno-nationalist elites are slowing down the necessary educational transformations.
ПОЛИТИЧКА МИСЛА ПОЛИТИЧКИ ЕЛИТИ, ГРАЃАНСТВО И ОПШТЕСТВЕНИ ПРОМЕНИ
МАКЕДОНИЈА ВО 21.ВЕК: ОПШТЕСТВЕНИ, ПОЛИТИЧКИ И ДИПЛОМАТСКИ ПРАШАЊА (1991−2015)2016 •
Во Европа, 1990 година започна со голема доза на оптимизам. По паѓањето на Берлинскиот ѕид во 1989 година, повторно обединетата Германија беше решена да постигне своја сопствена внатрешна социо-политичка консолидација, но и натаму да го обединува и да го развива остатокот од Европа. Стана јасно дека социо-политичките услови во тоа време во Европа и во светот поставуваа предизвици пред статус-квото на Северноатлантскиот договор и на Варшавскиот пакт. Како резултат на овие настани, советската идеологија во својот економски и воен аспект во времето на нејзиниот конечен колапс го загуби своето место во рамките на западниот свет и значително влијаеше врз развојот на источноевропската геополитичка сфера, која почна да заостанува.
Abstract: Theoretically, equality and democracy represent a natural and inseparable unity. Equality exists in democracy, that is, in a regime in which the ruler and the entity are united in one person-citizen. And vice versa: democracy is only possible with free citizens - equal before the law. The main goal of the paper is to offer a concept on the relationship between human rights and democracy with a special focus on the situation in the Republic of Macedonia. Keywords: democracy, human rights, law, equality
Десет години од Охридскиот рамковен договор Дали Македонија функционира како мултиетничка држава?
Политичкиот дух и функционирањето на државната администрација според Охридскиот рамковен договор2011 •
"Political thought", KAS & Institute for democracy Year 8, No 29
Climate Change and Energy Policy2010 •
2015 •
Универзитетски весник, 203
Bonae, laboriosae. Best student award to Ivana Hadjievska (2018), p. 62018 •
КРИЗИТЕ НА МОДЕРНИОТ СВЕТ регионални и глобални предизвици за либералната демократија наспроти религиозниот фундаментализам
КРИЗИТЕ НА МОДЕРНИОТ СВЕТ регионални и глобални предизвици за либералната демократија наспроти религиозниот фундаментализам2014 •
Евро-Атлантските Перспективи на Република Македонија: проблеми, предизвици и политичка реалност по неуспехот на Самитот на НАТО во Букурешт 2008
Македонија помеѓу интеграцијата во евро-атлантските структури и балканската геополитика2009 •
Политички партии и интересовни групи
POLITICAL PARTIES AND INTEREST GROUPS - Политички партии и интересовни групи (Macedonian version)2016 •
2012 •
Ревија за социјална политика
Клучни социјални индикатори и политики за мерење на сиромаштијата и социјалната исклученост2008 •
2011 •
Долг пат до поголем граѓански ангажман - Аналитички извештај
Долг пат до поголем граѓански ангажман - Аналитички извештај2011 •
СОВРЕМЕНИ ПОЛИТИЧКИ СИСТЕМИ
СОВРЕМЕНИ ПОЛИТИЧКИ СИСТЕМИ - Contemporary political systems (Macedonian version)YEARBOOK - Годишен зборник на Правниот факултет при Универзитетот „Гоце Делчев“ - Штип (2011/12)
РИМСКОТО ВОЕНО ПРАВО2012 •